1 


Geofge  Davidson 
1825-1911 


CICERO: 
SELECT    ORATIONS. 


SELECT 


ORATIONS  OF  CICERO 

CHRONOLOGICALLY  ARRANGED 

COVERING  THE 

ENTIRE  PERIOD  OF  HIS   PUBLIC  LIFE 


EDITED    BY 

J.  H.  and  W.  F.  ALLEN 


J.  B.  GREENOUGH 


FOURTH  EDITION 


BOSTON: 
PUBLISHED  BY   GINN  AND  HEATH. 

1878. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1873,  by 

J.    H.    AND   W.    F.    ALLEN   AND   J.    B.    GREENOUGH, 

In  the  office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


CAMBRIDGE  : 
PRESS   OF  JOHN   WILSON   AND   SON. 


NOTE. 

This  Selection  follows  strictly  the  text  of  Baiter  and  Kayser  as 
a  new  textus  receptus,  even  when  the  editors  would  personally  prefer 
a  different  reading.  They  have,  however,  rejected  the  double  *  in 
the  genitive  of  the  second  declension,  which  must  have  been  un- 
known to  Cicero. 

The  orations  for  Roscius  and  for  Sestius  are  considerably  abridged, 
on  account  of  their  length  and  some  special  difficulties.  They  are 
inserted  for  their  exceptional  importance  in  reference  to  the  orator's 
career,  and  they  are  especially  recommended  to  students  for  that 
reason.  Teachers  will  find  great  advantage  in  using  such  parts 
as  are  not  necessary  in  the  regular  school  course,  as  exercises 
in  reading  at  sight,  —  a  practice  which  cannot  be  too  highly 
recommended,  and  for  which  the  shorter  selections  are  more 
particularly  intended. 


CONTENTS. 


PACK 

Life  of  Cicero ix 

List  of  Orations xii 

Chronological  Table  of  Events xvi 

Defence  of  Roscius i 

Impeachment  of  Verres 23 

The  Plunder  of  Syracuse 43 

Crucifixion  of  a  Ro?nan  Citizen 51 

Pompey's  Military  Command  {Pro  Lege  Manilla)    ...  57 

The  Conspiracy  of  Catiline 84 

1.  Invective  against  Catiline 85 

2.  Character  of  the  Conspiracy 97 

3.  How  the  Conspiracy  was  Suppressed 109 

4.  Sentence  of  the  Conspirators 122 

The  Citizenship  of  Archias 134 

Cicero's  Exile  and  Return  (Pro  P.  Sestio) 147 

Defence  of  Milo 169 

The  Pardon  of  Marcellus 210 

Plea  for  Ligarius 221 

The  Struggle  against  Antony  (Philippica  xiv.)    .    .    .  234 


Notes 1 

Index 143 


LIFE   OF  CICERO. 


Marcus  Tullius  Cicero  ranks  as  the  first  prose  writer 
in  Roman  literature,  and  in  fame  as  the  second  orator  of  the 
world.  His  public  life,  lasting  nearly  forty  years,  covers 
the  entire  period  from  Sulla's  dictatorship  to  the  fall  of  the 
Republic  ;  and  for  all  this  time  his  orations  are  by  far  the 
most  important  and  interesting  documents  that  exist. 

The  events  of  Cicero's  life,  so  far  as  they  are  necessary 
to  an  understanding  of  his  career  as  orator  and  statesman, 
are  these.  He  was  born  b.  c.  106  —  the  same  year  with 
Pompey,  and  six  years  before  Julius  Caesar  —  at  Arpinum, 
a  town  in  the  Volscian  territory,  about  fifty  miles  east  of 
Rome,  the  birthplace  also  of  Caius  Marius.  His  father,  a 
wealthy  citizen  of  equestrian  rank,  removed  to  the  capital 
in  order  to  give  his  sons,  Marcus  and  Quintus,  the  best 
education  possible.  Here  the  young  Cicero  studied  law 
with  the  great  jurist,  Quintus  Mucius  Scaevola,  the  augur, 
and,  after  his  death,  with  his  yet  more  distinguished  kins- 
man of  the  same  name  ;  and  was  intimate  with  the  eminent 
orators  Lucius  Licinius  Crassus  and  Marcus  Antonius, 
grandfather  of  the  triumvir.  He  studied  rhetoric  and  phi- 
losophy with  the  best  Greek  teachers ;  and  from  the  poet 
Archias  in  particular,  whom  he  afterwards  defended  in  one 
of  his  most  graceful  orations,  he  derived  that  taste  for 
literature  which  distinguished  him  among  all  the  public 
men  of  his  day. 

Cicero  arrived  at  manhood  just  at  the  time  when  the 
fearful  civil  convulsions  were  beginning,  which  ended  only 
with  the  overthrow  of  the  Republic.  He  served  a  short 
campaign  in  the  Social  War  (b.  c.  89)  ;  but  remained  in 
obscurity  through  the  horrors  of  the  civil  war  that  followed, 


x  Life  of  Cicero. 

devoting  himself  to  his  private  studies.  He  appears  to  have 
welcomed  the  triumph  of  Sulla  (b.  c.  82)  as  an  earnest  of 
order  and  good  government ;  but  was  soon  disgusted  with 
the  despotic  rule  of  the  dictator,  and  placed  himself  in  that 
attitude  of  moderate  opposition  to  the  oligarchy  to  which 
he  was,  on  the  whole,  faithful  through  life.  No  person 
dared  oppose  Sulla  in  any  political  measure  ;  but  in  the 
administration  of  justice  even  the  tyrant  was  obliged,  for 
decency's  sake,  to  listen  to  words  of  truth  and  boldness. 
The  defence  of  Roscius,  Cicero's  first  public  oration  (b.  c. 
80),  may  rank,  in  a  political  point  of  view,  with  Erskine's 
defence  of  Hardy,  or  the  generous  eloquence  of  the  advocate 
Berryer  in  the  time  of  Napoleon  III.  Of  its  results  the 
orator  himself  says,  that  "  it  received  such  commendation, 
that  there  was  no  case  which  did  not  seem  worthy  of  his 
advocacy."     (Brut.  §  312.) 

After  this  brilliant  success,  Cicero  spent  two  years  in 
travel  and  study  in  Greece  and  Asia.  Then  returning  to 
Rome,  he  held  (b.  c.  75)  the  office  of  Quaestor,  which  made 
him  a  member  of  the  Senate.  This  office  he  exercised  in 
the  western  half  of  Sicily.  Meantime  the  political  dissen- 
sions, which  had  been  suspended  during  the  rule  of  Sulla, 
broke  out  afresh.  A  democratic  agitation  began,  which 
continued  steadily  increasing,  till  it  culminated  thirty  years 
later  in  another  civil  war.  Sulla's  aristocratic  constitution 
was  repealed  in  the  consulship  of  Pompey  and  Crassus 
(b.  c.  70),  by  the  restoring  of  judicial  power  to  the  middle 
class  (equites).  In  this  year  Cicero  conducted  the  cele- 
brated impeachment  of  Verres,  in  which  he  gained  the 
signal  success  of  forcing  that  corrupt  ex-magistrate  into 
exile,  without  waiting  the  result  of  the  trial.  The  legislation 
of  this  year  identified  Pompey  with  the  popular  party ;  and 
Cicero  attached  himself  to  the  interests  of  that  ambitious 
and  successful  general,  giving  him  timely  aid  —  in  the 
speech  for  the  Manilian  Law  —  in  obtaining  the  command 
against  Mithridates  in  the  East.  The  same  year  (b.  c.  66) 
Cicero  held  the  praetorship,  having  been  curule  asdile  three 


Life  of  Cicero,  xi 

years  before  ;  and  he  was  carried,  partly  by  his  own  pre- 
eminent merits,  partly  by  the  wave  of  moderate  reform, 
into  the  consulship  (b.  c.  63),  at  the  age  of  forty-three. 

Cicero  was  now  at  the  highest  point  of  his  success  and 
fame,  the  recognized  head  of  a  moderate  party,  which 
aimed  to  preserve  the  old  institutions  of  the  State,  while 
tempering  them  with  a  more  liberal  policy.  But  he  lacked 
the  qualities  of  a  successful  political  leader.  He  was  vain, 
hesitating,  lacking  self-control,  decision,  and  dignity  of 
character.  As  a  "  new  man,"  he  never  had  the  full  confi- 
dence of  the  senatorial  families ;  while  his  tastes  were  too 
much  shaped  by  his  Greek  training,  his  mind  too  delicately 
organized,  his  ambition  too  much  controlled  by  sentiment 
and  theory,  —  we  may  say,  by  the  sense  of  right,  —  to  give 
him  a  hold  upon  the  crowd  that  filled  the  Forum  and 
carried  the  Comitia.  The  leading  act  of  his  administration 
—  the  suppression  of  Catiline's  Conspiracy  —  had,  by  the 
illegal  death  of  the  conspirators,  made  him  the  object  of 
marked  hostility  to  the  popular  party.  The  democratic 
movement  became  too  strong  for  his  feeble  grasp,  and 
developed  into  a  destructive  radicalism,  headed  by  unscru- 
pulous gamblers  and  demagogues,  which  had  its  natural 
sequence  in  civil  war  and  imperialism. 

Five  years  after  his  consulship  (b.  c.  58,  the  same  year 
with  Caesar's  first  campaign  in  Gaul),  Cicero  was  forced 
into  exile.  Though  he  was  recalled  the  following  year, 
with  every  mark  of  honor,  it  was  to  find  orderly  government 
almost  at  an  end.  The  magnificent  defence  of  Milo  —  a 
speech  which,  as  it  now  stands,  was  never  delivered  —  was 
his  last  protest  against  the  reign  of  force  that  daily  became 
more  imminent  in  Rome.  The  two  following  years  he 
served  as  Proconsul  in  Cilicia,  and  returned,  with  the  com- 
plimentary title  of  imperator,  to  find  all  things  ripe  for  civil 
war.  Pompey,  both  because  he  hated  Caesar,  and  because 
there  was  no  one  else  to  take  the  place,  drifted  into  the 
position  of  leader  and  general  of  the  conservative  party. 
With  great  misgiving  and  reluctance,  after  trying  in  vain 


xii  Life  of  Cicero. 

his  efforts  as  reconciler,  Cicero  joined  that  party  in  the  fatal 
campaign  of  Pharsalia  (b.  c.  48). 

When  Pompey  was  dead,  and  the  senatorial  party  finally 
crushed,  Cicero  submitted,  with  apparent  good  will,  to 
the  dictatorship  of  Caesar,  whose  personal  friend  he  had 
always  claimed  to  be.  But  his  letters  show  him  at  this  time 
disappointed,  peevish,  jealous,  and  weak.  It  was,  however, 
the  period  of  his  greatest  industry  and  fertility  as  a  writer. 
A  long  succession  of  dialogues  and  treatises  attests  his 
efforts  to  distract  his  mind  from  the  miseries  of  his  political 
failure  and  defeat.  After  the  death  of  Caesar,  which  he 
perhaps  witnessed  with  his  own  eyes,  —  at  any  rate  rejoiced 
at,*  —  he  appeared  once  more  in  public  life,  the  standard- 
bearer  in  the  brave  battle  waged  by  the  Senate  against 
Mark  Antony.  During  this  struggle  he  was  a  warm  parti- 
san of  Brutus  and  Cassius,  u  the  liberators."  He  proclaimed 
openly  his  satisfaction  at  Caesar's  death  ;  hoped  to  win  the 
confidence  of  the  young  Caesar  Octavianus  (afterwards  Au- 
gustus) ;  and  took  part  against  Antony,  as  a  public  enemy, 
in  the  celebrated  orations  called  Philippics.  When  the 
cause  was  lost  by  the  treachery  of  Octavianus,  when  he  and 
Lepidus  joined  Antony,  and  their  triumvirate  was  victorious, 
Cicero  was  one  of  the  first  victims  marked  for  proscription. 
He  was  murdered  near  his  Formian  villa,  on  the  road  be- 
tween Rome  and  Naples,  in  December,  b.  c.  43,  at  the  age 
of  sixty-three. 


The  following  list  gives  the  titles  and  subjects  of  all  of 
Cicero's  orations  (excepting  fragments)  which  have  sur- 
vived :  — 

b.  c.  81.  Pro  P.  Quinctio:  Defence  of  Quinctius  in  a  prose- 
cution by  Sex.  Nsevius,  to  recover  the  profits  of  a  partnership  in 
some  land  in  Gaul,  inherited  from  his  brother,  C.  Quinctius. 

b.  c.  80.  Pro  Sex.  Roscio  Amerino  :  Defence  of  Roscius  on  a 
charge  of  parricide  brought  by  Erucius  as  professional  prosecutor, 
at  the  instigation  of  Chrjsogonus. 

*  Quid  mihi  attulerit  ista  domini  mutatio,  prater  laetitiara  quam  oculis  cepi  justo 
interitu  tyranni  ?  —  Ad  Att.,  xiv.  14. 


List  of  Orations,  xiii 

b.  c.  80.  Pro  Q^  Roscio  Comoedo :  Defence  of  the  actor  Roscius 
from  the  claim  of  C.  Fannius  Chaerea  to  half  the  profits  of  certain 
lands  taken  as  the  value  of  a  slave  held  by  them  in  partnership, 
and  killed  by  C.  Flavius. 

b.  c.  75.  Pro  M.  Tullio  :  Plea  for  damages  for  an  assault  made 
by  a  rival  claimant  on  Tullius's  estate. 

b.  c.  70.  In  C.ecilium  ("Divinatio  ")  :  Plea  on  the  technical 
right  of  Cicero  to  conduct  the  prosecution  against  Verres. 

In  C.  Verrem  :   Impeachment  of  Verres  for  plunder  and 

oppression  in  Sicily.  Six  Orations.  —  1.  The  general  charge 
("Actio  Prima")-,  2.  De  Prceturd  Urbana :  earlier  political 
crimes  of  Verres;  3.  De  Jurisdictions  Siciliand :  his  adminis- 
tration in  Sicily;  4.  De  Frumento:  peculation  and  fraud  as  to 
the  supplies  of  grain ;  5.  De  Signis :  the  plunder  of  works  of 
Art;   6.  De  Suppliciis :  cruelties  of  his  government. 

Pro  M.   Fonteio  :    Defence  of  Fonteius's    administration 

of  Gaul  during  Pompey's  campaign  against  Sertorius,  about 
b.  c.  75. 

Pro  A.  C.*£CINA:   Defence  against   ^Ebutius  of  Caecina's 

right  to  an  estate  received  by  inheritance  from  his  wife  Caesennia, 
widow  of  a  rich  money-lender,  M.  Fulcinius. 

b.  c.  66.  Pro  Lege  Manilia,  v el  De  Imperio  Cn.  Pompei  : 
Defence  of  the  proposal  of  Manilius,  to  invest  Pompey  with  the 
command  of  the  war  against  Mithridates. 

Pro  A.  Cluentio  Habito:    Defence  of  Cluentius  against 

the  charge  of  poisoning  his  step-father  Oppianicus,  brought  by 
the  younger  Oppianicus,  instigated  by  Sassia,  the  mother  of  Clu- 
entius. 

b.  c.  63.  De  Lege  Agraria:  Against  the  Agrarian  Law  of 
Rullus.  Three  orations :  the  first  delivered  in  the  Senate,  and 
the  others  before  the  People. 

Pro  C.  Rabirio  :    Defence  of  Rabirius  on  the   charge  of 

killing  Saturninus,  about  b.  c.  100. 

— ~  In  L.  Catilinam  :  On  the  Conspiracy  of  Catiline.  Four 
orations:  the  first  and  last  delivered  in  the  Senate,  the  second 
and   third  before  the   People. 

Pro   L.    Murena  :    Defence  of  Murena   on    a   charge   of 

bribery  brought  by  Sulpicius,  the  defeated  candidate  for  the  con- 
sulship. (Following  prior  defences  made  by  Hortensius  and 
Crassus.) 

b.  c.  62.  Pro  P.  Cornelio  Sulla:  Defence  of  Sulla  from  the 
charge  of  sharing  in   Catiline's  conspiracy. 

b.  c.  61.  Pro  A.  Licinio  Archia:  Defence  of  the  claim  of  the 
poet  Archias  to  Roman  citizenship. 


xiv  List  of  Orations. 

b.  c.  59.  Pro  L.  Valerio  Flacco  :  Defence  of  Flaccus  on  a 
charge  of  maladministration   as  propraetor  in  Asia. 

b.  c.  57.  Post  Reditum  :  Thanks  for  Cicero's  recall  from  exile. 
Two  Orations:   1.  In  Senatu  ;  2.  Ad  Quirites. 

Pro   Domo    Sua  :    Appeal    to    the    pontifices   against    the 

alienation  of   Cicero's  estate  by  Clodius. 

De  Haruspicum  Responsis  :  Invective  against  the  impie- 
ties of  Clodius. 

b.  c.  56.  Pro  P.  Sestio  :  Defence  of  Sestius,  a  partisan  of 
Cicero,  on  a  charge  of  assault,  the  attack  having  been  made  on 
Sestius  by  the  dependants  and  partisans  of  Clodius. 

In  P.  Vatinium  ("  Interrogatio  ") :   A  personal  attack  on 

Vatinius,  one  of  the  witnesses  against  Sestius. 

Pro  M.   C«Lio :    Defence  of  the   character  of  Caelius  (a 

dissolute  young  friend  of  Cicero),  against  a  vindictive  charge  of 
stealing  and  poisoning,  brought  by  Atratinus,  at  the  instigation 
of  Clodia. 

De  Provinciis  Consularibus  :  Advocating  the  recall  of 

Piso  and  Gabinius,  and  the  retaining  of  Caesar  in  the  procon- 
sulate of  Gaul. 

Pro  Cornelio   Balbo  :  Defence  of  Balbus    (a  citizen  of 

Gades)  in  his  right  of  Roman  citizenship,  granted  by  Pompey. 

b.  c.  55.  In  L.  Calpurnium  Pisonem  :  Retaliation  for  an  attack 
made  by  Piso  after  his  return  from  the  proconsulate  of  Macedonia. 

Pro  Cn.  Plancio:  Defence  of  Plancius  on  the  charge  of 

corrupt  political  bargaining,  brought  by  M.  Junius  Laterensis,  the 
defeated  candidate  for  ^Edile. 

b.  c.  54.  Pro  C.  Rabirio  Postumo  :  Defence  of  Rabirius,  in  a 
prosecution  to  recover  money  alleged  to  have  been  received  from 
Ptolemy,  King  of  Egypt,  in  corrupt  partnership  with  Gabinius. 

b.  c.  52.  Pro  T.  Annio  Milone:  Defence  of  Milo  on  the  charge 
of  the  murder  of  Clodius. 

b.  c.  46.  Pro  M.  Marcello  :  Speech  of  thanks  to  Caesar  for 
the  pardon  of  Marcellus. 

Pro  Q^  Ligario  :  Petition  of  pardon  for  Ligarius,  charged 

with  conducting  the  war  in  Africa  against  Caesar. 

b.  c.  45.  Pro  Rege  Deiotaro  :  Defence  of  Deiotarus,  King  of 
Galatia,  charged  with  attempting  the  murder  of  Caesar. 

In  M.  Antonium:  Orationes  Philippics  XIV '.  —  1.  Reply  to  an 
invective  of  Antony :  exhortation  to  the  consuls  Antony  and  Dola- 
bella;  2.  Reply  to  a  bitterer  invective  :  a  review  of  Antony's  public 
and  private  life;  3.  Urging  the  support  of  Octavianus  (Augustus) 
and  D.  Brutus  against  Antony,  now  in  Hither  Gaul ;  4.  Exposition 
to  the  people  of  the  acts  of  the  Senate,  and  praise  of  D.  Brutus ; 


List  of  Writings,  xv 

5  (b.c.  43).  Protest  against  treating  with  Antony:  he  should  be 
declared  a  public  enemy;  6.  Appeal  to  the  people:  the  embassy  to 
Antony  would  be  in  vain;  7.  Protest  against  those  who  clamored 
for  peace  :  Antony  must  not  be  suffered  to  escape ;  8.  The  war  against 
Antony  is  justum  bcllum  :  his  partisans  should  be  required  to  submit 
before  the  1st  of  March;  9.  Eulogy  of  Sulpicius,  who  had  died 
while  on  the  mission  to  Antony;  10.  Thanks  to  Pansa,  and  praise 
of  M.  Brutus;  11.  That  Asia  should  be  assigned  to  Cassius,  to  con- 
duct the  war  against  Trebonius;  12.  Declining  to  serve,  with  P. 
Servilius,  on  an  embassy  to  Antony;  13.  There  can  be  no  peace 
with  Antony:  praise  of  Sex.  Pompey;  14.  Thanksgiving  proposed, 
and  honors  to  the  dead,  after  the  defeat  of  Antony  at  Bononia. 


The  titles  of  Cicero's  other  writings  are  as  follows :  — 

De  Inventione  Riietorica,  2  Books. 

De  Oratore,  3  Books. 

De  Claris  Oratoribus  {Brutus), 

Orator. 

Topica. 

De  Partitione  Oratoria. 

De  Optimo  Genere  Oratorum. 

[Rhetoricorum  {Ad  Herennium,  Incerti  Auctoris),  4  Books.] 

Academicarum  Qu^estionum,  2  Books. 

De  Finibus  Bonorum  et  Malorum,  5  Books. 

Tusculanarum  Qu^estionum,  5  Books. 

De  Natura  Deorum,  3  Books. 

De  Divinatione,  2  Books. 

De  Fato. 

De  Re  Publica. 

De  Legibus,  3  Books. 

De  Officiis,  3  Books. 

De  Senectute  {Cato  Major). 

De  Amicitia  {Lcelius). 

Paradoxa. 

Tim^eus,  sive  De  Universitate  (Translation  from  Plato). 

Phenomena  (Translation  from  Aratus,  in  verse). 

Epistol^e  ad  Familiares  {Ad  Dt'versos),  16  Books. 

,,  ad  Atticum,  16  Books. 

„  ad  Quintum  Fratrem,  3  Books. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE  OF  EVENTS. 

B.  C. 

106.  Birth  of  Cicero. 

101.  Marius  defeats  the  Cimbri  and  Teutones. 
90.  Social  or  Marsic  War.     (Cicero  serves  the  following  year.) 
88.  Flight  of  Marius.     Sulla  in  the  East. 
87.  Marius  at  Rome.     Massacre  of  Antonius  and  others. 
82.  Sulla  Dictator :   Proscriptions:  Aristocratic  Constitution. 
80.  Courts  restored.     Defence  of  Roscius. 

78.  Cicero  in  Athens  and  Asia.    Civil  war  of  Lepidus  and  Catulus. 
76.  Sertorian  war.     (Sertorius  killed  in  72.) 
75.  Cicero  Quaestor  in  Sicily. 
73.  War  of  Spartacus.     Lucullus  in  the  East. 
70.  Cicero  conducts  Impeachment  of  Verves.    Judicia  restored    to 

the  Equites  :   power  of  Tribunes  re-established. 
66.  Cicero  Praetor :  Oration  for  the  Manilian  Law  ;  for  Cluentius. 
64.  Birth  of  j-oung  Cicero  :  marriage  of  Tullia. 
63.  Cicero  Consul :    Conspiracy  of  Catiline. 
62.  Return  of  Pompey  from  the  East.     Defence  of  Archias. 
61.  Trial  of  Clodius  :   Cicero's  strife  with  him  in  the  Senate. 
60.  Coalition  of  Caesar,  Pompey,  and  Crassus. 
59.  Consulship  of  Caesar  :   Clodius  made  Tribune. 
58.  Clodian  Laws:  exile  of  Cicero:  Caesar  in  Gaul. 
57.  Cicero   recalled  from  exile :    five   years'  control  of  the  Corn 

Markets  decreed  to  Pompey. 
56.  Defence  of  Sestius.     Second  marriage  of  Tullia:  contest  with 

Clodius,  respecting  Cicero's  estate. 
55.   Crassus  in  the  East:   Caesar's  command  renewed. 
54.  Death  of  Julia:  Q^  Cicero  with  Caesar  in  Gaul. 
53.  Destruction  of  Crassus  and  his  army:  Cicero  made  Augur. 
52.  Clodius  killed  :  Defence  of  Milo :   Pompey  marries  Cornelia. 
51.  Cicero  Proconsul  in  Cilicia,  with  an  army  of  14,600. 
50.  Cicero  returns  to  Italy.     Thanks  for  his  conduct  in  command. 
49.  Caesar  forbidden  to  retain   his  army:    crosses  the  Rubicon; 

acquires  Spain.     Pompey  crosses  into  Greece. 
48.  Battle  of  Pharsalus:   death    of  Pompey.      Caesar   in   Africa: 

Cicero  returns  to  Italy. 
47.  Caesar  Dictator:  war  in  Africa  :   Cicero  in  Rome. 
46.  Cato  dies  at  Utica :    Caesar's  triumph   and  reforms:    war  in 

Spain  :   Cicero  divorced  from  Terentia.     Defence  of  Marc cl- 

lus  and  Ligarius. 
45.  Caesar  returns  from  Spain  :  Death  of  Tullia  :  Caesar  is  Cicero's 

guest  at  Puteoli.    Tusculan  Questions,  etc. 
44.  Assassination  of  Caesar.     Octavius  in  Italy:  Threats  of  An- 
tony :    The  Philippic  Orations,  1-4. 
43.  Philippics  5-14:  Triumvirate  of  Octavianus,  Antony,  and  Le- 
pidus :  Proscription  :    Cicero  murdered,  Dec.  7. 


ORATIONS. 


CICERO'S   SELECT   ORATIONS, 


DEFENCE    OF  ROSCIUS. 

B.C.   80. 

Sextus  Roscius  was  a  rich  and  respected  citizen  of  Ameria,  a 
town  (?mt?iicipiii?n)  of  Umbria,  about  fifty  miles  north  of  Rome. 
He  had  a  taste  for  city  life,  and  spent  most  of  his  time  at  Rome, 
where  he  was  on  intimate  terms  with  some  of  the  highest  families, 
especially  the  Metelli  and  Scipios.  Meantime  his  son  Sextus,  who 
certainly  lacked  his  father's  cultivated  tastes,  and  was  accused  by 
his  enemies  of  rudeness  and  clownishness,  had  the  care  of  the 
extensive  family  estates  at  Ameria. 

Sometime  during  the  dictatorship  of  Sulla,  —  probably  in  the 
autumn  of  81  B.C.,  — the  elder  Roscius  was  murdered  one  evening 
as  he  was  returning  from  a  dinner  party.  The  murder  was  no 
doubt  procured,  or  at  least  connived  at,  by  one  Titus  Roscius 
Magnus,  his  fellow-townsman  and  enemy.  However  that  may  be, 
the  name  of  the  murdered  man  was  put  upon  the  proscription-list 
by  Chrysogonus,  a  freedman  and  favorite  of  Sulla,  who  bought  his 
confiscated  estates  at  auction  at  a  nominal  price.  Three  of  these 
estates  (there  were  thirteen  in  all)  he  transferred  to  a  certain  Titus 
Roscius  Capito,  another  townsman  and  enemy  of  the  deceased,  and 
a  leading  man  at  Ameria  ;  the  remainder  he  put  in  charge  of 
Magnus  as  his  agent.  The  younger  Sextus,  a  man  of  forty,  thus 
robbed  of  his  patrimony,  had  recourse  to  his  father's  friends  in 
Rome  for  protection  and  help  ;  when  the  three  conspirators,  fearing 
that  they  might  be  compelled  to  disgorge,  resolved  to  secure  them- 
selves by  accusing  him  of  his  father's  murder.  This  they  did  through 
a  professional  prosecutor  (accusator)  named  Erucius,  who  undertook 
the  legal  formalities  of  the  prosecution. 

The  aristocratic  friends  of  Roscius,  not  daring  to  brave  the 
creature  of  the  dictator,  but  not  wishing  to  leave  their  guest- friend 

1 


2  Defence  of  Roscias.  [Rose.  Am. 

(hospet)  undefended,  prevailed  upon  Cicero,  then  young  and  ambi- 
tious, to  defend  him.  Even  for  so  young  and  obscure  a  man,  this 
was  an  act  that  called  for  disinterested  courage  ;  and  nothing  in 
Cicero's  career  is  more  to  his  credit.  By  the  successful  conduct 
of  this  case,  he  obtained  the  well-merited  rank  of  a  leader  among 
the  rising  advocates  of  Rome.  The  defence  of  Roscius  is  the  first 
of  Cicero's  public  orations  or  pleas  ;  and  it  is  criticised  by  himself 
in  the  Orator,  chap.  30.  1 

/^REDO  ego  vos,  Judices,  mirari  quid  sit  quod, 
^-^  cum  tot  summi  oratores  hominesque  nobilissimi 
sedeant,  ego  potissimum  surrexerim,  qui  neque  aetate 
neque  ingenio  neque  auctoritate  sim  cum  his,  qui  sed- 
5  eant,  comparandus.  Omnes  hi,  quos  videtis  adesse, 
in  hac  causa  injuriam  novo  scelere  conflatam  putant 
oportere  defendi,  defendere  ipsi  propter  iniquitatem 
temporum  non  audent ;  ita  fit  ut  adsint  propterea 
quod  officium   sequuntur,  taceant  autem  idcirco  quia 

10  periculum  vitant. 

2.  Quid  ergo  ?  Audacissimus  ego  ex  omnibus  ? 
Minime.  At  tanto  officiosior  quam  ceteri?  Ne  istius 
quidem  laudis  ita  sim  cupidus,  ut  aliis  earn  praerep- 
tam  velim.     Quae  me  igitur  res  praeter  ceteros  impu- 

15  lit,  ut  causam  Sex.  Rosci  reciperem  ?  Quia,  si  quis 
horum  dixisset,  quos  videtis  adesse,  in  quibus  summa 
auctoritas  est  atque  amplitudo,  si  verbum  de  re  pub- 
lica  fecisset,  —  id  quod  in  hac  causa  fieri  necesse 
est,  —  multo   plura   dixisse   quam   dixisset   putaretur : 

20  3.  ego  etiamsi  omnia  quae  dicenda  sunt  libere  dix- 
ero,  nequaquam  tamen  similiter  oratio  mea  exire 
atque  in  volgus  emanare  poterit.  Deinde,  quod  cete- 
rorum  neque  dictum  obscurum  potest  esse,  propter 
nobilitatem  et  amplitudinem,  neque  temere  dicto  con- 

25  cedi,  propter  aetatem  et  prudentiam :  ego  si  quid 
liberius  dixero,  vel  occultum  esse,  propterea  quod 
nondum  ad  rem  publicam  accessi,  vel  ignosci  adu- 
lescentiae    poterit,  —  tametsi    non    modo    ignoscendi 


vi.  1 6.]  Who  was  the  elder  Roscius  f  3 

ratio,  verum   etiam   cognoscendi  consuetudo  jam   de 
civitate  sublata  est. 

4.  Accedit  ilia  quoque  causa,  quod  a  ceteris  forsi- 
tan  ita  petitum  sit  ut  dicerent,  ut  utrumvis  salvo  officio 
facere  se  posse  arbitrarentur :  a  me  autem  ei  con-  5 
tenderunt,  qui  apud  me  et  amicitia  et  beneficiis  et 
dignitate  plurimum  possunt,  quorum  ego  nee  bene- 
volentiam  erga  me  ignorare,  nee  auctoritatem  as- 
pernari,  nee  voluntatem  neglegere  debeam.  His 
de  causis  ego  huic  causae  patronus  exstiti,  non  elec-  10 
tus  unus  qui  maximo  ingenio,  sed  relictus  ex  omnibus 
qui  minimo  periculo  possem  dicere  ;  neque  uti  satis 
firmo  praesidio  defensus  Sex.  Roscius,  verum  uti  ne 
omnino  desertus  esset. 

vi.    5.  Sex.   Roscius,  pater  hujusce,  municeps  Am-  15 
erinus  fuit,  cum   genere   et  nobilitate  et  pecunia  non 
modo  sui  municipi   verum  etiam  ejus  vicinitatis  facile 
primus,  turn   gratia  atque   hospitiis  florens   hominum 
nobilissimorum.      Nam   cum  Metellis,   Serviliis,   Sci- 
pionibus  erat   ei    non    modo   hospitium,  verum  etiam  20 
domesticus  usus  et  consuetudo  ;   quas  (ut  aequum  est) 
familias    honestatis    amplitudinisque    gratia    nomino. 
Itaque   ex    omnibus    suis    commodis    hoc    solum    filio 
reliquit :    nam    patrimonium    domestici    praedones    vi 
ereptum  possident,  fama  et  vita  innocentis  ab  hospiti-  25 
bus  amicisque  paternis  defenditur.       6.  Is  cum  omni 
tempore    nobilitatis    fautor    fuisset,   turn    hoc   tumultu 
proximo,  cum  omnium  nobilium  dignitas  et  salus  in 
discrimen  veniret,  praeter  ceteros  in  ea  vicinitate  earn 
partem  causamque  opera,  studio,  auctoritate  defendit :  3° 
etenim  rectum  putabat  pro  eorum  honestate  se  pug- 
nare,  propter  quos  ipse  honestissimus  inter  suos  nu- 
merabatur.     Posteaquam    victoria    constituta    est,    ab 
armisque    recessimus,  —  cum    proscriberentur    homi- 
nes, atque  ex  omni  regione  caperentur  ei  qui  adver-  35 
sarii   fuisse   putabantur,  —  erat  ille  Romae  frequens ; 


4  Defence  of  Roscius.  [Rose.  Am. 

in  foro  et  in  ore  omnium  cotidie  versabatur,  magis  ut 
exsultare  victoria  nobilitatis  videretur,  quam  timere  ne 
quid  ex  ea  calamitatis  sibi  accideret. 

7,  Erant  ei  veteres  inimicitiae  cum  duobus  Rosciis 

5  Amerinis,  quorum  alterum  sedere  in  accusatorum 
subselliis  video,  alterum  tria  hujusce  praedia  possi- 
dere  audio.  Quas  inimicitias  si  tarn  cavere  potuisset, 
quam  metuere  solebat,  viveret.  Neque  enim,  judices, 
injuria  metuebat.     Nam  duo  isti  sunt  T.  Roscii,  quo- 

io  rum  alteri  Capitoni  cognomen  est,  iste  qui  adest  Mag- 
nus vocatur,  homines  hujus  modi :  alter  plurimarum 
palmarum  vetus  ac  nobilis  gladiator  habetur,  hie  autem 
nuper  se  ad  eum  lanistam  contulit ;  quique  ante  hanc 
pugnam  tiro  esset,  [quod  sciam,]  facile  ipsum  magis- 

15  trum  scelere  audaciaque  superavit.  vn.  8.  Nam  cum 
hie  Sex.  Roscius  esset  Ameriae,  T.  autem  iste  Ros- 
cius Romae  ;  cum  hie  Alius  adsiduus  in  praediis  esset, 
cumque  se  voluntate  patris  rei  familiari  vitaeque  rus- 
ticae  dedisset,  iste   autem   frequens  Romae    esset,  — 

20  occiditur  ad  balneas  Palacinas  rediens  a  cena  Sex. 
Roscius.  Spero  ex  hoc  ipso  non  esse  obscurum,  ad 
quern  suspitio  malefici  pertineat :  verum  id,  quod  ad- 
huc  est  suspitiosum,  nisi  perspicuum  res  ipsa  fecerit, 
hunc  adfinem  culpae  judicatote. 

25  9.  Occiso  Sex.  Roscio,  primus  Ameriam  nuntiat 
Mallius  Glaucia  quidam,  homo  tenuis,  libertinus,  cli- 
ens  et  familiaris  istius  T.  Rosci,  et  nuntiat  domum 
non  filii,  sed  T.  Capitoriis  inimici ;  et  cum  post  horam 
primam  noctis  occisus  esset,  primo  diluculo  nuntius 

30  hie  Ameriam  venit.  Decern  horis  nocturnis  sex  et 
quinquaginta  milia  passuum  cisiis  pervolavit,  non 
modo  ut  exoptatum  inimico  nuntium  primus  adferret, 
sed  etiam  cruorem  inimici  quam  recentissimum  telum- 
que  paulo  ante  e  corpore  extractum  ostenderet. 

35  10«  Quadriduo  quo  haec  gesta  sunt,  res  ad  Chryso- 
gonum  in  castra  L.  Sullae  Volaterras  defertur.     Mag- 


viii.  23.]  His  Estates  are  seized.  5 

nitudo  pecuniae  demonstratur ;  bonitas  praediorum, 
(nam  fundos  decern  et  tris  reliquit,  qui  Tiberim 
fere  omnes  tangunt),  hujus  inopia  et  solitudo  com- 
memoratur.  Demonstrant,  cum  pater  hujusce  Sex. 
Roscius,  homo  tarn  splendidus  et  gratiosus,  nullo  5 
negotio  sit  occisus,  perfacile  hunc  hominem  incautum 
et  rusticum,  et  Romae  ignotum,  de  medio  tolli  posse. 
Ad  earn  rem  operam  suam  pollicentur.  Ne  diutius 
teneam,  judices,  societas  coitur.  viii.  11.  Cum  nulla 
proscriptionis  mentio  fieret,  cum  etiam  qui  antea  10 
metuerant  redirent,  ac  jam  defunctos  sese  periculis 
arbitrarentur,  nomen  refertur  in  tabulas  Sex.  Rosci, 
studiosissimi  nobilitatis.  Manceps  fit  Chrysogonus. 
Tria  praedia  vel  nobilissima  Capitoni  propria  tradun- 
tur,  quae  hodie  possidet ;  in  reliquas  omnes  fortunas  15 
iste  T.  Roscius,  nomine  Chrysogoni,  quemadmodum 
ipse  dicit,  impetum  facit.  [Haec  bona  emuntur  duo- 
bus  milibus  nummum.] 

12.  Haec  omnia,  judices,  imprudente  L.  Sulla  facta 
esse   certo   scio ;    neque   enim   mirum,  —  cum   eodem  20 
tempore  et  ea  quae  praeterita  sunt  et  ea  quae  videntur 
instare  praeparet,  cum  et  pacis  constituendae  rationem 
et  belli  gerendi  potestatem  solus  habeat,  cum  omnes 
in  unum  spectent,  unus  omnia  gubernet,  cum  tot  tan- 
tisque  negotiis  distentus    sit   ut   respirare   libere   non  25 
possit — si  aliquid  non  animadvertat,  cum   praesertim 
tarn    multi    occupationem    ejus    observent    tempusque 
aucupentur,    ut,    simul   atque   ille  despexerit,  aliquid 
hujusce  modi  moliantur.      Hue  accedit,  quod  quamvis 
ille  felix  sit,  sicut  est,  tamen  [in]  tanta  felicitate  nemo  30 
potest  esse,   in   magna    familia   qui    neminem   neque 
servum  neque  libertum  improbum  habeat. 

13.  Interea  iste  T.  Roscius,  vir  optimus,  procurator 
Chrysogoni,  Ameriam  venit;    in  praedia  hujus  inva- 
dit ;  hunc  miserum,  luctu  perditum,  qui  nondum  etiam  35 
omnia    paterno    funeri   justa    solvisset,    nudum    eicit; 


6  Defence  of  Roscius.  [Rose.  Am. 

domo  atque  focis  patriis  disque  penatibus  praecipitem, 
judices,  exturbat;  ipse  amplissimae  pecuniae  fit  domi- 
nus.  Qui  in  sua  re  fuisset  egentissimus,  erat,  ut  fit, 
insolens  in  aliena.  Multa  palam  domum  suam  aufere- 
5  bat,  plura  clam  de  medio  removebat ;  non  pauca  suis 
adjutoribus  large  effuseque  donabat;  reliqua  consti- 
tuta  auctione  vendebat :  quod  Amerinis  usque  eo 
visum  est  indignum,  ut  urbe  tota  fletus  gemitusque 
fieret.     ix.  14.  Etenim  multa  simul  ante  oculos  versa- 

io  bantur :  mors  hominis  florentissimi  Sex.  Rosci   crud?" 
lissima,  filii  autem  ejus  egestas  indignissima,  cui  d 
tanto  patrimonio  praedo  iste  nefarius  ne  iter  quidem 
ad    sepulcrum    patrium    reliquisset,    bonorum    emptio 
flagitiosa,  possessio,  furta,  rapinae,  donationes.'  Nemo 

15  erat  qui  non  ardere  ilia  omnia  mallet,  quam  videre  in 
Sex.  Rosci  viri  optimi  atque  honestissimi  bonis  jac- 
tantem  se  ac  dominantem  T.  Roscium.  15.  Itaque 
decurionum  decretum  statim  fit,  ut  decern  primi  profi- 
ciscantur  ad  L.  Sullam,  doceantque  eum  qui  vir  Sex. 

20  Roscius  fuerit ;  conquerantur  de  istorum  scelere  et 
injuriis  ;  orent  ut  et  illius  mortui  famam  et  filii  inno- 
centis  fortunas  conservatas  velit.  Atque  ipsum  decre- 
tum, quaeso,  cognoscite. 

[Decretum,  Decurionum. ~\ 

25  Legati  in  castra  veniunt.  Intellegitur,  judices,  id 
quod  jam  ante  dixi,  imprudente  L.  Sulla  scelera  haec 
et  flagitia  fieri.  Nam  statim  Chrysogonus  et  ipse  ad 
eos  accedit  et  homines  nobilis  adlegat,  ab  eis  qui  pete- 
rent  ne   ad  Sullam  adirent,  et  omnia   Chrysogonum 

30  quae  vellent  esse  facturum  pollicerentur.  16.  Usque 
adeo  autem  ille  pertimuerat,  ut  mori  mallet  quam  de 
his  rebus  Sullam  doceri.  Homines  antiqui,  qui  ex  sua 
natura  ceteros  fingerent,  cum  ille  confirmaret  sese 
nomen  Sex.  Rosci    de  tabulis    exempturum    praedia 

35  vacua  filio  traditurum,  cumque  id  ita  futurum  T.  Ros- 
cius Capito,  qui  in  decern  legatis  erat,  appromitteret, 


x.  29]  A   Charge  of  Parricide  is  laid.  7 

crediderunt :  Ameriam  re  inorata  reverterunt.  Ac 
primo  rem  differre  cotidie  ac  procrastinare  isti  coepe- 
runt ;  deinde  aliquanto  lentius,  nihil  agere  atque  delu- 
dere  ;  postremo  —  id  quod  facile  intellectual  est  — 
insidias  vitae  hujusce  [Sex.  Rosci]  parare,  neque  5 
sese  arbitrari  posse  diutius  alienam  pecuniam  domino 
incolumi  obtinere. 

x.  17.  Qiiod  hie  simul  atque  sensit,  de  amicorum 
cognatorumque  sententia  Romam  confugit,  et  sese  ad 
Caeciliam  [Nepotis  filiam],  quam  honoris  causa  nom-  io 
ino,  contulit,  qua  pater  usus  erat  plurimum  ;  in  qua 
muliere,  judices,  etiam  nunc  (id  quod  omnes  semper 
existimaverunt)  quasi  exempli  causa  vestigia  antiqui 
offici  remanent.  Ea  Sex.  Roscium  inopem,  ejectum 
domo  atque  expulsum  ex  suis  bonis,  fugientem  latronum  15 
tela  et  minas,  recepit  domum,  hospitique  oppresso  jam 
desperatoque  ab  omnibus  opitulata  est.  Ejus  virtute, 
fide,  diligentia  factum  est,  ut  hie  potius  vivus  in  reos 
quam  occisus  in  proscriptos  referretur. 

18.  Nam  postquam  isti  intellexerunt  summa  diligen-  20 
tia  vitam  Sex.  Rosci  custodiri,  neque  sibi  ullam  caedis 
faciundae  potestatem  dari,  consilium  ceperunt  plenum 
sceleris   et   audaciae,   ut  nomen   hujus    de    parricidio 
deferrent ,  ut  ad  earn  rem  aliquem  accusatorem  vete- 
vem  compararent,  qui  de  ea  re  posset  dicere  aliquid,  25 
in  qua  re  nulla  subesset  suspitio  ;  denique  ut,  quoniam 
crimine  non   poterant,  tempore   ipso   pugnarent.     Ita 
loqui  homines  :  quod  judicia  tarn  diu  facta  non  essent, 
condemnari    eum    oportere,   qui    primus    in  judicium 
adductus  esset ;   huic  autem  patronos  propter  Chryso-  30 
goni  gratiam  defuturos  ;   de  bonorum  venditione  et  de 
ista   societate   verbum   esse  facturum  neminem ;    ipso 
nomine   parricidi   et    atrocitate    criminis,   fore    ut    hie 
nullo  negotio  tolleretur,  cum  ab  nullo  defensus  esset. 
Hoc  consilio  atque  adeo  hac  amentia  impulsi,  quern  35 
ipsi  cum  cuperent  non  potuerunt  occidere,  eum  jugu- 
landum  vobis  tradiderunt. 


8  Defence  of  Roscius.  [Rose.  Am, 

xi.  19.  Quid  primum  querar  ?  autunde  potissimum, 
judices,  ordiar  ?  aut  quod  aut  a  quibus  auxilium 
petam  ?  Deorumne  immortalium,  populine  Romani, 
vestramne,    qui    summam    potestatem    habetis,    hoc 

5  tempore  fidem  implorem  ?  Pater  occisus  nefarie, 
domus  obsessa  ab  inimicis,  bona  adempta,  possessa, 
direpta,  fili  vita  infesta,  saepe  ferro  atque  insidiis 
appetita,  —  quid  ab  his  tot  maleficiis  sceleris  abesse 
videtur?   Tamen  haec  aliis  nefariis  cumulant  atque  ad- 

io  augent :  crimen  incredibile  confingunt,  testis  in  hunc 
et  accusatores  hujusce  pecunia  comparant.  Hanc 
condicionem  misero  ferunt,  ut  optet,  utrum  malit  cer- 
vices Roscio  dare,  an,  insutus  in  culeum,  per  summum 
dedecus  vitam  amittere.     Patronos  huic  defuturos  pu- 

15  taverunt :  desunt :  qui  libere  dicat,  qui  cum  fide  de- 
fendat,  —  id  quod  in  hac  causa  est  satis,  —  quoniam 
quidem  suscepi,  non  deest  profecto,  judices. 

xiii.  20.  Tres  sunt  res,  quantum  ego  existimare  pos- 
sum, quae  obstent  hoc  tempore  Sex.  Roscio:    crimen 

20  adversariorum,  et  audacia,  et  potentia.  Criminis 
confictionem  accusator  [Erucius]  suscepit;  audaciae 
partis  Roscii  sibi  poposcerunt ;  Chrysogonus  autem, 
is  qui  plurimum  potest,  potentia  pugnat.  De  hisce 
omnibus  rebus  me  dicere  oportere   intellego.     Quid 

25  igitur  est  ?  Non  eodem  modo  de  omnibus,  ideo  quod 
prima  ilia  res  ad  meum  officium  pertinet,  duas  autem 
reliquas  vobis  populus  Romanus  imposuit.  Ego  cri- 
men oportet  diluam ;  vos  et  audaciae  resistere,  et 
hominum  ejus  modi  perniciosam  atque  intolerandam 

30  potentiam  primo  quoque  tempore  exstinguere  atque 
opprimere  debetis. 

31.  Occidisse  patrem  Sex.  Roscius  arguitur.  Sce- 
lestum,  di  immortales  !  ac  nefarium  facinus,  atque  ejus 
modi,  quo  uno  maleficio  scelera  omnia  complexa  esse 

35  videantur.  Etenim  si,  id  quod  praeclare  a  sapientibus 
dicitur,  voltu  saepe  laeditur  pietas,  quod  supplicium 


xiv.  4i. ]  What  Motive  for  the  Crime?  9 

satis  acre  reperietur  in  eum  qui  mortem  obtulerit 
parenti,  pro  quo  mori  ipsum,  si  res  postularet,  jura 
divina  atque  humana  cogebant?  In  hoc  tanto,  tarn 
atroci,  tarn  singulari  malericio,  quod  ita  raro  exstitit 
ut,  si  quando  auditum  sit,  portenti  ac  prodigi  simile  5 
numeretur,  quibus  tandem  tu,  C.  Eruci,  argumentis 
accusatorem  censes  uti  oportere?  Nonne  et  audaciam 
ejus  qui  in  crimen  vocetur  singularem  ostendere,  et 
mores  feros,  immanemque  naturam,  et  vitam  vitiis 
flagitiisque  omnibus  deditam,  [et]  denique  omnia  ad  10 
perniciem  profligata  atque  perdita?  quorum  tu  nihil  in 
Sex.  Roscium,  ne  obiciendi  quidem  causa,  contulisti. 

xiv.  22.  'Patrem  occidit  Sex.  Roscius.'    Qui  homo? 
Adulescentulus    corruptus    et    ab    hominibus    nequam 
inductus  ?    annos    natus    major   quadraginta.      Vetus  15 
videlicet  sicarius,  homo  audax  et  saepe  in  caede  ver- 
satus  ?    at  hoc  ab  accusatore  ne  dici  quidem  audistis. 
Luxuries    igitur    hominem    nimirum,    et    aeris    alieni 
magnitudo,  et  indomitae  animi  cupiditates  ad  hoc  sce- 
lus  impulerunt  ?     De  luxuria  purgavit  Erucius,  cum  20 
dixit  hunc  ne  in  convivio  quidem  ullo  fere  interfuisse. 
Nihil   autem    umquam    cuiqiiam    debuit.     Cupiditates 
porro  quae  possunt  esse  in  eo  qui,  ut  ipse  accusator 
objecit,  ruri  semper  habitant,  et  in  agro  colendo  vixe- 
rit?  —  quae  vita  maxime  disjuncta  a  cupiditate  est,  et  25 
cum  officio  conjuncta. 

23.  Quae  res  igitur  tantum  istum  furorem  Sex.  Ro- 
scio  objecit  ?  ?  Patri'  inquit  f  non  placebat.'  Quam  ob 
causam  ?  Necesse  est  enim  earn  quoque  justam  et  mag- 
nam  et  perspicuam  fuisse  :  nam,  ut  illud  incredibile  est,  30 
mortem  oblatam  esse  patri  a  filio  sine  plurimis  et  max- 
imis  causis,  sic  hoc  veri  simile  non  est,  odio  fuisse  pa- 
renti filium,  sine  causis  multis  et  magnis  et  necessariis. 
Rursus  igitur  eodem  revertamur,  et  quaeramus  quae 
tanta  vitia  fuerint  in  unico  filio,  quare  is  patri  displi-  35 
ceret.     At  perspicuum  est  nullum  fuisse.     Pater  igitur 


io  Defence  of  Roscius.  [Rose.  Am. 

amens,  qui  odisset  eum  sine  causa  quern  procrearat. 
At  is  quidem  fuit  omnium  constantissimus.  Ergo 
illud  jam  perspicuum  profecto  est,  si  neque  amens 
pater  neque  perditus  Alius  merit,-  neque  odi  causam 
5  patri  neque  sceleris  filio  fuisse. 

xxn.  24.  De  parricidio  causa  dicitur :  ratio  ab  accu- 
satore  reddita  non  est,  quam  ob  causam  patrem  films 
occiderit.  Quod  in  minimis  noxiis,  et  in  his  levioribus 
peccatis  quae   magis   crebra   et  jam   prope   cotidiana 

io  sunt,  maxime  et  primum  quaeritur,  —  quae  causa 
malefici  fuerit, — id  Erucius  in  parricidio  quaeri  non 
putat  oportere.  In  quo  scelere,  judices,  etiam  cum 
multae  causae  convenisse  unum  in  locum  atque  inter 
se  congruere  videntur,  tamen    non    temere    creditur, 

15  neque  levi  conjectura  res  penditur,  neque  testis  in- 
certus  auditur,  neque  accusatoris  ingenio  res  judicatur  : 
cum  multa  antea  commissa  maleficia,  cum  vita  hominis 
perditissima,  turn  singularis  audacia  ostendatur  necesse 
est,  neque   audacia   solum,  sed   summus  furor  atque 

20  amentia.  25.  Haec  cum  sint  omnia,  tamen  exstent 
oportet  expressa  sceleris  vestigia,  —  ubi,  qua  ratione, 
per  quos,  quo  tempore  maleficium  sit  admissum  ;  quae 
nisi  multa  et  manifesta  sunt,  profecto  res  tarn  scelesta, 
tarn  atrox,  tarn  nefaria  credi  non  potest.     Magna  est 

25  enim  vis  humanitatis;  multum  valet  communio  san- 
guinis ;  reclamitat  istius  modi  suspitionibus  ipsa  natura  ; 
portentum  atque  monstrum  certissimum  est,  esse  ali- 
quem  humana  specie  et  figura,  qui  tantum  immanitate 
bestias    vicerit,   ut    propter    quos    hanc    suavissimam 

30  lucem  aspexerit,  eos  indignissime  luce  privarit,  cum 
etiam  feras  inter  sese  partus  atque  educatio  et  natura 
ipsa  conciliet. 

xxiii.  26.  Non  ita  multis  ante  annis,  aiunt  T. 
Caelium  quendam  Tarracinensem,  hominem  non  ob- 

35  scurum,  cum  cenatus  cubitum  in  idem  conclave  cum 
duobus  adulescentibus  filiis  isset,  inventum  esse  mane 


xxvi.  72.]  Parricide:    the   Crime  and  its  Penalty,     n 

jugulatum.  Cum  neque  servus  quisquam  reperiretur, 
neque  liber,  ad  quem  ea  suspitio  pertineret,  id  aetatis 
autem  duo  filii  propter  cubantes  ne  sensisse  quidem 
se  dicerent,  nomina  filiorum  de  parricidio  delata  sunt. 
Quid  poterat  tam  esse  suspitiosum?  Neutrumne  sen-  5 
sisse?  Ausum  autem  esse  quemquam  se  in  id  con- 
clave committere,  eo  potissimum  tempore,  cum  ibidem 
essent  duo  adulescentes  filii,  qui  et  sentire  et  defen- 
dere  facile  possent  ?  27.  Erat  porro  nemo  in  quem  ea 
suspitio  conveniret.  Tamen  cum  planum  judicious  10 
esset  factum,  aperto  ostio  dormientis  eos  repertos  esse, 
judicio  absoluti  adulescentes  et  suspitione  omni  liberati 
sunt.  Nemo  enim  putabat  quemquam  esse,  qui,  cum 
omnia  divina  atque  humana  jura  scelere  nefario  pollu- 
isset,  somnum  statim  capere  potuisset ;  propterea  quod,  15 
qui  tantum  facinus  commiserunt,  non  modo  sine  cura 
quiescere,  sed  ne  spirare  quidem  sine  metu  possunt. 

28.  Quare  hoc  quo  minus  est  credibile  nisi  ostendi- 
tur,  eo  magis  est,  si  convincitur,  vindicandum.    Itaque 
cum  multis  ex  rebus  intellegi  potest  majores   nostros  20 
non   modo  armis  plus  quam  ceteras  nationes,  verum 
etiam  consilio  sapientiaque  potuisse,  turn  ex  hac  re  vel 
maxime,  quod  in  impios  singulare  supplicium  invene- 
runt :  insui  voluerunt  in  culeum  vivos,  atque  in  flumen 
deici.     O    singularem    sapientiam,    judices !     Nonne  25 
videntur   hunc   hominem   ex   rerum   natura  sustulisse 
et  eripuisse,  cui  repente  caelum,  solem,  aquam  ter- 
ramque   ademerint :    ut  qui   eum  necasset,   unde  ipse 
natus    esset,    careret   eis    rebus    omnibus,    ex   quibus 
omnia  nata  esse  dicuntur?     29.  Noluerunt  feris  corpus  30 
obicere,  ne  bestiis  quoque,  quae  tantum  scelus  attigis- 
sent,  immanioribus  uteremur  :    non    sic   nudos  in  flu- 
men  deicere,  ne,  cum  delati   essent  in  mare,  ipsum 
polluerent,  quo  cetera,  quae  violata  sunt,  expiari  pu- 
tantur.     Denique   nihil   tam   vile   neque   tam  volgare  35 
est  cujus  partem  ullam  reliquerint.     Etenim  quid  est 


1 2  Defence  of  Roscius,  [Rose.  Am. 

tam  commune  quam  spiritus  vivis,  terra  mortuis,  mare 
fluctuantibus,  litus  ejectis?  Ita  vivunt,  dum  possunt, 
ut  ducere  animam  de  caelo  non  queant.  Ita  moriun- 
tur,  ut  eorum  ossa  terra  non  tangat.  Ita  jactantur 
5  fluctibus,  ut  numquam  adluantur.  Ita  postremo  eici- 
untur,  ut  ne  ad  saxa  quidem  mortui  conquiescant. 
30.  Tanti  malefici  crimen,  cui  maleficio  tam  insigne 
supplicium  est  constitutum,  probare  te,  Eruci,  censes 
posse  talibus  viris,  si  ne  causam  quidem  malefici  pro- 

io  tuleris?  Si  hunc  apud  bonorum  emptores  ipsos  accu- 
sares,  eique  judicio  Chrysogonus  praeesset,  tamen 
diligentius  paratiusque  venisses.  Utrum  quid  aga- 
tur  non  vides,  an  apud  quos  agatur?  Agitur  de 
parricidio,  quod  sine  multis  causis  suscipi  non  potest ; 

iS  apud  homines  autem  prudentissimos  agitur,  qui  intel- 
legunt  neminem  ne  minimum  quidem  maleficium  sine 
causa  admittere. 

xxvii.  31.  Esto  :  causam  proferre  non  potes.  Tam- 
etsi  statim  vicisse  debeo,  tamen  de  meo  jure  decedam,  et 

20  tibi  quod  in  alia  causa  non  concederem  in  hac  conce- 
dam,  fretus  hujus  innocentia.  Non  quaero  abs  te  qua 
re  patrem  Sex.  Roscius  occiderit :  quaero  quo  modo 
occiderit.  Ita  quaero  abs  te,  C.  Eruci,  quo  modo ; 
et  sic  tecum  agam,  ut  meo  loco  vel  respondendi  vel 

25  interpellandi  tibi  potestatem  faciam,  vel  etiam,  si  quid 
voles,  interrogandi. 

32.  Quo  modo  occidit?  Ipse  percussit,  an  aliis 
occidendum  dedit?  Si  ipsum  arguis,  Romae  non 
fuit :  si  per  alios  fecisse  dicis,  quaero  servosne  an  libe- 

30  ros?  si  -per  liberos,  quos  homines?  indidemne  Ame- 
ria,  an  hosce  ex  urbe  sicarios?  si  Ameria,  qui  sunt 
hi?  cur  non  nominantur?  si  Roma,  unde  eos  nove- 
rat  Roscius,  qui  Romam  multis  annis  non  venit,  neque 
umquam    plus    triduo   fuit?    ubi    eos   convenit?    qui- 

35  cum  locutus  est?  quo  modo  persuasit?  fPretium 
dedit.'     Cui  dedit?   per  quern  dedit?   unde  aut  quan- 


xxviii.  76.]  His  Rustic  Life  and  Character.  13 

turn  dedit?  Nonne  his  vestigiis  ad  caput  malefici  per- 
veniri  solet?  Et  simul  tibi  in  mentem  veniat  facito, 
quern  ad  modum  vitam  hujusce  depinxeris :  hunc 
hominem  ferum  atque  agrestem  fuisse ;  numquam 
cum  homine  quoquam  conlocutum  esse ;  numquam  5 
in  oppido   constitisse. 

33.  Qua  in  re  praetereo  iliud,  quod  mihi  maximo 
argumento  ad  hujus  innocentiam  poterat  esse,  in  rus- 
ticis  moribus,  in  victu  arido,  in  hac  horrida  incultaque 
vita  istius  modi  maleficia  gigni  non  solere.  Ut  non  10 
omnem  frugem  neque  arborem  in  omni  agro  reperire 
possis,  sic  non  omne  facinus  in  omni  vita  nascitur. 
In  urbe  luxuries  creatur ;  ex  luxuria  exsistat  avaritia 
necesse  est,  ex  avaritia  erumpat  audacia ;  inde  omnia 
scelera  ac  maleficia  gignuntur.  Vita  autem  haec  15 
rustica,  quam  tu  agrestem  vocas,  parsimoniae,  dili- 
gentiae,  justitiae  magistra  est. 

34.  Verum  haec  missa  facio.  Illud  quaero, — is 
homo,  qui,  ut  tute  dicis,  numquam  inter  homines 
fuerit,  per  quos  homines  hoc  tantum  facinus  tam  oc-  20 
culte,  absens  praesertim,  conficere  potuerit.  Multa 
sunt  falsa,  judices,  quae  tamen  argui  suspitiose  pos- 
sunt ;  in  his  rebus  si  suspitio  reperta  erit,  culpam 
inesse  concedam.  Romae  Sex.  Roscius  occiditur, 
cum  in  agro  Amerino  esset  filius.  Litteras,  credo,  25 
misit   alicui   sicario,    qui    Romae   noverat   neminem. 

'  Arcessivit  aliquem.'  Quern  aut  quando?  *  Nuntium 
misit.'  Quern  aut  ad  quern?  'Pretio,  gratia,  spe, 
promissis  induxit  aliquem.'  Nihil  horum  ne  confingi 
quidem  potest,  et  tamen  causa  de  parricidio  dicitur !      30 

35.  Reliquum  est  ut  per  servos  id  admiserit.  O  di 
immortales !  rem  miseram  et  calamitosam,  quod  in 
tali  crimine  quod  innocenti  saluti  solet  esse,  ut  servos 
in  quaestionem  poliiceatur,  id  Sex.  Roscio  facere  non 
licet.  Vos,  qui  hunc  accusatis,  omnis  ejus  servos  35 
habetis.     Unus  puer,  victus  cotidiani  minister,  ex  tanta 


14  Defence  of  Roscius,  [Rose.  Am. 

familia  Sex.  Roscio  relictus  non  est.  Te  nunc  appello, 
P.  Scipio,  te,  Metelle.  Vobis  advocatis,  vobis  agen- 
tibus,  aliquotiens  duos  servos  paternos  in  quaestionem 
ab  adversariis  Sex.  Roscius  postulavit.  Meministisne 
5  T.  Roscium  recusare?  Quid?  ei  servi  ubi  sunt? 
Chrysogonum,  judices,  sectantur :  apud  eum  sunt  in 
honore  et  pretio.  Etiam  nunc  ut  ex  eis  quaeratur  ego 
postulo,  hie  orat  atque  obsecrat.  Quid  facitis?  cur 
recusatis?     Dubitate  etiam  nunc,  judices,  si  potestis, 

10  a  quo  sit  Sex.  Roscius  occisus,  —  ab  eone,  qui  propter 
illius  mortem  in  egestate  et  in  insidiis  versatur,  cui  ne 
quaerendi  quidem  de  morte  patris  potestas  permittitur, 
an  ab  eis  qui  quaestionem  fugitant,  bona  possident, 
in  caede  atque  ex  caed^  vivunt. 

15  xliii.  36.  Venio  nunc  ad  illud  nomen  aureum 
[Chrysogoni] ,  sub  quo  nomine  tota  societas  latuit :  de 
quo,  judices,  neque  quo  modo  dicam  neque  quo  modo 
taceam  reperire  possum.  Si  enim  taceo,  vel  maximam 
partem  relinquo ;    sin  autem  dico,  vereor  ne  non  ille 

20  solus,  id  quod  ad  me  nihil  attinet,  sed  alii  quoque  plu- 
res  laesos  se  esse  putent.  Tametsi  ita  se  res  habet,  ut 
mihi  in  communem  causam  sectorum  dicendum  nihil 
magno  opere  videatur ;  haec  enim  causa  nova  profecto 
et  singularis  est. 

25  37.  Bonorum  Sex.  Rosci  emptor  est  Chrysogonus. 
Primum  hoc  videamus  :  ejus  hominis  bona  qua  ratione 
venierunt,  aut  quo  modo  venire  potuerunt?  Atque  hoc 
non  ita  quaeram,  judices,  ut  id  dicam  esse  indignum, 
hominis  innocentis  bona  venisse  ;    si  enim  haec  audi- 

30  entur  ac  libere  dicentur,  non  fuit  tantus  homo  Sex.  Ro- 
scius in  civitate,  ut  de  eo  potissimum  conqueramur. 
Verum  [ego]  hoc  quaero  :  qui  potuerunt  ista  ipsa  lege, 
quae  de  proscriptione  est,  —  sive  Valeria  est,  sive  Cor- 
nelia, non  enim  novi  nee  scio, — verum  ista  ipsa  lege 

35  bona  Sex.  Rosci  venire  qui  potuerunt?  Scriptum 
enim  ita  dicunt  esse,  ut  eorum  bona  veneant,  qui  j>ro- 


xliv.  129.]       Illegal  Sale  of  the  Estates.  15 

serif  ti  sunt — quo  in  numero  Sex.  Roscius  non  est  — 
aut  eorum  qui  in  adversariorum  -praesidiis  occisi  sunt. 
Dum  praesidia  ulla  fuerunt,  in  Sullae  praesidiis  fuit ; 
postea  quam  ab  armis  recessum  est,  in  summo  otio 
rediens  a  cena  Romae  occisus  est.  Si  lege,  bona  quo-  5 
que  lege  venisse  fateor ;  sin  autem  constat,  contra 
omnis  non  modo  veteres  leges  verum  etiam  novas 
occisum  esse,  bona  quo  jure  aut  quo  more  aut  qua 
lege  venierint  quaero. 

xliv.  38.  In  quern  hoc  dicam  quaeris,  Eruci?  Non  10 
in  eum  quern  vis  et  putas  ;  nam  Sullam  et  oratio  mea 
ab  initio  et  ipsius  eximia  virtus  omni  tempore  purgavit. 
Ego  haec  omnia  Chrysogonum  fecisse  dico,  ut  emen- 
tiretur,  ut  malum  civem  Roscium  fuisse  flngeret,  ut 
eum  apud  adversarios  occisum  esse  diceret,  ut  his  de  15 
rebus  a  legatis  Amerinorum  doceri  L.  Sullam  passus 
non  sit.  Denique  etiam  illud  suspicor,  omnino  haec 
bona  non  venisse  :  id  quod  postea,  si  per  vos,  judices, 
licitum  erit,  aperietur. 

39.  Opinor  enim  esse  in  lege,  quam  ad  diem  pro-  20 
scriptiones  venditionesque  fiant :   [nimirum]  Kalendas 
yunias.     Aliquot  post  mensis  et  homo  occisus  est,  et 
bona  venisse   dicuntur.     Profecto   aut  haec  bona    in 
tabulas  publicas  nulla  redierunt,  nosque  ab  isto  nebu- 
lone  facetius  eludimur  quam  putamus  ;    aut,  si  redie-  25 
runt,  tabulae  publicae  corruptae  aliqua  ratione  sunt : 
nam  lege  quidem  bona  venire  non  potuisse  constat. 
Intellego  me  ante  tempus,  judices,  haec  scrutari,  et 
prope  modum  errare,  qui,  cum  capiti  Sex.  Rosci  med- 
eri  debeam,  reduviam  curem.    Non  enim  laborat  de  pe-  30 
cunia  ;    non  ullius  rationem  sui  commodi  ducit;  facile 
egestatem  suam  se  laturum  putat,  si  hac  indigna  sus- 
pitione  et  ficto  crimine  liberatus  sit. 

40.  Verum  quaeso  a  vobis,  judices,  ut  haec  pauca 
quae  restant  ita  audiatis,  ut  parti m  me  dicere  pro  me  35 
ipso  putetis,  partim  pro  Sex.  Roscio.      Quae   enim 


16  Defence  of  Roscius.  [Rose.  Am. 

mihi  indigna  et  intolerabilia  videntur,  quaeque  ad 
omnis,  nisi  providemus,  arbitror  pertinere,  ea  pro  me 
ipso  ex  animi  mei  sensu  ac  dolore  pronuntio ;  quae  ad 
hujus  vitae  [casum]  causam  [que]  pertineant,  et  quid 
5  hie  pro  se  dici  velit,  et  qua  condicione  contentus  sit, 
jam  in  extrema  oratione  nostra,  judices,  audietis. 
xlv.  41.  Ego  haec  a  Chrysogono,  mea  sponte,  remoto 
Sex.  Roscio,  quaero :  primum,  qua  re  civis  optimi 
bona   venierint;     deinde,    qua    re    hominis    ejus,    qui 

10  neque  froscrtytus  neque  apud  adversarios  occisus  est, 
bona  venierint,  cum  in  eos  solos  lex  scripta  sit ;  deinde, 
quare  aliquanto  post  earn  diem  venierint,  quae  dies 
in  lege  praefinita  est ;  deinde,  cur  tantulo  venierint. 
Quae  omnia  si,  quern  ad  modum  solent  liberti  nequam 

15  et  improbi  facere,  in  patronum  suum  voluerit  conferre, 
nihil  egerit :  nemo  est  enim  qui  nesciat  propter  mag- 
nitudinem  rerum  multa  multos  furtim  imprudente  L. 
Sulla  commisisse. 

42.  Placet   igitur   in  his  rebus  aliquid  imprudentia 
20  praeteriri  ?     Non    placet,    judices,    sed    necesse    est. 

Etenim  si  Juppiter  optimus  maximus,  cujus  nutu  et 
arbitrio  caelum  terra  mariaque  reguntur,  saepe  ventis 
vehementioribus  aut  immoderatis  tempestatibus  aut 
nimio  calore  aut  intolerabili  frigore  hominibus  nocuit, 

25  urbis  delevit,  fruges  perdidit,  quorum  nihil  pernici 
causa  divino  consilio,  sed  vi  ipsa  et  magnitudine 
rerum  factum  putamus ;  at  contra,  commoda  quibus 
utimur  lucemque  qua  fruimur  spiritumque  quern  duci- 
mus  ab  eo  nobis  dari  atque  impertiri  videmus, — quid 

30  miramur  L.  Sullam,  cum  solus  rem  publicam  regeret, 
orbemque  terrarum  gubernaret,  imperique  majestatem 
quam  armis  receperat  legibus  confirmaret,  aliqua  ani- 
madvertere  non  potuisse?  Nisi  hoc  mirum  est,  quod 
vis   divina   adsequi   non   possit,  si    id    mens    humana 

35  adepta  non  sit. 

43.  Vereor,  judices,  ne  quis  imperitior  existimet  me 


xlviii.  140.]  Sulla  and  his  Party,  17 

causam  nobilitatis  victoriamque  voluisse  laederc  :  tam- 
etsi  meo  jure  possum,  si  quid  in  hac  parte  mihi  non 
placeat,  vituperare ;  non  enim  vereor  ne  quis  alienum 
me  animum  habuisse  a  causa  nobilitatis  existimet. 
xlvii.  Sciunt  ei  qui  me  norunt,  me  pro  mea  tenui  5 
infirmaque  parte,  —  postea  quam  id  quod  maxime 
volui  fieri  non  potuit,  ut  componeretur,  —  id  maxime 
defendisse,  ut  ei  vincerent  qui  vicerunt.  Quis  enim 
erat,  qui  non  videret  humilitatem  cum  [dignitate  de] 
amplitudine  contendere?  Quo  in  certamine  perditi  10 
civis  erat  non  se  ad  eos  jungere,  quibus  incolumibus, 
et  domi  dignitas  et  foris  auctoritas  retineretur.  Quae 
perfecta  esse  et  suum  cuique  honorem  et  gradum  red- 
ditum  gaudeo,  judices,  vehementerque  laetor ;  eaque 
omnia  deorum  voluntate,  studio  populi  Romani,  con-  15 
silio  et  imperio  et  felicitate  L.  Sullae,  gesta  esse 
intellego. 

44.  Quod  animadversum  est  in  eos  qui  contra  omni 
ratione   pugnarunt,   non    debeo    reprehendere ;    quod 
viris  fortibus,  quorum  opera  eximia  in  rebus  gerendis  20 
exstitit,  honos  habitus   est,  laudo.     Quae  ut  fierent, 
idcirco  pugnatum  esse   arbitror,  meque  in  eo  studio 
partium  fuisse  confiteor.     Sin  autem  id  actum  est,  et 
idcirco  arma  sumpta  sunt,  ut  homines  postremi  pecu- 
niis  alienis  locupletarentur,  et  in  fortunas  uniuscujus-  25 
que  impetum  facerent,  et  id  non  modo  re   prohibere 
non  licet,  sed  ne  verbis  quidem  vituperare,  turn  vero 
in  isto  bello  non  recreatus  neque  restitutus,  sed  sub- 
actus   oppressusque    pnpulus    Romanus    est.     Verum 
longe  aliter  est ;    nihil  horum  est,  judices  :  non  modo  3° 
non  laedetur  causa  nobilitatis,  si  istis   hominibus  re- 
sistetis,  verum  etiam  ornabitur. 

xlviii.  45.  Quapropter    desinant    aliquando    dicere 
male  aliquem  locutum  esse,  si  qui  vere  ac  libere  locu- 
tus  sit ;    desinant  suam  causam  cum  Chrysogono  com-  35 
municare  ;    desinant,  si   ille   laesus   sit,  de  se  aliquid 


18  Defence  of  Roscius.  [Rose.  Am. 

detractum  arbitrari ;  videant  ne  turpe  miserumque  sit 
eos,  qui  equestrem  splendorem  pati  non  potuerunt, 
servi  nequissimi  dominationem  ferre  posse.  Quae 
quidem  dominatio,  judices,  in  aliis  rebus  antea  versa- 

5  batur ;  nunc  vero  quam  viam  munitet,  quod  iter  adfec- 
tet  videtis,  —  ad  fidem,  ad  jusjurandum,  ad  judicia 
vestra,  ad  id,  quod  solum  prope  in  civitate  sincerum 
sanctumque  restat.  Hicine  etiam  sese  putat  aliquid 
posse  Chrysogonus?     Hie  etiam  potens  esse  volt?     O 

10  rem    miseram    atque   acerbam  !     Neque,  mehercules, 
hoc  indigne  fero,  quod  verear  ne  quid  possit ;    verum 
quod  ausus  est,  quod  speravit  sese  apud  talis  viros  ali- 
quid posse  ad  perniciem  innocentis,  id  ipsum  queror. 
xlix.  46.  Idcircone  exspectata  nobilitas  armis  atque 

15  ferro  rem  publicam  reciperavit,  ut  ad  libidinem  suam 
liberti  servolique  nobilium  bona,  fortunas  -posscssiones- 
que  nostras  vexare  possent?  Si  id  actum  est,  fateor 
me  errasse  qui  hoc  maluerim  ;  fateor  insanisse  qui  cum 
illis  senserim.     Tametsi  inermis,  judices,  sensi.     Sin 

20  autem  victoria  nobilium  ornamento  atque  emolumento 
rei  publicae  populoque  Romano  debet  esse,  turn  vero 
optimo  et  nobilissimo  cuique  meam  orationem  gratissi- 
mam  esse  oportet.  Quod  si  quis  est  qui  et  se  et  causam 
laedi  putet  cum  Chrysogonus  vituperetur,  is  causam 

25  ignorat ;  se  ipsum  probe  novit.  Causa  enim  splendi- 
dior  fiet,  si  nequissimo  cuique  resistetur.  Ule  impro- 
bissimus  Chrysogoni  fautor,  qui  sibi  cum  illo  rationem 
communicatam  putat,  laeditur,  cum  ab  hoc  splendore 
causae  separatur. 

30  47.  Verum  haec  omnis  oratio,  ut  jam  ante  dixi,  mea 
est,  .qua  me  uti  res  publica  et  dolor  meus  et  istorum 
injuria  coegit.  Sex.  Roscius  horum  nihil  indignum 
putat,  neminem  accusat,  nihil  de  suo  patrimonio  queri- 
tur.   Putat  homo  imperitus  morum,  agricola  et  rusticus, 

35  ista  omnia,  quae  vos  per  Sullam  gesta  esse  dicitis,  more, 
lege,  jure  gentium  facta.     Culpa  liberatus  et  crimine 


l.  146.]  His  Affeal  to   Chrysogonus.  19 

nefario  solutus,  cupit  a  vobis  discedere.  Si  hac  indigna 
suspitione  careat,  animo  aequo  se  carere  suis  omnibus 
commodis  dicit.  Rogat  oratque  te,  Chrysogone,  si 
nihil  de  patris  fortunis  amplissimis  in  suam  rem  con- 
vertit,  si  nulla  in  re  te  fraudavit,  si  tibi  optima  fide  sua  5 
omnia  concessit,  adnumeravit,  appendit,  si  vestitum 
quo  ipse  tectus  erat,  anulumque  de  digito  suum  tibi 
tradidit,  si  ex  omnibus  rebus  se  ipsum 'nudum  neque 
praeterea  quicquam  excepit,  ut  sibi  per  te  liceat  inno- 
centi  amicorum  opibus  vitam  in  egestate  degere.  l.  10 
48.  '  Praedia  mea  tu  possides,  ego  aliena  misericordia 
vivo :  concedo,  et  quod  animus  aequus  est,  et  quia 
necesse  est.  Mea  domus  tibi  patet,  mihi  clausa  est : 
fero.  Familia  mea  maxima  tu  uteris,  ego  servum 
habeo  nullum  :  patior  et  ferendum  puto.  Quid  vis  15 
amplius?  Quid  insequeris?  Quid  oppugnas?  Qua 
in  re  tuam  voluntatem  laedi  a  me  putas?  Ubi  tuis 
commodis  officio?  Quid  tibi  obsto?'  Si  spoliorum 
causa  vis  hominem  occidere,  quid  quaeris  amplius? 
Si  inimicitiarum,  quae  sunt  tibi  inimicitiae  cum  eo,  20 
cujus  ante  praedia  possedisti  quam  ipsum  cognovisti? 
Si  metus,  ab  eone  aliquid  metuis,  quern  vides  ipsum 
ab  se  tarn  atrocem  injuriam  propulsare  non  posse?  Sin 
quod  bona  quae  Rosci  fuerunt  tua  facta  sunt,  idcirco 
hunc  illius  .filium  studes  perdere,  nonne  ostendis  id  te  25 
vereri,  quod  praeter  ceteros  tu  metuere  non  debeas,  ne 
quando  liberis  proscriptorum  bona  patria  reddantur? 

49.  Facis  injuriam,  Chrysogone,  si  majorem  spem 
emptionis  tuae  in  hujus  exitio  ponis,  quam  in  eis  rebus 
quas  L.  Sulla  gessit.  Quod  si  tibi  causa  nulla  est  30 
cur  hunc  miserum  tanta  calamitate  adfici  velis,  si  tibi 
omnia  sua  praeter  animam  tradidit,  nee  sibi  quicquam 
paternum  ne  monumenti  quidem  causa  clam  reservavit, 
per  deos  immortalis,  quae,  ista  tanta  crudelitas  est? 
Quae  tarn  fera  immanisque  natura?  Quis  umquam  35 
praedo  fuit  tarn  nefarius,  quis  pirata  tarn  barbarus,  ut, 


20  Defence  of  Roscius.  [Rose.  Am. 

cum  integram  praedam  sine  sanguine  habere  posset, 
cruenta  spolia  detrahere  mallet?  50.  Scis  hunc  nihil 
habere,  nihil  audere,  nihil  posse,  nihil  umquam  contra 
rem  tuam  cogitasse ;    et  tamen  oppugnas  eum  quern 

5  neque  metuere  potes,  neque  odisse  debes,  nee  quicquam 
jam  habere  reliqui  vides  quod  ei  detrahere  possis. 
Nisi  hoc  indignum  putas,  quod  vestitum  sedere  in 
judicio  vides," quern  tu  e  patrimonio  tamquam  e  nau- 
fragio  nudum  expulisti ;  quasi  vero  nescias  hunc  et  ali 

10  et  vestiri  a  Caecilia,  [Baliarici  filia,  Nepotis  sorore,] 
spectatissima  femina,  quae  cum  clarissimum  patrem, 
amplissimos  patruos,  ornatissimum  fratrem  haberet, 
tamen,  cum  esset  mulier,  virtute  perfecit  ut,  quanto 
honore  ipsa  ex  illorum  dignitate  adficeretur,  non  mi- 

15  nora  illis  ornamenta  ex  sua  laude  redderet. 

li.  51.  An  quod  diligenter  defenditur,  id  tibi  indig- 
num facinus  videtur?  Mihi  crede,  si  pro  patris  hujus 
hospitiis  et  gratia  vellent  omnes  hujus  hospites  adesse, 
et  auderent  libere  defendere,  satis  copiose   defende- 

20  retur ;  sin  autem  pro  magnitudine  injuriae,  proque  eo 
quod  summa  res  publica  in  hujus  periculo  temptatur, 
haec  omnes  vindicarent,  consistere  mehercule  vobis 
isto  in  loco  non  liceret.  Nunc  ita  defenditur,  non  sane 
ut  moleste  ferre  adversarii  debeant,  neque  ut  se  po- 

25  tentia  superari  putent.  52.  Quae  domi  gerenda  sunt, 
ea  per  Caeciliam  transiguntur  ;  fori  judicique  rationem 
M.  Messala,  ut  videtis,  judices,  suscepit.  Qui,  si  jam 
satis  aetatis  atque  roboris  haberet,  ipse  pro  Sex.  Ro- 
scio  diceret :  quoniam  ad  dicendum  impedimento  est 

30  aetas  et  pudor  qui  ornat  aetatem,  causammihi  tradidit, 
quem  sua  causa  cupere  ac  debere  intellegebat ;  ipse 
adsiduitate,  consilio,  auctoritate,  diligentia  perfecit,  ut 
Sex.  Rosci  vita,  erepta  de  manibus  sectorum,  senten- 
tiis  judicum  permitteretur.     Nimirum,  judices,  pro  hac 

35  nobilitate  pars  maxima  civitatis  in  armis  fuit ;  haec 
acta  res  est,  ut  ei  nobiles  restituerentur  in  civitatem, 


lii.  152.]  His  Appeal  to  the  Court.  21 

qui  hoc  facerent  quod  facere  Messalam  videtis,  —  qui 
caput  innocentis  defenderent,  qui  injuriae  resisterent, 
qui  quantum  possent  in  salute  alterius  quam  in  exitio 
mallent  ostendere ;  quod  si  omnes  qui  eodem  loco  nati 
sunt  facerent,  et  res  puhlica  ex  illis  et  ipsi  ex  invidia  5 
minus  laborarent. 

lii.  53.  Verum  si  a  Chrysogono,  judices,non  impe- 
tramus,  ut  pecunia  nostra  contentus  sit,  vitam  ne  petat, 
—  si  ille  adduci  non  potest,  ut,  cum  ademerit  nobis 
omnia  quae  nostra  erant  propria,  ne  lucem  quoque  10 
hanc,  quae  communis  est,  eripere  cupiat,  —  si  non 
satis  habet  avaritiam  suam  pecunia  explere,  nisi  etiam 
crudelitati  sanguis  praebitus  sit,  —  unum  perfugium, 
judices,  una  spes  reliqua  est  Sex.  Roscio,  eadem  quae 
rei  publicae,  vestra  pristina  bonitas  et  misericordia.  15 
Quae  si  manet,  salvi  etiam  nunc  esse  possumus ;  sin 
ea  crudelitas,  quae  hoc  tempore  in  re  publica  versata 
est,  vestros  quoque  animos  —  id  quod  fieri  profecto  non 
potest  —  duriores  acerbioresque  reddidit,  actum  est,  ju- 
dices :  inter  feras  satius  est  aetatem  degere,  quam  in  20 
hac  tanta  immanitate  versari.  54.  Ad  eamne  rem  vos 
reservati  estis,  ad  eamne  rem  delecti,  ut  eos  condem- 
naretis,  quos  sectores  ac  sicarii  jugulare  non  po- 
tuissent?  Solent  hoc  boni  imperatores  facere,  cum 
proelium  committunt,  ut  in  eo  loco  quo  fugam  hostium  25 
fore  arbitrentur  milites  conlocent,  in  quos,  si  qui  ex 
acie  fugerint,  de  improviso  incidant.  Nimirum  simili- 
ter arbitrantur  isti  bonorum  emptores, — vos  hie,  talis 
viros,  sedere,  qui  excipiatis  eos  qui  de  suis  manibus 
eftugerint.  Di  prohibeant,  judices,  ut  hoc,  quod  ma-  30 
jores  consilium  publicum  vocari  voluerunt,  praesidium 
sectorum  existimetur. 

55.  An  vero,  judices,  vos  non  intellegitis  nihil  aliud 
agi  nisi  ut  proscriptorum  liberi  quavis  ratione  tollan- 
tur,  et  ejus  rei  initium  in  vestro  jurejurando  atque  in  35 
Sex.  Rosci  periculo  quaeri?     Dubiumne  est  ad  quern 


22  Defence  of  Roscius,  [Rose.  Am. 

maleficium  pertineat,  cum  videatis  ex  altera  parte  sec- 
torem,  inimicum,  sicarium  eundemque  accusatorem 
hoc  tempore ;  ex  altera  parte  egentem,  probatum  suis 
filium,  in  quo  non  modo  culpa  nulla,  sed  ne  suspitio 

5  quidem  potuit  consistere?  liii.  56.  Numquid  huic 
aliud  videtis  obstare  [Roscio],  nisi  quod  patris  bona 
venierunt?  Quodsi  id  vos  suscipitis,  et  earn  ad  rem 
operam  vestram  profitemini,  si  idcirco  sedetis,  ut  ad 
vos  adducantur  eorum  liberi  quorum  bona  venierunt, 

io  cavete,  per  deos  immortalis,  judices,  ne  nova  et  multo 
crudelior  per  vos  proscriptio  instaurata  esse  videatur. 
Illam  priorem,  quae  facta  est  in  eos  qui  arma  capere 
potuerunt,  tamen  senatus  suscipere  noluit,  ne  quid 
acrius  quam  more  majorum  comparatum  esset  publico 

15  consilio  factum  videretur.  Hanc  vero,  quae  ad  eorum 
liberos  atque  ad  infantium  puerorum  incunabula  perti- 
net,  nisi  hoc  judicio  a  vobis  reicitis  et  aspernamini, 
videte,  per  deos  immortalis,  quern  in  locum  rem  publi- 
cam  perventuram  putetis. 

20  57.  Homines  sapientes  et  ista  auctoritate  et  potestate 
praeditos,  qua  vos  estis,  ex  quibus  rebus  maxime  res 
publica  laborat,  eis  maxime  mederi  convenit.  Vestrum 
nemo  est  quin  intellegat  populum  Romanum,  qui  quon- 
dam in  hostis  lenissimus  existimabatur,  hoc  tempore 

25  domestica  crudelitate  laborare.  Hanc  tollite  ex  civitate, 
judices.  Hanc  pati  nolite  diutius  in  hac  re  publica 
versari.  Quae  non  modo  id  habet  in  se  mali,  quod  tot 
civis  atrocissime  sustulit,  verum  etiam  hominibus  le- 
nissimis  ademit  misericordiam  consuetudine  incommo- 

30  dorum.  Nam  cum  omnibus  horis  aliquid  atrociter  fieri 
videmus  aut  audimus,  etiam  qui  natura  mitissimi  su- 
mus,  adsiduitate  molestiarum  sensum  omnem  humani- 
tatis  ex  animis  amittimus. 


IMPEACHMENT   OF    VERRES. 

B.C.   70. 

Caius  Verres,  a  man  of  noble  birth,  but  notorious  for  his 
crimes  and  exactions  in  the  civil  war  and  in  the  offices  he  had  held 
since,  was  city  praetor  {prcetor  urbanus)  B.C.  74.  At  the  close 
of  his  term  of  office,  he  went,  in  accordance  with  the  law,  as  pro- 
praetor, to  govern  the  province  of  Sicily.  By  reason  of  the  dis- 
turbed condition  of  Italy,  from  the  revolt  of  Spartacus,  he  was  not 
relieved  at  the  end  of  a  year,  as  the  law  required,  but  continued 
two  years  longer  in  the  government  of  the  province,  when  he  was 
succeeded  by  Lucius  Caecilius  Metellus.  During  these  three  years 
he  was  guilty  of  the  most  abominable  oppressions  and  exactions  ; 
and,  as  soon  as  they  were  relieved  of  his  presence,  the  Sicilians 
brought  a  prosecution  against  him  in  the  court  of  Repetnnda  (for 
the  trial  of  cases  of  Extortion),  presided  over  by  the  praetor  Mani- 
us  Acilius  Glabrio.  To  conduct  the  prosecution,  they  had  recourse 
to  Cicero,  who  already  stood  high  among  Roman  advocates,  and 
who  was  personally  known  and  trusted  by  them  on  account  of  his 
honorable  administration  of  the  quaestorship  in  their  island.  Cicero 
willingly  took  charge  of  the  case,  the  more  so  as  the  counsel  for 
Verres  was  Hortensius,  the  leading  lawyer  of  his  time,  against 
whom  he  was  eager  to  measure  his  strength. 

Although  the  cruelty  and  rapacity  of  Verres  were  notorious,  yet 
his  relations  to  the  Roman  nobility  gained  him  the  same  support 
at  home  which  recently,  under  somewhat  similar  circumstances, 
was  afforded  to  Governor  Eyre  in  England,  on  his  return  from 
Jamaica.  Not  only  Hortensius,  but  Curio,  a  man  of  excellent 
reputation,  with  members  of  the  eminent  families  of  Scipio  and 
Metellus,  stood  firmly  by  him.  The  only  hope  of  Verres  was  in 
preventing  a  fair  and  speedy  trial.  First  he  tried  to  obtain  a  prose- 
cutor who  should  be  in  collusion  with  him,  and  would  not  push  him 
too  hard.  For  this  purpose  one  Caecilius  was  put  forward,  an  in- 
significant person,  but  a  native  of  Sicily.  Cicero's  first  speech  in 
the  case  was  therefore  before  the  praetor  Glabrio  in  person,  to  show 
that  he,  rather  than  Caecilius,  should  be  allowed  to  conduct  the 
case.  This  it  was  not  hard  to  do,  and  he  set  out  at  once  for  Sicilj 
to  collect  evidence,  for  which  purpose  he  was  allowed  one  hundred 


24  Impeachment  of  Verres.  [Verr.  I. 

and  ten  days.  He  was,  however,  so  industrious  and  skilful  in  this, 
that  he  returned  in  fifty  days,  thus  completely  foiling  the  next 
plan  of  the  opposition,  which  was  to  bring  on  a  trumped-up  action 
before  the  court,  which  should  have  precedence  of  that  against 
Verres,  merely  to  consume  time.  Cicero  returned,  with  ample  evi- 
dence, even  before  his  rival  had  left  Italy.  The  trial  was  now  fixed 
for  Aug.  5,  B.C.  70,  in  the  consulship  of  Pompey  and  Crassus. 

*  Meantime  (in  the  latter  part  of  July)  the  elections  were  held  for 
the  next  year,  — as  was  the  custom  in  Rome,  several  months  before 
the  newly-elected  magistrates  entered  upon  their  offices ;  the 
successful  candidate,  under  the  title  of  designates,  enjoyed  a  dig- 
nity almost  equal  to  that  of  an  actual  magistrate,  although  with  no 
real  power  (see  ch.  ix.).  In  these  elections  Cicero  was  designated 
asdile ;  but  his  rival  Hortensius  was  chosen  consul,  with  Quintus 
Metellus  Creticus,  Verres'  fast  friend,  as  his  colleague.  More  than 
this,  Marcus  Metellus,  brother  of  Quintus,  was  chosen  praetor,  and 
the  lot  fell  to  him  to  preside  the  next  year  in  the  court  of  Repetun- 
dce.  If  now  the  trial  could  be  put  over  till  the  next  year,  when 
Hortensius  and  the  two  Metelli  would  be  in  the  three  most  influen- 
tial positions  in  the  State,  Verres  felt  quite  sure  of  getting  clear. 
Neither  did  it  seem  as  if  this  would  be  very  hard  to  bring  about ; 
for  the  last  six  months  of  the  Roman  year  were  so  full  of  festivals 
and  other  days  in  which  the  courts  could  not  sit,  that  the  case  would 
be  liable  to  constant  interruptions  and  delays.  This  would  have 
been  a  sore  disappointment  to  Cicero,  for,  by  good  luck  in  drawing 
the  names,  and  sagacity  in  challenging,  he  had  a  jury  that  he  could 
trust,  and  he  was  not  willing  to  run  the  risk  of  a  change. 

Under  these  circumstances  Cicero  made  the  second  speech  of  the 
Verrine  group  —  that  which  is  known  as  the  Actio  Prima.  In  this 
he  proved  so  conclusively  the  guilt  of  the  defendant  and  his  hope 
to  escape  by  bribery,  and  at  the  same  time  showed  himself  so  de- 
termined to  urge  the  case  through  before  the  New  Year,  that  he 
hardly  had  any  need  to  produce  his  witnesses.  Hortensius  soon 
threw  up  his  case,  and  Verres  went  into  exile,  with  a  name  for  ever 
associated  with  extortion  and  misgovernment.  Full  restitution  of 
the  plunder  was,  however,  not  obtained :  a  compromise  was  made, 
by  which  a  less  sum  was  paid  in  satisfaction  of  the  claims.  The 
five  speeches  known  as  the  "Accusation"  {Actio  Secunda)  were 
never  delivered,  but  were  written  out  and  published  in  order  to  put 
on  record  the  facts  which  the  orator  had  gathered  with  so  much  pains. 


"•  3-]        Character  and  Motive  of  the   Trial.  25 

QUOD  erat  optandum  maxime,  judices,  et  quod 
unum  ad  invidiam  vestri  ordinis  infamiamque 
judiciorum  sedandam  maxime  pertinebat,  id  non 
humano  consilio,  sed  prope  divinitus  datum  atque 
oblatum  vobis  summo  rei  publicae  tempore  videtur.  5 
Inveteravit  enim  jam  opinio  perniciosa  rei  publicae, 
vobisque  periculosa,  quae  non  modo  apud  populum 
Romanum,  sed  etiam  apud  exteras  nationes,  omnium 
sermone  percrebruit:  his  judiciis  quae  nunc  sunt, 
pecuniosum  hominem,  quamvis  sit  nocens,  nemi- 10 
nem  posse  damnari.  2.  Nunc,  in  ipso  discrimine 
ordinis  judiciorumque  vestrorum,  cum  sint  parati  qui 
contionibus  et  legibus  hanc  invidiam  senatus  inflam- 
mare  conentur,  [reus]  in  judicium  adductus  est  [C. 
Verres],  homo  vita  atque  factis  omnium  jam  opini-  15 
one  damnatus,  pecuniae  magnitudine  sua  spe  et  prae- 
dicatione  absolutus. 

Huic  ego  causae,  judices,  cum  summa  voluntate  et 
exspectatione  populi  Romani,  actor    accessi,   non    ut 
augerem  invidiam  ordinis,  sed  ut  infamiae  communi  20 
succurrerem.     Adduxi  enim  hominem,  in  quo  recon- 
ciliare  existimationem  judiciorum  amissam,  redire  in 
gratiam    cum    populo    Romano,    satis    facere    exteris 
nationibus,  possetis ;  depeculatorem  aerari,  vexatorem 
Asiae  atque  Pamphyliae,  praedonem  juris  urbani,  la-  25 
bem  atque  perniciem  provinciae  Siciliae.    3.  De  quo  si 
vos  vere  ac  religiose  judicaveritis,  auctoritas  ea,  quae 
in  vobis  remanere  debet,  haerebit ;   sin  istius  ingentes 
divitiae  judiciorum  religionem  veritatemque  perfrege- 
rint,  ego  hoc  tamen  adsequar,  ut  judicium  potius  rei  3° 
publicae,  quam  aut  reus  judicibus,  aut  accusator  reo, 
defuisse  videatur. 

11.  Equidem,  ut  de  me  confitear,  judices,  cum  mul- 
tae  mihi  a  C.  Verre  insidiae  terra  marique  factae  sint, 
quas  partim  mea  diligentia  devitarim,  partim  amico-  35 
rum    studio   officioque    repulerim ;    numquam    tamen 


26  Impeachment  of  Verres.  [Verr.   I. 

neque  tantum  periculum  mihi  adire  visus  sum,  neque 
tanto  opere  pertimui,  ut  nunc  in  ipso  judicio.  4.  Neque 
tantum  me  exspectatio  accusationis  meae,  concursus- 
que  tantae  multitudinis  (quibus  ego  rebus  vehemen- 
5  tissime  perturbor)  commovet,  quantum  istius  insidiae 
nefariae,  quas  uno  tempore  mihi,  vobis,  M\  Glabrioni, 
populo  Romano,  sociis,  exteris  nationibus,  ordini,  no- 
mini  denique  senatorio,  facere  conatur :  qui  ita  dictitat, 
eis  esse  metuendum,  qui  quod  ipsis  solis  satis  esset 

io  surripuissent ;    se  tantum  eripuisse,  ut  id  multis  satis 

esse  possit ;  nihil  esse  tarn  sanctum  quod  non  violari, 

nihil  tarn  munitum  quod  non  expugnari  pecunia  possit. 

5.  Quod    si    quam    audax    est   ad   conandum,  tarn 

esset  obscurus  in  agendo,  fortasse   aliqua   in   re   nos 

15  aliquando  fefellisset.  Verum  hoc  adhuc  percommode 
cadit,  quod  cum  incredibili  ejus  audacia  singularis 
stultitia  conjuncta  est.  Nam,  ut  apertus  in  corripien- 
dis  pecuniis  fuit,  sic  in  spe  corrumpendi  judici,  per- 
spicua  sua  consilia  conatusque  omnibus  fecit.     Semel, 

20  ait,  se  in  vita  pertimuisse,  turn  cum  primum  a  me 
reus  factus  sit ;  quod,  cum  e  provincia  recens  esset, 
invidiaque  et  infamia  non  recenti,  sed  vetere  ac  diu- 
turna  flagraret,  turn,  ad  judicium  corrumpendum, 
tempus  alienum  ofFenderet.     6.  Itaque,  cum  ego  diem 

25  in  Siciliam  inquirendi  perexiguam  postulavissem,  in- 
venit  iste,  qui  sibi  in  Achaiam  biduo  breviorem  diem 
postularet, —  non  ut  is  idem  conficeret  diligentia  et 
industria  sua  quod  ego  meo  labore  et  vigiliis  consecu- 
tus  sum,  etenim  ille  Achaicus  inquisitor  ne  Brundisi- 

3°  um  quidem  pervenit ;  ego  Siciliam  totam  quinquaginta 
diebus  sic  obii,  ut  omnium  populorum  privatorumque 
literas  injuriasque  cognoscerem ;  ut  perspicuum  cuivis 
esse  posset,  hominem  ab  isto  quaesitum  esse,  non  qui 
reum  suum  adduceret,  sed  qui  meum  tempus  obsideret. 

35  in.  7.  Nunc  homo  audacissimus  atque  amentissimus 
hoc   cogitat.     Intellegit    me    ita    paratum    atque    in- 


iv.  io.]  How  he  thinks  to  Escafe.  27 

structum  in  judicium  venire,  ut  non  modo  in  auribus 
vestris,  sed  in  oculis  omnium,  sua  furta  atque  flagitia 
defixurus  sim.  Videt  senatores  multos  esse  testis 
audaciae  suae ;  videt  multos  equites  Romanos  frequen- 
tis  praeterea  civis  atque'  socios,  quibus  ipse  insignis  5 
injurias  fecerit.  Videt  etiam  tot  tain  gravis  ab  ami- 
cissimis  civitatibus  legationes,  cum  publicis  auctori- 
tatibus  convenisse.  8.  Quae  cum  ita  sint,  usque 
eo  de  omnibus  bonis  male  existimat,  usque  eo  sena- 
toria  judicia  perdita  profligataque  esse  arbitratur,  ut  10 
hoc  palam  dictitet,  non  sine  causa  se  cupidum  pecuniae 
fuisse,  quoniam  in  pecunia  tantum  praesidium  experia- 
tur  esse  :  sese  (id  quod  difficillimum  fuerit)  tempus 
ipsum  emisse  judici  sui,  quo  cetera  facilius  emere 
postea  posset ;  ut,  quoniam  criminum  vim  subterfugere  15 
nullo  modo  poterat,  procellam  temporis  devitaret. 

9.  Quod  si  non  modo  in  causa,  verum  in  aliquo  ho- 
nesto  praesidio,  aut  in  alicujus  eloquentia  aut  gratia, 
spem  aliquam  conlocasset,  profecto  non  haec  omnia 
conligeret  atque  aucuparetur ;  non  usque  eo  despice-  20 
ret  contemneretque  ordinem  senatorium,  ut  arbitratu 
ejus  deligeretur  ex  senatu,  qui  reus  fieret ;  qui,  dum 
hie  quae  opus  essent  compararet,  causam  interea 
ante  eum  diceret.  10.  Quibus  ego  rebus  quid  iste 
speret,  et  quo  animum  intendat,  facile  perspicio.  25 
Quam  ob  rem  vero  se  confidat  aliquid  perficere  posse, 
hoc  praetore,  et  hoc  consilio,  intellegere  non  possum. 
Unum  illud  intellego  (quod  populus  Romanus  in  rejec- 
tione  judicum  judicavit),  ea  spe  istum  fuisse  praeditum 
ut  omnem  rationem  salutis  in  pecunia  constitueret ;  3° 
hoc  erepto  praesidio,  ut  nullam  sibi  rem  adjumento 
fore  arbitraretur. 

iv.  Etenim  quod  est  ingenium  tantum,  quae  tanta 
facultas  dicendi  aut  copia,  quae  istius  vitam,  tot  vitiis 
flagitiisque    convictam,  jampridem    omnium  voluntate  35 
judicioque   damnatam,  aliqua   ex   parte   possit  defen- 


28  Impeachment  of  Verres.  [Verr.  1. 

dere?  11.  Cujus  ut  adulescentiae  maculas  ignominias- 
que  praeteream  ;  quaestura  [primus  gradus  honoris] 
quid  aliud  habet  in  se,  nisi  [Cn.  Carbonem  spoliatum] 
a  quaestore  suo  pecunia  publica  nudatum  et  proditum 
5  consulem?  desertum  exercitum  ?  relictam  provinciam? 
sortis  necessitudinem  religionemque  violatam?  Cujus 
legatio  exitium  fuit  Asiae  totius  et  Pamphyliae  :  quibus 
in  provinciis  multas  domos,  plurimas  urbis,  omnia  fana 
depopulatus  est,  turn  cum  [in  Cn.  Dolabellam]  suum 

io  scelus  illud  pristinum  renovavit  et  instauravit  quaesto- 
rium  ;  cum  eum,  cui  et  legatus  et  pro  quaestore  fuisset, 
et  in  invidiam  suis  maleficiis  adduxit,  et  in  ipsis  peri- 
culis  non  solum  deseruit,  sed  etiam  oppugnavit  ac 
prodidit?    12.  Cujus  praetura  urbana  aedium  sacrarum 

15  fuit  publicorumque  operum  depopulatio  ;  simul  in  jure 
dicundo,  bonorum  possessionumque,  contra  omnium 
instituta,  addictio  et  condonatio.  Jam  vero  omnium 
vitiorum  suorum  plurima  et  maxima  constituit  monu- 
menta  et  indicia  in  provincia  Sicilia ;    quam  iste  per 

20  triennium  ita  vexavit  ac  perdidit,  ut  ea  restitui  in  anti- 
quum statum  nullo  modo  possit ;  vix  autem  per  multos 
annos,  innocentisque  praetores,  aliqua  ex  parte  recre- 
ari  aliquando  posse  videatur.  13.  Hoc  praetore,  Si- 
culi  neque  suas  leges,  neque  nostra  senatus-consulta, 

25  neque  communia  jura  tenuerunt.  Tantum  quisque 
habet  in  Sicilia,  quantum  hominis  avarissimi  et  libi- 
dinosissimi  aut  imprudentiam  subterfugit,  aut  satietati 
superfuit. 

v.  Nulla  res  per  triennium,  nisi   ad  nutum  istius, 

30  judicata  est :  nulla  res  cujusquam  tarn  patria  atque 
avita  fuit,  quae  non  ab  eo,  imperio  istius,  abjudica- 
retur.  Innumerabiles  pecuniae  ex  aratorum  bonis 
novo  nefarioque  instituto  coactae ;  socii  fidelissimi  in 
hostium   numero   existimati ;    cives   Romani   servilem 

35  in  modum  cruciati  et  necati ;  homines  nocentissimi 
propter  pecunias  judicio  liberati ;    honestissimi   atque 


vi.  1 5-]  His  Crimes  in  Sicily,  29 

integerrimi,  absentes  rei  facti,  indicta  causa  damnati 
et  ejecti ;  portus  munitissimi,  maximae  tutissimaeque 
urbes  piratis  praedonibusque  patefactae  ;  nautae  mili- 
tesque  Siculorum,  socii  nostri  atque  amici,  fame  ne- 
cati ;  classes  optimae  atque  opportunissimae,  cum  5 
magna  ignominia  populi  Romani,  amissae  et  perditae. 
14.  Idem  iste  praetor  monumenta  antiquissima,  partim 
regum  locupletissimorum,  quae  illi  ornamento  urbi- 
bus  esse  voluerunt,  partim  etiam  nostrorum  impera- 
torum,  quae  victores  civitatibus  Siculis  aut  dederunt  10 
aut  reddiderunt,  spoliavit,  nudavitque  omnia.  Neque 
hoc  solum  in  statuis  ornamentisque  publicis  fecit ; 
sed  etiam  delubra  omnia,  sanctissimis  religionibus 
consecrata,  depeculatus  est.  Deum  denique  nullum 
Siculis,  qui  ei  paulo  magis  adfabre  atque  antiquo  15 
artificio  factus  videretur,  reliquit.  In  stupris  vero  et 
flagitiis,  nefarias  ejus  libidines  commemorare  pudore 
deterreor :  simul  illorum  calamitatem  commemorando 
augere  nolo,  quibus  liberos  conjugesque  suas  integras 
ab  istius  petulantia  conservare  non  licitum  est.  20 

15.  At  enim  haec  ita  commissa  sunt  ab  isto,  ut  non 
cognita  sint  ab  hominibus?  Hominem  arbitror  esse  ne- 
minem,  qui  nomen  istius  audierit,  quin  facta  quoque 
ejus  nefaria  commemorare  possit ;  ut  mihi  magis 
timendum  sit,  ne  multa  crimina  praetermittere,  quam  25 
ne  qua  in  istum  fingere,  existimer.  Neque  enim  mihi 
videtur  haec  multitudo,  quae  ad  audiendum  convenit, 
cognoscere  ex  me  causam  voluisse,  sed  ea,  quae  scit, 
mecum  recognoscere. 

vi.  Quae  cum  ita  sint,  iste  homo  amens  ac  perditus  30 
alia  mecum  ratione  pugnat.  Non  id  agit,  ut  alicujus 
eloquentiam  mihi  opponat ;  non  gratia,  non  auctoritate 
cujusquam,  non  potentia  nititur.  Simulat  his  se  rebus 
confidere,  sed  video  quid  agat  (neque  enim  agit 
occultissime)  :  proponit  inania  mihi  nobilitatis,  hcc  35 
est,  hominum  adrogantium,  nomina  ;  qui  non  tarn  vo% 


30  Impeachment  of  Verres.  [Verr.  I. 

impediunt  quod  nobiles  sunt,  quam  adjuvant  quod 
noti  sunt.  Simulat  se  eorum  praesidio  confidere,  cum 
interea  aliud  quiddam  jam  diu  machinetur. 

16.  Quam  spem  nunc  habeat  in  manibus,  et  quid  mo- 
S  liatur,  breviter  jam,  judices,  vobis  exponam  :  sed  prius, 
ut  ab  initio  res  ab  eo  constituta  sit,  quaeso,  cognoscite. 
Ut  primum  e  provincia  rediit,  redemptio  est  hujus 
judici  facta  grandi  pecunia.  Mansit  in  condicione 
atque  pacto  usque  ad  eum  finem,  dum  judices  rejecti 

10  sunt.  Postea  quam  rejectio  judicum  facta  est  —  quod 
et  in  sortitione  istius  spem  fortuna  populi  Romani, 
et  in  reiciendis  judicibus  mea  diligentia,  istorum 
impudentiam  vicerat  —  renuntiata  est  tota  condicio. 
17.  Praeclare  se  res  habebat.     Libelli  nominum  ves- 

15  trorum,  consilique  hujus,  in  manibus  erant  omnium. 
Nulla  nota,  nullus  color,  nullae  sordes  videbantur  his 
sententiis  adlini  posse :  cum  iste  repente,  ex  alacri 
atque  laeto,  sic  erat  humilis  atque  demissus,  ut  non 
modo  populo  Romano,  sed  etiam  sibi  ipse,  condem- 

2°  natus  videretur.  Ecce  autem  repente,  his  diebus  pau- 
cis  comitiis  consularibus  factis,  eadem  ilia  Vetera 
consilia  pecunia  majore  repetuntur ;  eaedemque  ves- 
trae  famae  fortunisque  omnium  insidiae  per  eosdem 
homines  comparantur.     Quae  res  primo,  judices,  per- 

25  tenui  nobis  argumento  indicioque  patefacta  est :  post, 
aperto  suspitionis  introitu,  ad  omnia  intima  istorum 
consilia  sine  ullo  errore  pervenimus. 

vii.  18.  Nam,  ut  Hortensius,  consul  designatus,  do- 
mum  reducebatur  e  Campo,  cum  maxima  frequentia 

3°  ac  multitudine,  fit  obviam  casu  ei  multitudini  C. 
Curio ;  quern  ego  hominem  honoris  [potius  quam 
contumeliae]  causa  nominatum  volo.  Etenim  ea  di- 
cam,  quae  ille,  si  commemorari  noluisset,  non  tanto  in 
conventu,  tarn  aperte  palamque  dixisset :   quae  tamen 

35  a  me  pedetentim  cauteque  dicentur ;  ut  et  amicitiae 
nostrae,-et  dignitatis  illius,  habita  ratio  esse  intellegatur. 


viii.  2i.]  His  Partisans  are  Elected.  31 

i&.  Videt  ad  ipsum  fornicem  Fabianum  in  turba  Ver- 
rem  :  appellat  hominem,  et  ei  voce  maxima  gratu- 
latur :  ipsi  Hortensio,  qui  consul  erat  factus,  pro- 
pinquis  necessariisque  ejus,  qui  turn  aderant,  verbum 
nullum  facit :  cum  hoc  cpnsistit ;  hunc  amplexatur ;  5 
hunc  jubet  sine  cura  esse.  \  Renuntio,'  inquit,  '  tibi, 
te  hodiernis  comitiis  esse  absolutum.'  Quod  cum  tarn 
multi  homines  honestissimi  audissent,  statim  ad  me 
defertur :  immo  vero,  ut  quisque  me  viderat,  narrabat. 
Aliis  illud  indignum,  aliis  ridiculum,  videbatur  :  ridi-  10 
culum  eis  qui  istius  causam  in  testium  fide,  in  criminum 
ratione,  in  judicum  potestate,  non  in  comitiis  consu- 
laribus,  positam  arbitrabantur :  indignum  eis,  qui  al- 
tius  aspiciebant,  et  hanc  gratulationem  ad  judicium 
corrumpendum  spectare  videbant.  20.  Etenim  sic  15 
ratiocinabantur,  sic  honestissimi  homines  inter  se  et 
mecum  loquebantur :  aperte  jam  et  perspicue  nulla 
esse  judicia.  Qui  reus  pridie  jam  ipse  se  condemna- 
tum  putabat,  is,  postea  quam  defensor  ejus  consul  est 
factus,  absolvitur !  Quid  igitur?  quod  tota  Sicilia,  20 
quod  omnes  Siculi,  omnes  negotiatores,  omnes  publicae 
privataeque  litterae  Romae  sunt,  nihilne  id  valebit? 
nihil,  invito  consule  designato  !  Quid,  judices?  non 
crimina,  non  testis,  non  existimationem  populi  Ro- 
mani  sequentur?  Non:  omnia  in  unius  potestate  ac  25 
moderatione  vertentur. 

viii.  Vere  loquar,  judices :  vehementer  me  haec 
res  commovebat.  Optimus  enim  quisque  ita  loque- 
batur :  iste  quidem  tibi  eripietur  :  sed  nos  non  tene- 
bimus  judicia  diutius.  Etenim  quis  poterit,  Verre  30 
absoluto,  de  transferendis  judiciis  recusare?  21.  Erat 
omnibus  molestum :  neque  eos  tarn  istius  hominis 
perditi  subita  laetitia,  quam  hominis  amplissimi  nova 
gratulatio,  commovebat.  Cupiebam  dissimulare  me 
id  moleste  ferre :  cupiebam  animi  dolorem  vultu  35 
tegere,  et  taciturnitate  celare.     Ecce  autem,  illis  ipsis 


32  Impeachment  of  Verres.  [Verr.  I. 

diebus,  cum  praetores  designati  sortirentur,  et  M. 
Metello  obtigisset,  ut  is  de  pecuniis  repetundis  quae- 
reret;  nuntiatur  mihi,  tantam  isti  gratulationem  esse 
factam,  ut  is  domum  quoque  pueros  mitteret,  qui  uxori 
5  suae  nuntiarent.  22.  Sane  ne  haec  quidem  mihi  res 
placebat :  neque  tamen,  tanto  opere  quid  in  hac  sorte 
metuendum  mihi  esset,  intellegebam.  Unum  illud  ex 
hominibus  certis,  ex  quibus  omnia  comperi,  reperie- 
bam  :  fiscos  compluris  cum  pecunia  Siciliensi,  a  quo- 

io  dam  senatore  ad  equitem  Romanum  esse  translatos  : 
ex  his  quasi  decern  fiscos  ad  senatorem  ilium  relictos 
esse,  comitiorum  meorum  nomine  :  divisores  omnium 
tribuum  noctu  ad  istum  vocatos.  23.  Ex  quibus  qui- 
dam,  qui   se  omnia   mea   causa   debere   arbitrabatur, 

15  eadem  ilia  nocte  ad  me  venit :  demonstrat,  qua  iste 
oratione  usus  esset :  commemorasse  istum,  quam  liber- 
aliter  eos  tractasset  [etiam]  antea,  cum  ipse  praeturam 
petisset,  et  proximis  consularibus  praetoriisque  comi- 
tiis  :   deinde  continuo  esse  pollicitum,  quantam  vellent 

20  pecuniam,  si  me  aedilitate  dejecissent.  Hie  alios 
negasse  audere ;  alios  respondisse,  non  putare  id 
perfici  posse  :  inventum  tamen  esse  fortem  amicum, 
ex  eadem  familia,  Q^  Verrem,  Romilia,  ex  optima 
divisorum    disciplina,    patris    istius    discipulum    atque 

25  amicum,  qui,  HS  quingentis  milibus  depositis,  id  se 
perfecturum  polliceretur :  et  fuisse  turn  non  nullos, 
qui  se  una  facturos  esse  dicerent.  Quae  cum  ita 
essent,  sane  benevolo  animo  me,  ut  magno  opere  cave- 
rem  praemonebat. 

3°  ix.  24.  Sollicitabar  rebus  maximis  uno  atque  eo  per- 
exiguo  tempore.  Urgebant  comitia  ;  et  in  his  ipsis 
oppugnabar  grandi  pecunia.  Instabat  judicium  :  ei 
quoque  negotio  fisci  Sicilienses  minabantur.  Agere 
quae  ad  judicium  pertinebant  libere,  comitiorum  metu 

35  deterrebar :  petitioni  toto  animo  servire,  propter  judi- 
cium  non  licebat.     Minari   denique   divisoribus  ratio 


ix.  27-]  His  Friends  are  in   Office,  33 

non  erat,  propterea  quod  eos  intellegere  videbam 
me  hoc  judicio  districtum  atque  obligatum  futurum. 
25.  Atque  hoc  ipso  tempore  Siculis  denuntiatum  esse 
audio,  primum  ab  Hortensio,  domum  ad  ilium  ut  veni- 
rent :  Siculos  in  eo  sane  liberos  fuisse ;  qui  quam  ob  5 
rem  arcesserentur  cum  intellegerent,  non  venisse. 
Interea  comitia  nostra,  quorum  iste  se,  ut  ceterorum 
hoc  anno  comitiorum,  dominum  esse  arbitrabatur, 
haberi  coepta  sunt.  Cursare  iste  homo  potens,  cum 
filio  blando  et  gratioso,  circum  tribus  :  paternos  ami-  10 
cos,  hoc  est  divisores,  appellare  omnes  et  convenire. 
Quod  cum  esset  intellectum  et  animadversum,  fecit 
animo  libentissimo  populus  Rom  anus,  ut  cujus  divi- 
tiae  me  de  fide  deducere  non  potuissent,  ne  ejusdem 
pecunia  de  honore  deicerer.  15 

26.  Postea  quam  ilia  petitionis  magna  cura  liberatus 
sum,  animo  coepi  multo  magis  vacuo  ac  soluto,  nihil 
aliud  nisi  de  judicio  agere  et  cogitare.  Reperio,  ju- 
dices,  haec  ab  istis  consilia  inita  et  constituta,  ut, 
quacumque  posset  ratione,  res  ita  duceretur,  ut  apud  20 
M.  Metellum  praetorem  causa  diceretur.  In  eo 
esse  haec  commoda :  primum  M.  Metellum  amicis- 
simum  ;  deinde  Hortensium  consulem  non  [solum,  sed] 
etiam  Q^  Metellum,  qui  quam  isti  sit  amicus  attendite  : 
dedit  enim  praerogativam  suae  voluntatis  ejus  modi,  25 
ut  isti  pro  praerogativis  earn   reddidisse  videatur. 

27.  An  me  taciturum  tantis  de  rebus  existimavistis? 
et  me,  in  tanto  rei  publicae  existimationisque  meae 
periculo,  cuiquam  consulturum  potius  quam  officio  et 
dignitati  meae?  Arcessit  alter  consul  designatus  Si-  30 
culos :  veniunt  non  nulli,  propterea  quod  L.  Metellus 
esset  praetor  in  Sicilia.  Cum  iis  ita  loquitur :  se 
consulem  esse ;  fratrem  suum  alterum  Siciliam  pro- 
vinciam  obtinere,  alterum  esse  quaesiturum  de  pecuniis 
repetundis ;  Verri  ne  noceri  possit  multis  rationibus  35 
esse  provisum. 

3 


34  Impeachment  of  Verres,  [Verr.  I. 

x.  28.  Quid  est,  quaeso,  Metelle,  judicium  corrum- 
pere,  si  hoc  non  est?  testis,  praesertim  [Siculos],  timi- 
dos  homines  et  adflictos,  non  solum  auctoritate  deter- 
rere,  sed  etiam  consulari  metu,  et  duorum  praetorum 
5  potestate?  Quid  faceres  pro  innocente  homine  et  pro- 
pinquo,  cum  propter  hominem  perditissimum  atque 
alienissimum  de  officio  ac  dignitate  decedis,  et  com- 
mittis,  ut,  quod  ille  dictitat,  alicui,  qui  te  ignoret, 
verum   esse  videatur?      29.  Nam   hoc  Verrem  dicere 

io  aiebant,  te  non  fato,  ut  ceteros  ex  vestra  familia,  sed 
opera  sua  consulem  factum.  Duo  igitur  consules  et 
quaesitor  erunt  ex  illius  voluntate.  *  Non  solum  efFu- 
giemus  ■  inquit  '  hominem  in  quaerendo  nimium  dili- 
gentem,  nimium  servientem  populi  existimationi,  M\ 

15  Glabrionem  :  accedet  etiam  nobis  illud.  Judex  est 
M.  Caesonius,  conlega  nostri  accusatoris,  homo  in 
rebus  judicandis  spectatus  et  cognitus,  quern  minime 
expediat  esse  in  eo  consilio  quod  conemur  aliqua 
ratione  corrumpere  :   propterea  quod  jam  antea,  cum 

20  judex  in  Juniano  consilio  fuisset,  turpissimum  illud 
facinus  non  solum  graviter  tulit,  sed  etiam  in  medium 
protulit.  Hunc  judicem  ex  Kal.  Januariis  non  habebi- 
mus.  30.  Q^  Manlium,  et  Q^  Cornificium,  duos  se- 
verissimos    atque    integerrimos   judices,   quod   tribuni 

25  plebis  turn  erunt,  judices  non  habebimus.  P.  Sulpi- 
cius,  judex  tristis  et  integer,  magistratum  ineat  oportet 
Nonis  Decembribus.  M.  Crepereius,  ex  acerrima  ilia 
equestri  familia  et  disciplina  ;  L.  Cassius  ex  familia 
cum  ad  ceteras  res  turn  ad  judicandum  severissima  ; 

3°  Cn.  Tremellius,  homo  summa  religione  et  diligentia, 
—  tres  hi,  homines  veteres,  tribuni  militares  sunt  desig- 
nati :  ex  Kal.  Januariis  non  judicabunt.  Subsortiemur 
etiam  in  M.  Metelli  locum,  quoniam  is  huic  ipsi  quaes- 
tioni  praefuturus  est.     Ita  secundum  Kalendas  Janua- 

35  rias,  et  praetore  et  prope  toto  consilio  commutato, 
magnas    accusatoris    minas,    magnamque    exspecta- 


xi.  33-]  The  Danger  of  Delay,  35 

"tionem    judici,    ad    nostrum    arbitrium    libidinemque 
eludemus. 

31.  Nonae  sunt  hodie  Sextiles  :  hora  vin.  convenire 
coepistis.  Hunc  diem  jam  ne  numerant  quidem. 
Decern  dies  sunt  ante  ludos  votivos,  quos  Cn.  Pom-  5 
peius  facturus  est.  Hi  ludi  dies  quindecim  auferent : 
deinde  continuo  Romani  consequentur.  Ita  prope  xl. 
diebus  interpositis,  turn  denique  se  ad  ea  quae  a  no- 
bis dicta  erunt  responsuros  esse  arbitrantur :  deinde 
se  ducturos,  et  dicendo  et  excusando,  facile  ad  ludos  10 
Victoriae.  Cum  his  plebeios  esse  conjunctos  ;  secun- 
dum quos  aut  nulli  aut  perpauci  dies  ad  agendum  fu- 
turi  sunt.  Ita  defessa  ac  refrigerata  accusatione,  rem 
integram  ad  M.  Metellum  praetorem  esse  venturam  : 
quern  ego  hominem,  si  ejus  fidei  diffisus  essem,  judi-  15 
cem  non  retinuissem.  32.  Nunc  tamen  hoc  animo 
sum,  ut  eo  judice  quam  praetore  hanc  rem  transigi 
malim  ;  et  jurato  suam  quam  injurato  aliorum  tabellas 
committere. 

xi.   Nunc  ego,  judices,  jam  vos  consulo,  quid  mihi  20 
faciendum    putetis.       Id    enim    consili    mihi    profecto 
taciti  dabitis,  quod  egomet  mihi  necessario  capiendum 
intellego.    Si  utar  ad  dicendum  meo  legitimo  tempore, 
mei  laboris,  industriae,  diligentiaeque  capiam  fructum  ; 
et  [ex  accusatione]   perficiam  ut  nemo  umquam  post  25 
hominum  memoriam  paratior,  vigilantior,  compositior 
ad  judicium  venisse  videatur.    Sed,  in  hac  laude  indus- 
triae meae,  reus  ne  elabatur  summum  periculum  est. 
Quid  est  igitur  quod  fieri  possit  ?    Non  obscurum,  opi- 
nor,  neque  absconditum.    33.  Fructum  istum  laudis,  qui  30 
ex   perpetua  oratione  percipi  potuit,  in  alia  tempora 
reservemus  :    nunc  hominem  tabulis,  testibus,  privatis 
publicisque  litteris  auctoritatibusque  accusemus.     Res 
omnis  mihi  tecum  erit,  Hortensi.     Dicam  aperte  :   si 
te    mecum    dicendo    ac   diluendis    criminibus    in    hac  35 
causa  contendere  putarem,  ego  quoque  in  accusando 


36  Impeachment  of  Verres.  [Verr.  I. 

atque  in  explicandis  criminibus  operam  consumerem ; 
nunc,  quoniam  pugnare  contra  me  instituisti,  non  tarn 
ex  tua  natura  quam  ex  istius  tempore  et  causa  [mali- 
tiose],  necesse  est  istius  modi  rationi  aliquo  consilio 
5  obsistere.  34.  Tua  ratio  est,  ut  secundum  binos  ludos 
mihi  respondere  incipias;  mea,  ut  ante  primos  ludos 
comperendinem.  Ita  fit  ut  tua  ista  ratio  existimetur 
astuta,  meum  hoc  consilium  necessarium. 

xii.  Verum  illud  quod  institueram  dicere,  mihi  rem 

10  tecum  esse,  hujus  modi  est.  Ego  cum  hanc  causam 
Siculorum  rogatu  recepissem,  idque  mihi  amplum  et 
praeclarum  existimassem,  eos  velle  meae  fidei  diligenti- 
aeque  periculum  facere,  qui  innocentiae  abstinentiae- 
que  fecissent ;    turn  suscepto  negotio,  majus  quiddam 

15  mihi  proposui,  in  quo  meam  in  rem  publicam  vo- 
luntatem  populus  Romanus  perspicere  posset.  35.  Nam 
illud  mihi  nequaquam  dignum  industria  conatuque 
meo  videbatur,  istum  a  me  in  judicium,  jam  omnium 
judicio  condemnatum,  vocari,  nisi  ista  tua  intolera- 

20  bilis  potentia,  et  ea  cupiditas  qua  per  hosce  annos  in 
quibusdam  judiciis  usus  es,  etiam  in  istius  hominis 
desperati  causa  interponeretur.  Nunc  vero,  quoniam 
haec  te  omnis  dominatio  regnumque  judiciorum  tanto 
opere  delectat,  et  sunt  homines  quos  libidinis  infami- 

25  aeque  suae  neque  pudeat  neque  taedeat,  —  qui,  quasi 
de  industria,  in  odium  ofFensionemque  populi  Romani 
inruere  videantur,  —  hoc  me  profiteor  suscepisse,  mag- 
num fortasse  onus  et  mihi  periculosissimum,  verum 
tamen  dignum  in  quo  omnis  nervos  aetatis  industri- 

3°  aeque  meae  contenderem. 

36.  Quoniam  totus  ordo  paucorum  improbitate  et 
audacia  premitur  et  urgetur  infamia  judiciorum,  pro- 
fiteor huic  generi  hominum  me  inimicum  accusatorem, 
odiosum,  adsiduum,  acerbum  adversarium.     Hoc  mihi 

35  sumo,  hoc  mihi  deposco,  quod  agam  in  magistratu, 
quod  agam  ex  eo  loco  ex  quo  me  populus  Romanus 


xii.  39-]  Corruption  of  the   Courts.  37 

ex  Kal.  Januariis  secum  agere  de  re  publica  ac  de  ho- 
minibus  improbis  voluit :  hoc  munus  aedilitatis  meae 
populo  Romano  amplissimum  pulcherrimumque  polli- 
ceor.  Moneo,  praedico,  ante  denuntio  ;  qui  aut  depo- 
nere,  aut  accipere,  aut  -recipere,  aut  polliceri,  aut  5 
sequestres  aut  interpretes  corrumpendi  judici  solent 
esse,  quique  ad  hanc  rem  aut  potentiam  aut  impuden- 
tiam  suam  professi  sunt,  abstineant  in  hoc  judicio 
manus  animosque  ab  hoc  scelere  nefario. 

xiii.  3T.  Erit   turn    consul    Hortensius  cum  summo  10 
imperio  et  potestate  ;  ego  autem  aedilis,  hoc  est,  paulo 
amplius  quam  privatus.     Tamen  hujus  modi  haec  res 
est,  quam  me  acturum  esse  polliceor,  ita  populo  Ro- 
mano grata  atque  jucunda,  ut  ipse  consul  in  hac  causa 
prae  me  minus  etiam  (si  fieri   possit)  quam  privatus  15 
esse  videatur.     Omnia  non  modo  commemorabuntur, 
sed  etiam,  expositis  certis  rebus,  agentur,  quae  inter 
decern  annos,  postea  quam  judicia  ad  senatum  trans- 
lata  sunt,  in  rebus  judicandis  nefarie  flagitioseque  facta 
sunt.     38.  Cognoscet  ex  me  populus  Romanus  quid  20 
sit,  quam  ob  rem,  cum  equester  ordo  judicaret,  annos 
prope  quinquaginta  continuos,  in  nullo  judice  [equite 
Romano  judicante]    ne    tenuissima    quidem    suspitio 
acceptae  pecuniae  ob  rem  judicandam  constituta  sit : 
quid  sit  quod,  judiciis  ad  senatorium  ordinem  transla-  25 
tis,  sublataque  populi  Romani  in  unum  quemque  ves- 
trum  potestate,  Q^  Calidius  damnatus  dixerit,  minoris 
HS   triciens   praetorium   hominem   honeste  non  posse 
damnari :    quid  sit  quod,  P.  Septimio  senatore  dam- 
nato,  Q^  Hortensio   praetore,  de  pecuniis  repetundis  30 
lis  aestimata  sit  eo  nomine,  quod  ille  ob  rem  judican- 
dam pecuniam  accepisset ;    39.  quod  in  C.  Herennio, 
quod  in  C.  Popilio,  senatoribus,  qui  ambo  peculatus 
damnati    sunt ;    quod   in   M.   Atilio,  qui  de  majestate 
damnatus  est,  hoc  planum  factum  sit,  eos  pecuniam  35 
ob  rem  judicandam  accepisse ;  quod  inventi  sint  sena- 


38  Impeachment  of  Verres.  [Verr.  I. 

tores,  qui,  C.  Verre  praetore  urbano  sortiente,  exirent 
in  eum  reum,  quem  incognita  causa  condemnarent ; 
quod  inventus  sit  senator,  qui,  cum  judex  esset,  in 
eodem  judicio  et  ab  reo  pecuniam  acciperet  quam  judi- 

5  cibus  divideret,  et  ab  accusatore,  ut  reum  condemna- 
ret?  40.  Jam  vero  quomodo  illam  labem,  ignominiam, 
calamitatemque  totius  ordinis  conquerar?  hoc  factum 
esse  in  hac  civitate,  cum  senatorius  ordo  judicaret, 
ut  discoloribus  signis  juratorum   hominum   sententiae 

10  notarentur?  Haec  omnia  me  diligenter  severeque  ac- 
turum  esse,  polliceor. 

xiv.  Quo  me  tandem  animo  fore  putatis,  si  quid 
in  hoc  ipso  judicio  intellexero  simili  aliqua  ratione 
esse   violatum    atque    commissum?    cum    planum    fa- 

15  cere  multis  testibus  possim,  C.  Verrem  in  Sicilia, 
multis  audientibus,  saepe  dixisse,  '  se  habere  homi- 
nem  potentem,  cujus  fiducia  provinciam  spoliaret : 
neque  sibi  soli  pecuniam  quaerere,  sed  ita  triennium 
illud  praeturae  Siciliensis  distributum  habere,  ut   se- 

20  cum  praeclare    agi    diceret,  si  unius    anni    quaestum 

in  rem  suam  converteret;   alterum  patronis  et  defen- 

soribus  traderet ;   tertium  ilium  uberrimum  quaestuo- 

sissimumque  annum  totum  judicibus  reservaret.' 

41.  Ex  quo  mihi  venit  in  mentem  illud  dicere  (quod 

25  apud  M\  Glabrionem  nuper  cum  id  reiciundis  judici- 
bus commemorassem,  intellexi  vehementer  populum 
Romanum  commoveri),  me  arbitrari,  fore  uti  natio- 
nes  exterae  legatos  ad  populum  Romanum  mitterent, 
ut  lex  de  pecuniis  repetundis  judiciumque  tolleretur. 

30  Si  enim  judicia  nulla  sint,  tantum  unum  quemque  abla- 
turum  putant,  quantum  sibi  ac  liberis  suis  satis  esse 
arbitretur  :  nunc,  quod  ejus  modi  judicia  sint,  tantum 
unum  quemque  auferre,  quantum  sibi,  patronis,  advo- 
catis,  praetori,  judicibus,  satis  futurum  sit :   hoc  pro- 

35  fecto  infinitum  esse :  se  avarissimi  hominis  cupiditati 
satisfacere  posse,  nocentissimi  victoriae  non  posse. 


xv.  450  justice  to  be  vindicated,  39 

42.  O  commemoranda  judicia,  praeclaramque  existi- 
mationem  nostri  ordinis !  cum  socii  populi  Romani 
judicia  de  pecuniis  repetundis  fieri  nolunt,  quae  a 
majoribus  nostris  sociorum  causa  comparata  sunt. 
An  iste  umquam  de  se  bonam  spem  habuisset,  nisi  5 
de  vobis  malam  opinionem  animo  imbibisset?  Quo 
majore  etiam  (si  fieri  potest)  apud  vos  odio  esse  de- 
bet, quam  est  apud  populum  Romanum,  cum  in  ava- 
ritia,  scelere,  perjurio,  vos  sui  similis  esse  arbitretur. 

xv.  43.  Cui  loco   (per  Deos  immortalis  !),  judices,  10 
consulite  ac  providete.    Moneo  praedicoque  —  id  quod 
intellego  —  tempus  hoc  vobis  divinitus  datum  esse,  ut 
odio,    invidia,    infamia,    turpitudine,    totum    ordinem 
liberetis.      Nulla   in  judiciis   severitas,   nulla   religio, 
nulla  denique  jam  existimantur  esse  judicia.     Itaque  15 
a   populo   Romano    contemnimur,   despicimur :    gravi 
diuturnaque  jam  flagramus  infamia.     44.  Neque  enim 
ullam  aliam  ob  causam  populus  Romanus  tribuniciam 
potestatem  tanto  studio  requisivit ;  quam  cum  poscebat, 
verbo  illam  poscere  videbatur,  re  vera  judicia  posce-  20 
bat.    Neque  hoc  Q^  Catulum,  hominem  sapientissimum 
atque    amplissimum,   fugit,   qui    (Cn.    Pompeio,   viro 
fortissimo  et  clarissimo,  de  tribunicia  potestate  refer- 
ente),   cum   esset  sententiam   rogatus,    hoc  initio   est 
summa    cum    auctoritate    usus :     4  Patres    conscriptos  25 
judicia  male  et  flagitiose  tueri :  quod  si  in  rebus  judi- 
candis,  populi  Romani  existimationi  satis  facere  vol- 
uissent,  non   tanto  opere   homines   fuisse  tribuniciam 
potestatem     desideraturos.'       45.    Ipse     denique     Cn. 
Pompeius,  cum  primum  contionem  ad  Urbem  consul  30 
designatus   habuit,  ubi   (id   quod    maxime    exspectari 
videbatur)  ostendit  se  tribuniciam  potestatem  restitu- 
turum,  factus  est  in  eo  strepitus,  et  grata  contionis  ad- 
murmuratio.      Idem  in  eadem  contione  cum  dixisset 
'  populatas  vexatasque  esse  provincias  ;  judicia  autem  35 
turpia  ac  flagitiosa  fieri ;    ei  rei  se  providere  ac  consu- 


40  Impeachment  of  Verres.  [Verr.  I. 

lere  velle ; '  turn  vero  non  strepitu,  sed  maximo  cla- 
more,  suam  populus  Romanus  significavit  voluntatem. 
xvi.  46.  Nunc  autem  homines  in  speculis  sunt :  ob- 
servant quern  ad  modum  sese  unus  quisque  nostrum 
5  gerat  in  retinenda  religione,  conservandisque  legibus. 
Vident  adhuc,  post  legem  tribuniciam,  unum  senatorem 
hominem  vel  tenuissimum  esse  damnatum  :  quod  tam- 
etsi  non  reprehendunt,  tamen  magno  opere  quod  lau- 
dent  non  habent.  Nulla  est  enim  laus,  ibi  esse  integrum, 

10  ubi  nemo  est  qui  aut  possit  aut  conetur  corrumpere. 
47.  Hoc  est  judicium,  in  quo  vos  de  reo,  populus  Ro- 
manus de  vobis  judicabit.  In  hoc  homine  statuetur, 
possitne,  senatoribus  judicantibus,  homo  nocentissi- 
mus  pecuniosissimusque  damnari.       Deinde    est   ejus 

15  modi  reus,  in  quo  homine  nihil  sit,  praeter  summa 
peccata  maximamque  pecuniam  ;  ut,  si  liberatus  sit, 
nulla  alia  suspitio,  nisi  ea  quae  turpissima  est,  resi- 
dere  possit.  Non  gratia,  non  cognatione,  non  aliis 
recte  factis,  non  denique  aliquo  mediocri  vitio,  tot  tan- 

20  taque  ejus  vitia  sublevata  esse  videbuntur. 

48.  Postremo  ego  causam  sic  agam,  judices :  ejus 
modi  res,  ita  notas,  ita  testatas,  ita  magnas,  ita  manifes- 
tas  proferam,  ut  nemo  a  vobis  ut  istum  absolvatis  per 
gratiam   conetur   contendere.       Habeo   autem  certam 

25  viam  atque  rationem,  qua  omnis  illorum  conatus  in- 
vestigare  et  conseqm  possim.  Ita  res  a  me  agetur,  ut 
in  eorum  consiliis  omnibus  non  modo  aures  hominum, 
sed  etiam  oculi  [populi  Romani]  interesse  videantur. 
49.  Vos  aliquot  jam  per  annos  conceptam  huic  ordini 

3°  turpitudinem  atque  infamiam  delere  ac  tollere  potestis. 
Constat  inter  omnis,  post  haec  constituta  judicia,  qui- 
bus  nunc  utimur,  nullum  hoc  splendore  atque  hac 
dignitate  consilium  fuisse.  Hie  si  quid  erit  offensum, 
omnes  homines  non  jam  ex  eodem  ordine  alios  magis 

35  idoneos  (quod  fieri  non  potest),  sed  alium  omnino  ordi- 
nem  ad  res  judicandas  quaerendum  arbitrabuntur. 


xviii.  53-]  Appeal  to  the   Court.  41 

xvii.  50.  Quapropter,  primum  ab  Dis  immortali- 
bus,  quod  sperare  mihi  videor,  hoc  idem,  judices, 
opto,  ut  in  hoc  judicio  nemo  improbus  praeter  eum  qui 
jampridem  inventus  est  reperiatur  :  deinde  si  plures 
improbi  fuerint,  hoc  vobis,  hoc  populo  Romano,  judi-  5 
ces,  confirmo,  vitam  (mehercule)  mihi  prius,  quam 
vim  perseverantiamque  ad  illorum  improbitatem  per- 
sequendam  defuturam. 

51.  Verum,  quod  ego  laboribus,  periculis,  inimicir 
tiisque  meis,  turn  cum  admissum  erit  dedecus  severe  10 
me  persecuturum  esse  polliceor,  id  ne  accidat,  tu  tua 
auctoritate,  sapientia,  diligentia,  M\  Glabrio,  potes 
providere.  Suscipe  causam  judiciorum  :  suscipe  cau- 
sam  severitatis,  integritatis,  fidei,  religionis  :  suscipe 
causam  senatus,  ut  is,  hoc  judicio  probatus,  cum  po-  15 
pulo  Romano  et  in  laude  et  in  gratia  esse  possit. 
Cogita  qui  sis,  quo  loco  sis,  quid  dare  populo  Ro- 
mano, quid  reddere  majoribus  tuis,  debeas  :  fac  tibi 
paternae  legis  [Aciliae]  veniat  in  mentem,  qua  lege 
populus  Romanus  de  pecuniis  repetundis  optimis  ju-  2<> 
diciis  severissimisque  judicibus  usus  est.  52.  Circum- 
stant  te  summae  auctoritates,  quae  te  oblivisci  laudis 
domesticae  non  sinant ;  quae  te  noctis  diesque  com- 
moneant,  fortissimum  tibi  patrem,  sapientissimum 
avum,  gravissimum  socerum  fuisse.  Qua  re  si  [Gla-  25 
brionis]  patris  vim  et  acrimoniam  ceperis  ad  resistendum 
hominibus  audacissimis  ;  si  avi  [Scaevolae]  prudentiam 
ad  prospiciendas  insidias,  quae  tuae  atque  horum  famae 
comparantur  ;  si  soceri  [Scauri]  constantiam,  ut  ne  quis 
te  de  vera  et  certa  possit  sententia  demovere  ;  intelle-  3° 
get  populus  Romanus,  integerrimo  atque  honestissimo 
praetore,  delectoque  consilio,  nocenti  reo  magnitudi- 
nem  pecuniae  plus  habuisse  momenti  ad  suspitionem 
criminis,  quam  ad  rationem  salutis. 

xviii.  53.  Mihi    certum    est,  non   committere  ut  in  35 
hac  causa  praetor  nobis  consiliumque  mutetur.     Non 


42  Impeachment  of  Verres.  [Verr.  I. 

patiar  rem  in  id  tempus  adduci,  ut  [Siculi],  quos  ad- 
huc  servi  designatorum  consulum  non  moverunt,  cum 
eos  novo  exemplo  universos  arcesserent,  eos  turn  lictores 
consulum  vocent;  ut  homines  miseri,  antea  socii  atque 

5  amici  populi  Romani,  nunc  servi  ac  supplices,  non 
modo  jus  suum  fortunasque  omnis  eorum  imperio 
amittant,  verum  etiam  deplorandi  juris  sui  potestatem 
non  habeant.  54.  Non  sinam  profecto,  causa  a  me 
perorata,  [quadraginta  diebus  interpositis,]  turn  nobis 

io  denique  responded,  cum  accusatio  nostra  in  oblivionem 
diuturnitate  adducta  sit :  non  committam,  ut  turn  haec 
res  judicetur,  cum  haec  frequentia  totius  Italiae  Roma 
discesserit ;  quae  convenit  uno  tempore  undique,  comi- 
tiorum,    ludorum,    censendique    causa.     Hujus  judici 

is  et  laudis  fructum,  et  offensionis  periculum,  vestrum  ; 
laborem  sollicitudinemque,  nostram ;  scientiam  quid 
agatur,  memoriamque  quid  a  quoque  dictum  sit, 
omnium  puto  esse  oportere. 

55.  Faciam    hoc   non   novum,  sed   ab  eis  qui  nunc 

20  principes  nostrae  civitatis  sunt  ante  factum,  ut  testibus 
utar  statim  :  illud  a  me  novum,  judices,  cognoscetis, 
quod  ita  testis  constituam,  ut  crimen  totum  explicem  ; 
ut,  ubi  id  [interrogando]  arguments  atque  oratione  fir- 
mavero,  turn  testis  ad  crimen  adcommodem  :    ut  nihil 

25  inter  illam  usitatam  accusationem  atque  hanc  novam 
intersit,  nisi  quod  in  ilia  tunc,  cum  omnia  dicta  sunt, 
testes  dantur ;  hie  in  singulas  res  dabuntur ;  ut  illis 
quoque  eadem  interrogandi  facultas,  argumentandi 
dicendique  sit.     Si  quis  erit,  qui  perpetuam  orationem 

3°  accusationemque  desideret,  altera  actione  audiet :  nunc 
id,  quod  facimus  —  ea  ratione  facimus,  ut  malitiae  illo- 
rum  consilio  nostro  occurramus  —  necessario  fieri  intel- 
legat.  Haec  primae  actionis  erit  accusatio.  56.  Dici- 
mus  C.  Verrem,  cum  multa  libidinose,  multa  crude- 

35  liter,  in  civis  RjOmanos  atque  in  socios,  multa  in  deos 
hominesque  nefarie  fecerit  turn  praeterea  quadringen- 


mi.  n6.]  The  Plunder  of  Syracuse,  43 

tiens  sestertium  ex  Sicilia  contra  leges  abstulisse.  Hoc 
testibus,  hoc  tabulis  privatis  publicisque  auctoritatibus 
ita  vobis  planum  faciemus,  ut  hoc  statuatis,  etiam  si 
spatium  ad  dicendum  nostro  commodo,  vacuosque  dies 
habuissemus,  tamen  oratione  longa  nihil  opus  fuisse. 
Dixi. 


The  Plunder  of  Syracuse. 

[Actio    Secunda,    Lib.    IV.    ch.    52-60.] 

lii.  Unius  etiam  urbis  omnium  pulcherrimae  atque 
ornatissimae,  Syracusarum,  direptionem  commemora- 
bo  et  in  medium  proferam,  judices,  ut  aliquando  totam 
hujus  generis  orationem  concludam  atque  definiam.  10 
Nemo  fere  vestrum  est  quin  quern  ad  modum  captae 
sint  a  M.  Marcello  Syracusae  saepe  audierit,  non  num- 
quam  etiam  in  annalibus  legerit.  Conferte  hanc  pacem 
cum  illo  bello,  hujus  praetoris  adventum  cum  illius 
imperatoris  victoria,  hujus  cohortem  impuram  cum  15 
illius  exercitu  invicto,  hujus  libidines  cum  illius  conti- 
nentia  :  ab  illo,  qui  cepit,  conditas,  ab  hoc  qui  consti- 
tutas  accepit,  captas  dicetis  Syracusas. 

2.  Ac  jam  illn  omitto,  quae  disperse  a  me  multis  in 
locis  dicentur  ac  dicta  sunt :    forum   Syracusanorum,  20 
quod  introitu  Marcelli  purum  caede  servatum  esset,  id 
adventu  Verris   Siculorum   innocentium  sanguine  re- 
dundasse  :   portum  Syracusanorum,  qui  turn  et  nostris 
classibus    et   Karthaginiensium    clausus    fuisset,   eum 
isto  praetore  Cilicum  myoparoni  praedonibusque  patu-  2S 
isse :    mitto   adhibitam  vim  ingenuis,  matres  familias 
violatas,  quae  turn  in  urbe  capta  commissa  non  sunt 
neque  odio  hostili  neque  licentia  militari  neque  more 
belli  neque  jure  victoriae  :  mitto,  inquam,  haec  omnia, 
quae    ab    isto  per  triennium  perfecta  sunt :    ea,  quae  3° 
conjuncta  cum  illis  rebus  sunt,  de  quibus  antea  dixi, 
cognoscite. 


44  Impeachment  of  Verres.  [Verr.  V. 

3.  Urbem  Syracusas  maximam  esse  Graecarum, 
pulcherrimam  omnium  saepe  audistis.  Est,  judices, 
ita  ut  dicitur.  Nam  et  situ  est  cum  munito  turn  ex 
omni  aditu,  vel  terra  vel  mari,  praeclaro  ad  aspectum, 
5  et  portus  habet  prope  in  aedificatione  aspectuque  urbis 
inclusos  :  qui  cum  diversos  inter  se  aditus  habeant, 
in  exitu  conjunguntur  et  confluunt.  Eorum  conjunc- 
tione  pars  oppidi,  quae  appellatur  Insula,  mari  dijunc- 
ta  angusto,  ponte  rursus  adjungitur  et  continetur. 

io  liii.  4.  Ea  tanta  est  urbs,  ut  ex  quattuor  urbibus 
maximis  constare  dicatur :  quarum  una  est  ea  quatn 
dixi  Insula,  quae  duobus  portubus  cincta,  in  utriusque 
portus  ostium  aditumque  projecta  est,  in  qua  domus 
est,  quae  Hieronis  regis  fuit,  qua  praetores  uti  solent. 

15  In  ea  sunt  aedes  sacrae  complures,  sed  duae  quae 
longe  ceteris  antecellant :  Dianae,  et  altera,  quae 
fuit  ante  istius  adventum  ornatissima,  Minervae.  In 
hac  insula  extrema  est  fons  aquae  dulcis,  cui  nomen 
Arethusa  est,  incredibili  magnitudine,  plenissimus  pis- 

20  cium,  qui  fluctu  totus  operiretur,  nisi  munitione  ac 
mole  lapidum  dijunctus  esset  a  mari.  5.  Altera  au- 
tem  est  urbs  Syracusis,  cui  nomen  Achradina  est :  in 
qua  forum  maximum,  pulcherrimae  porticus,  ornatis- 
simum  prytanium,  amplissima  est  curia  templumque 

25  egregium  Jovis  Olympii  ceteraeque  urbis  partes,  quae 
una  via  lata  perpetua  multisque  transversis  divisae 
privatis  aedificiis  continentur.  Tertia  est  urbs,  quae, 
quod  in  ea  parte  Fortunae  fanum  antiquum  fuit,  Ty- 
cha  nominata  est,  in  qua  gymnasium  amplissimum  est 

30  et  complures  aedes  sacrae  :  coliturque  ea  pars  et  habi- 
tatur  frequentissime.  Quarta  autem  est,  quae  quia 
postrema  coaedificata  est,  Neapolis  nominatur :  quam 
ad  summam  theatrum  maximum  :  praeterea  duo  tem- 
pla  sunt  egregia,  Cereris  unum,  alterum  Liberae  sig- 

35  numque  Apollinis,  qui  Temenites  vocatur,  pulcherri- 
mum  et  maximum :  quod  iste  si  portare  potuisset,  non 
dubitasset  auferre. 


lv.  122.]  Mar  cell  us  the  Conqueror \  45 

liv.  6.  Nunc  ad  Marcellum  revertar,  ne  haec  a  me 
sine  causa  commemorata  esse  videantur :  qui  cum 
tarn  praeclaram  urbem  vi  copiisque  cepisset,  non  puta- 
vit  ad  laudem  populi  Romani  hoc  pertinere,  hanc 
pulchritudinem,  ex  qua  praesertim  periculi  nihil  osten-  5 
deretur,  delere  et  exstinguere.  Itaque  aedificiis  omni- 
bus, publicis  privatis,  sacris  profanis,  sic  pepercit, 
quasi  ad  ea  defendenda  cum  exercitu,  non  oppugnan- 
da  venisset.  In  ornatu  urbis  habuit  victoriae  rationem, 
habuit  humanitatis.  Victoriae  putabat  esse  multa  Ro-  10 
mam  deportare,  quae  ornamento  urbi  esse  possent, 
humanitatis  non  plane  exspoliare  urbem,  praesertim 
quam  conservare  voluisset.  7.  In  hac  partitione  orna- 
tus  non  plus  victoria  Marcelli  populo  Romano  appeti- 
vit  quam  humanitas  Syracusanis  reservavit.  Romam  15 
quae  apportata  sunt,  ad  aedem  Honoris  et  Virtutis 
itemque  aliis  in  locis  videmus.  Nihil  in  aedibus,  nihil 
in  hortis  posuit,  nihil  in  suburbano  :  putavit,  si  urbis 
ornamenta  domum  suam  non  contulisset,  domum  suam 
ornamento  urbi  futuram.  Syracusis  autem  permulta  20 
atque  egregia  reliquit :  deum  vero  nullum  violavit, 
nullum  attigit.  Conferte  Verrem  :  non  ut  hominem 
cum  homine  comparetis,  ne  qua  tali  viro  mortuo  fiat 
injuria,  sed  ut  pacem  cum  bello,  leges  cum  vi,  forum 
et  juris  dictionem  cum  ferro  et  armis,  adventum  et  25 
comitatum  cum  exercitu  et  victoria  conferatis. 

lv.  8.  Aedis  Minervae  est  in  Insula,  de  qua  ante 
dixi :  quam  Marcellus  non  attigit,  quam  plenam  atque 
ornatam  reliquit :  quae  ab  isto  sic  spoliata  atque  di- 
repta  est,  non  ut  ab  hoste  aliquo,  qui  tamen  in  bello  30 
religionum  et  consuetudinis  jura  retineret,  sed  ut  a 
barbaris  praedonibus  vexata  esse  videatur.  Pugna 
erat  equestris  Agathocli  regis  in  tabulis  picta :  his 
autem  tabulis  interiores  templi  parietes  vestiebantur. 
Nihil  erat  ea  pictura  nobilius,  nihil  Syracusis  quod  35 
magis  visendum  putaretur.     Has  tabulas  M.  Marcel- 


46  Impeachment  of  Verves,  [Verr.  V. 

lus  cum  omnia  victoria  ilia  sua  profana  fecisset, 
tamen  religione  impeditus  non  attigit :  iste,  cum  ilia 
jam  propter  diuturnam  pacem  fidelitatemque  populi 
Syracusani  sacra  religiosaque  accepisset,  omnes  eas 
5  tabulas  abstulit :  parietes,  quorum  ornatus  tot  saecula 
manserant,  tot  bella  effugerant,  nudos  ac  deformatos 
reliquit.  9.  Et  Marcellus,  qui,  si  Syracusas  cepisset, 
duo  templa  se  Romae  dedicaturum  voverat,  is  id,  quod 
erat  aedificaturus,  iis  rebus  ornare,  quas  ceperat,  no- 
lo luit :  Verres,  qui  non  Honori  neque  Virtuti,  quern  ad 
modum  ille,  sed  Veneri  et  Cupidini  vota  deberet,  is 
Minervae  templum  spoliare  conatus  est.  Ille  deos 
deorum  spoliis  ornari  noluit :  hie  ornamenta  Minervae 
virginis  in  meretriciam  domum  transtulit.  Viginti 
15  et  septem  praeterea  tabulas  pulcherrime  pictas  ex 
eadem  aede  sustulit :  in  quibus  erant  imagines  Siciliae 
regum  ac  tyrannorum,  quae  non  solum  pictorum  artifi- 
cio  delectabant,  sed  etiam  commemoratione  hominum 
et  cognitione  formarum.  Ac  videte  quanto  taetrior 
20  hie  tyrannus  Syracusanus  fuerit  quam  quisquam  supe- 
riorum :  cum  illi  tamen  ornarint  templa  deorum 
immortalium,  hie  etiam  illorum  monumenta  atque 
ornamenta  sustulerit. 

lvi.  10.  Jam   vero  quid  ego  de  valvis  illius  templi 

25  commemorem?      Vereor  ne,   haec  qui   non   viderint, 

omnia    me    nimis    augere    atque    ornare    arbitrentur : 

quod  tamen  nemo  suspicari  debet,  tarn  esse  me  cupi- 

dum,  ut  tot  viros  primarios  velim,  praesertim  ex  judi- 

cum  numero,  qui  Syracusis  fuerint,  qui  haec  viderint, 

30  esse  temeritati  et  mendacio  meo  conscios.    Confirmare 

hoc  liquido,  judices,  possum,  valvas  magnificentiores, 

ex  auro  atque  ebore  perfectiores,  nullas  umquam  ullo  in 

templo  fuisse.    Incredibile  dictu  est  quam  multi  Graeci 

de  harum  valvarum  pulchritudine  scriptum  reliquerint. 

35  Nimium    forsitan    haec   illi    mirentur    atque    efFerant. 

Esto :  verum  tamen  honestius  est  rei  publicae  nostrae, 


lvii.  126.]  Verres  the  Plunderer.  47 

judices,  ea  quae  illis  pulchra  esse  videantur  imperato- 
rem  nostrum  in  bello  reliquisse,  quam  praetorem  in 
pace  abstulisse.  Ex  ebore  diligentissime  perfecta 
argumenta  erant  in  valvis':  ea  detrahenda  curavit 
omnia.  11.  Gorgonis  os  pulcherrimum,  cinctum  an-  5 
guibus,  revellit  atque  abstulit :  et  tamen  indicavit  se 
non  solum  artificio,  sed  etiam  pretio  quaestuque  duci. 
Nam  bullas  aureas  omnes  ex  iis  valvis,  quae  erant 
multae  et  graves,  non  dubitavit  auferre  :  quarum  iste 
non  opere  delectabatur,  sed  pondere.  Itaque  ejus  10 
modi  valvas  reliquit,  ut  quae  olim  ad  ornandum  tern- 
plum  erant  maxime,  nunc  tantum  ad  cludendum  factae 
esse  videantur.  Etiamne  gramineas  hastas  —  vidi 
enim  vos  in  hoc  nomine,  cum  testis  diceret,  commo- 
veri,  quod  erat  ejus  modi,  ut  semel  vidisse  satis  esset ;  15 
in  quibus  neque  manu  factum  quicquam  neque  pulchri- 
tudo  erat  ulla,  sed  tantum  magnitudo  incredibilis,  de 
qua  vel  audire  satis  esset,  nimium  videre  plus  quam 
semel  —  etiam  id  concupisti? 

lvii.  12.  Nam    Sappho,  quae    sublata   de    prytanio  20 
est,  dat  tibi  justam  excusationem,  prope  ut  conceden- 
dum    atque    ignoscendum    esse    videatur.      Silanionis 
ppus   tarn   perfectum,   tarn    elegans,    tarn   elaboratum 
quisquam  non  modo  privatus,  sed  populus  potius  habe- 
ret   quam    homo    elegantissimus    atque  eruditissimus,  25 
Verres?     Nimirum  contra  dici  nihil  potest.     Nostrum 
enim  unus  quisque  —  qui  tarn  beati  quam  iste  est  non 
sumus,  tarn  delicati  esse  non  possumus  —  si  quando  ali- 
quid  istius  modi  videre  volet,  eat  ad  aedem  Felicitatis, 
ad    monumentum    Catuli,    in    porticum    Metelli  \     det  30 
operam  ut  admittatur  in  alicujus  istorum  Tusculanum  ; 
spectet  forum  ornatum,  si  quid  iste  suorum  aedilibus 
commodarit :    Verres  haec  habeat  domi,  Verres  orna- 
mentorum  fanorum  atque  oppidorum  habeat  plenam  do- 
mum,  villas  refertas?    Etiamne  hujus  operari   studia  ac  35 
delicias,  judices,  perferetis?   qui  ita  natus,  ita  educa- 


48  Impeachment  of  Verres.         [Verr.  V. 

tus  est,  ita  factus  et  animo  et  corpore,  ut  multo  apposi- 
tior  ad  ferenda  quam  ad  auferenda  signa  esse  videatur. 
13.  Atque  haec  Sappho  sublata  quantum  desiderium 
sui  reliquerit  dici  vix  potest.  Nam  cum  ipsa  fuit  egre- 
5  gie  facta,  turn  epigramma  Graecum  pernobile  incisum 
est  in  basi :  quod  iste  eruditus  homo  et  Graeculus, 
qui  haec  subtiliter  judicat,  qui  solus  intellegit,  si  unam 
litteram  Graecam  scisset,  certe  non  tulisset.  Nunc 
enim,  quod  scriptum  est  inani  in  basi,  declarat  quid 

io  fuerit,  et  id  ablatum  indicat. 

14.  Quid?  signum  Paeanis  ex  aede  Aesculapii  prae- 
clare  factum,  sacrum  ac  religiosum,  non  sustulisti? 
quod  omnes  propter  pulchritudinem  visere,  propter  reli- 
gionem  colere  solebant.     Quid?   ex  aede  Liberi  sim- 

15  ulacrum  Aristaei  non  tuo  imperio  palam  ablatum  est? 
Quid?  ex  aede  Jovis  religiosissimum  simulacrum  Jo- 
vis  Imperatoris,  pulcherrime  factum,  nonne  abstulisti? 
Quid?  ex  aede  Liberae,  f  parinum  caput  illud  pulcher- 
rimum,  quod  visere  solebamus,  num  dubitasti  tollere? 

20  Atque  ille  Paean  sacrifices,  anniversariis  simul  cum 
Aesculapio  apud  illos  colebatur :  Aristaeus,  qui  [ut 
Graeci  ferunt,  Liberi  Alius]  inventor  olei  esse  dicitur, 
una  cum  Libero  patre  apud  illos  eodem  erat  in  templo 
consecratus. 

25  lviii.  15.  Jovem  autem  Imperatorem  quanto  honore 
in  suo  templo  fuisse  arbitramini?  Conicere  potestis, 
si  recordari  volueritis  quanta  religione  fuerit  eadem 
specie  ac  forma  signum  illud,  quod  ex  Macedonia  cap- 
turn    in    Capitolio  posuerat  Flamininus.     Etenim  tria 

30  ferebantur  in  orbe  terrarum  signa  Jovis  Imperatoris 
uno  in  genere  pulcherrime  facta  :  unum  illud  Macedo- 
nicum,  quod  in  Capitolio  vidimus ;  alterum  in  Ponti 
ore  et  angustiis;  tertium,  quod  Syracusis  ante  Verrem 
praetorem  fuit.     Illud  Flamininus  ita  ex  aede  sua  sus- 

35  tulit,  ut  in  Capitolio,  hoc  est,  in  terrestri  domicilio 
Jovis  poneret.      Quod  autem  est  ad  introitum  Ponti, 


lix.  132.]  How  these   Treasures  are  Prized.  49 

id,  cum  tarn  multa  ex  illo  mari  bella  emerserint, 
tarn  multa  porro  in  Pontum  invecta  sint,  usque  ad 
hanc  diem  integrum  inviolatumque  servatum  est.  Hoc 
tertium,  quod  erat  Syracusis,  quod  M.  Marcellus  ar- 
matus  et  victor  viderat,  quod  religioni  concesserat,  5 
quod  cives  atque  incolae  Syracusani  colere,  advenae 
non  solum  visere,  verum  etiam  venerari  solebant,  id 
Verres  ex  templo  Jovis  sustulit. 

16.  Ut  saepius  ad  Marcellum  revertar,  judices,  sic 
habetote :  plures  esse  a  Syracusanis  istius  adventu  10 
deos,  quam  victoria  Marcelli  homines  desideratos. 
Etenim  ille  requisisse  etiam  dicitur  Archimedem  ilium, 
summo  ingenio  hominem  ac  disciplina,  quern  cum 
audisset  interfectum,  permoleste  tulisse  :  iste  omnia, 
quae  requisivit,  non  ut  conservaret,  verum  ut  asporta-  15 
ret  requisivit. 

lix.  it.  Jam  ilia  quae  leviora  videbuntur  ideo  prae- 
teribo,  —  quod  mensas  Delphicas  e  marmore,  cra- 
teras  ex  aere  pulcherrimas,  vim  maximam  vasorum 
Corinthiorum  ex  omnibus  aedibus  sacris  abstulit  Syra-  20 
cusis.  Itaque,  judices,  ei  qui  hospites  ad  ea  quae  vi- 
senda  sunt  solent  ducere,  et  unum  quidque  ostendere, 
quos  illi  mystagogos  vocant,  conversam  jam  habent 
demonstrationem  suam.  Nam,  ut  ante  demonstrabant 
quid  ubique  esset,  item  nunc  quid  undique  ablatum  sit  25 
ostendunt. 

18.  Quid  turn?  mediocrine  tandem  dolore  eos  adfec- 
tos  esse  arbitramini?  Non  ita  est,  judices :  primum, 
quod  omnes  religione  moventur,  et  deos  patrios,  quos 
a  majoribus  acceperunt,  colendos  sibi  diligenter  et  30 
retinendos  esse  arbitrantur :  deinde  hie  ornatus,  haec 
opera  atque  artificia,  signa,  tabulae  pictae,  Graecos 
homines  nimio  opere  delectant.  Itaque  ex  illorum 
querimoniis  intellegere  possumus,  haec  illis  acerbis- 
sima  videri,  quae  forsitan  nobis  levia  et  contemnenda  35 
esse  videantur.     Mihi  credite,  judices,  —  tametsi  vos- 


50  Impeachment  of  Verres.  [Verr.  V. 

met  ipsos  haec  eadem  audire  certo  scio,  —  cum  mul- 
tas  acceperint  per  hosce  annos  socii  atque  exterae 
nationes  calamitates  et  injurias,  nullas  Graeci  homines 
gravius  ferunt  ac  tulerunt,  quam  hujusce  modi  spolia- 

5  tiones  fanorum  atque  oppidorum. 

19.  Licet  iste  dicat  emisse  se,  sicuti  solet  dicere,  cre- 
dite  hoc  mihi,  judices  :  nulla  umquam  civitas  tota  Asia 
et  Graecia  signum  ullum,  tabulam  pictam,  ullum  deni- 
que  ornamentum  urbis,  sua  voluntate  cuiquam  vendi- 

10  dit,  nisi  forte  existimatis,  postea  quam  judicia  severa 
Romae  fieri  desierunt,  Graecos  homines  haec  vendi- 
tare  coepisse,  quae  turn  non  modo  non  venditabant, 
cum  judicia  fiebant,  verum  etiam  coemebant ;  aut  nisi 
arbitramini  L.  Crasso,  Q^  Scaevolae,  C.  Claudio,  po- 

15  tentissimis  hominibus,  quorum  aedilitates  ornatissimas 
vidimus,  commercium  istarum  rerum  cum  Graecis 
hominibus  non  fuisse,  eis  qui  post  judiciorum  dissolu- 
tionem  aediles  facti  sunt  fuisse. 

lx.  20.  Acerbiorem    etiam    scitote   esse   civitatibus 

20  falsam  istam  et  simulatam  emptionem,  quam  si  qui 
clam  surripiat  aut  eripiat  palam  atque  auferat.  Nam 
turpitudinem  summam  esse  arbitrantur  referri  in  tabu- 
las  publicas,  pretio  adductam  civitatem  (et  pretio  par- 
vo)  ea  quae  accepisset  a  majoribus  vendidisse  atque 

25  abalienasse.  Etenim  mirandum  in  modum  Graeci 
rebus  istis,  quas  nos  contemnimus,  delectantur.  Itaque 
majores  nostri  facile  patiebantur,  haec  esse  apud  illos 
quam  plurima :  apud  socios,  ut  imperio  nostro  quam 
ornatissimi  florentissimique  essent ;    apud  eos  autem, 

30  quos  vectigalis  aut  stipendiarios  fecerant,  tamen  haec 
relinquebant,  ut  illi  quibus  haec  jucunda  sunt,  quae 
nobis  levia  videntur,  haberent  haec  oblectamenta  et 
solacia  servitutis. 

21.  Quid   arbitramini  Reginos,  qui   jam    cives    Ro- 

35  mani  sunt,  merere  velle,  ut  ab  eis  marmorea  Venus 
ilia  auferatur?   quid  Tarentinos,  ut  Europam  in  tauro 


lxi.  1 60.]      Crucifixion  of  a  Roman   Citizen.  51 

amittant?  ut  Satyrum,  qui  apud  illos  in  aede  Vestae 
est?  ut  cetera?  quid  Thespienses,  ut  Cupidinis  sig- 
num  [propter  quod  unum  visuntur  Thespiae]  ?  quid 
Cnidios,  ut  Venerem  marmoream  ?  quid,  ut  pictam, 
Coos?  quid  Ephesios,  ut  Alexandrum?  quid  Cyzice-  5 
nos,  ut  Ajacem  aut  Medeam?  quid  Rhodios,  ut  Ialy- 
sum?  quid  Athenienses,  ut  ex  marmore  Iacchum  aut 
Paralum  pictum  aut  ex  aere  Myronis  buculam?  Lon- 
gum  est  et  non  necessarium  commemorare  quae  apud 
quosque  visenda  sunt  tota  Asia  et  Graecia :  verum  10 
illud  est  quam  ob  rem  haec  comraemorem,  quod  existi- 
mare  hoc  vos  volo.  mirum  quendam  dolorem  accipere 
eos,  ex  quorum  urbibus  haec  auferantur. 


Crucifixion   of  a   Roman    Citizen. 

[Actio  Secunda,  Lib.  V.,  ch.  61-66.] 

Quid  nunc  agam  ?  Cum  jam  tot  horas  de  uno  gen- 
ere  ac  de  istius  nefaria  crudelitate  dicam,  —  cum  prope  15 
omnem  vim  verborum  ejus  modi,  quae  scelere  istius 
digna  sint,  aliis  in  rebus  consumpserim,  neque  hoc 
providerim,  ut  varietate  criminum  vos  attentos  tene- 
rem,  —  quern  ad  modum  de  tanta  re  dicam?  Opinor, 
unus  modus  atque  una  ratio  est.  Rem  in  medio  20 
ponam,  quae  tantum  habet  ipsa  gravitatis,  ut  neque 
mea  (quae  nulla  est)  neque  cujusquam,  ad  inflamman- 
dos  vestros  animos,  eloquentia  requiratur. 

2.  Gavius  hie,  quern  dico,  Consanus,  cum  in  illo  nu- 
mero  civium  Romanorum  ab  isto  in  vincla  conjectus  25 
esset,  et  nescio  qua  ratione  clam  e  lautumiis  profugis- 
set,  Messanamque  venisset, — qui  tarn  prope  jam  Ital- 
iam  et  moenia  Reginorum  civium  Romanorum  videret, 
et  ex  illo  metu  mortis  ac  tenebris,  quasi  luce  libertatis 
et  odore    aliquo    legum    recreatus,  revixisset,  —  loqui  3° 


52  Impeachment  of  Verres.  [Verr.  VI. 

Messanae  et  queri  coepit,  se  civem  Romanum  in 
vincla  esse  conjectum ;  sibi  recta  iter  esse  Romam  ; 
Verri  se  praesto  advenienti  futurum. 

3.  Non  intellegebat  miser  nihil  interesse,  utrum  haec 
5  Messanae,    an    apud    istum    in    praetorio    loqueretur. 

Nam  (ut  ante  vos  docui)  hanc  sibi  iste  urbem  delege- 
rat,  quam  haberet  adjutricem  scelerum,  furtorum  re- 
ceptricem,  fiagitiorum  omnium  consciam.  Itaque  ad 
magistratum    Mamertinum    statim    deducitur  Gavius : 

io  eoque  ipso  die  casu  Messanam  Verres  venit.  Res  ad 
eum  defertur :  esse  civem  Romanum,  qui  se  Syracusis 
in  lautumiis  fuisse  quereretur  :  quern,  jam  ingredientem 
in  navem,  et  Verri  nimis  atrociter  minitantem,  ab  se 
retractum  esse  et  asservatum,  ut  ipse  in  eum  statueret 

15  quod  videretur. 

4.  Agit  hominibus  gratias,  et  eorum  benevolentiam 
erga  se  diligentiamque  conlaudat.  Ipse,  inflammatus 
scelere  et  furore,  in  forum  venit.  Ardebant  oculi : 
toto  ex  ore  crudelitas  eminebat.     Exspectabant  omnes, 

20  quo  tandem  progressurus  aut  quidnam  acturus  esset ; 
cum  repente  hominem  proripi,  atque  in  foro  medio 
nudari  ac  deligari,  et  virgas  expediri  jubet.  Clama- 
bat  ille  miser,  se  civem  esse  Romanum,  municipem 
Consanum  ;   meruisse  cum  L.  Raecio,  splendidissimo 

25  equite  Romano,  qui  Panhormi  negotiaretur,  ex  quo 
haec  Verres  scire  posset.  Turn  iste,  se  comperisse 
eum  speculandi  causa  in  Siciliam  a  ducibus  fugitivo- 
rum  esse  missum ;  cujus  rei  neque  index,  neque  ves- 
tigium   aliquod,   neque    suspitio    cuiquam    esset   ulla. 

30  Deinde  jubet  undique  hominem  vehementissime 
verberari. 

5.  Caedebatur  virgis  in  medio  foro  Messanae  civis 
Romanus,  judices ;  cum  interea  nullus  gemitus,  nulla 
vox  alia  illius  miseri  inter  dolorem  crepitumque  pla- 

35  garum  audiebatur,  nisi  haec,  Civis  Romanus  sum! 
Hac  se  commemoratione  civitatis  omnia  verbera  de- 


lxiii.  164.]   Gavius  is  Scourged  and  Tortured.  53 

pulsurum,  cruciatumque  a  corpore  dejecturum,  arti- 
trabatur.  Is  non  modo  hoc  non  perfecit,  ut  virgarum 
vim  deprecaretur ;  sed,  cum  imploraret  saepius,  usur- 
paretque  nomen  civitatis,  crux  —  crux,  inquam  —  infe- 
lici  et  aerumnoso,  qui  numquam  istam  pestem  vide-  s 
rat,  comparabatur. 

lxiii.  6.  O  nomen  dulce  libertatis  !  O  jus  eximium 
nostrae  civitatis  !  O  lex  Porcia,  legesque  Semproniae  ! 
O  graviter  desiderata,  et  aliquando  reddita  plebi  Ro- 
manae,  tribunicia  potestas  !  Hucine  tandem  omnia  10 
reciderunt,  ut  civis  Romanus,  in  provincia  populi  Ro- 
mani,  in  oppido  foederatorum,  ab  eo  qui  beneficio  po- 
puli Romani  fascis  et  securis  haberet,  deligatus  in 
foro  virgis  caederetur?  Quid?  cum  ignes  ardentes- 
que  laminae  ceterique  cruciatus  admovebantur,  si  te  15 
illius  acerba  imploratio  et  vox  miserabilis  non  inhibe- 
bat,  ne  civium  quidem  Romanorum,  qui  turn  aderant, 
fletu  et  gemitu  maximo  commovebare?  In  crucem 
tu  agere  ausus  es  quemquam,  qui  se  civem  Romanum 
esse  diceret?  7.  Nolui  tarn  vehementer  agere  hoc  20 
prima  actione,  judices :  nolui.  Vidistis  enim,  ut  ani- 
mi  multitudinis  in  istum  dolore  et  odio  et  communis 
periculi  metu  concitarentur.  Statui  egomet  mihi 
turn  modum  orationi  meae,  et  C.  Numitorio,  equiti 
Romano,  primo  homini,  testi  meo  ;  et  Glabrionem,  id  25 
quod  sapientissime  fecit,  facere  laetatus  sum,  ut  re- 
pente  consilium  in  medio  testimonio  dimitteret.  Et- 
enim  verebatur  ne  populus  Romanus  ab  isto  eas  poe- 
nas  vi  repetisse  videretur,  quas  veritus  esset  ne  iste 
legibus  ac  vestro  judicio  non  esset  persoluturus.  30 

8.  Nunc,  quoniam  exploratum  est  omnibus  quo 
loco  causa  tua  sit,  et  quid  de  te  futurum  sit,  sic  tecum 
agam  :  Gavium  istum,  quern  repentinum  speculatorem 
fuisse  dicis,  ostendam  in  lautumias  Syracusis  abs  te  esse 
conjectum.  Neque  id  solum  ex  litteris  ostendam  Syra-  35 
cusanorum,  ne   possis  dicere   me,  quia   sit   aliquis  in 


54  Impeachment  of  Verres.  [Verr.  VI. 

litteris  Gavius,  hoc  fingere  et  eligere  nomen,  ut  hunc 
ilium  esse  possim  dicere  ;  sed  ad  arbitrium  tuum  testis 
dabo,  qui  istum  ipsum  Syracusis  abs  te  in  lautumias 
conjectum  esse  dicant.  Producam  etiam  Consanos, 
5  municipes  illius  ac  necessarios,  qui  te  nunc  sero  doce- 
ant,  judices  non  sero,  ilium  P.  Gavium,  quern  tu  in 
crucem  egisti,  civem  Romanum  et  municipem  Con- 
sanum,  non  speculatorem  fugitivorum  fuisse. 

lxiv,  0.  Cum  haec  omnia,  quae  polliceor,  cumulate 

io  tuis  patronis  plana  fecero,  turn  istuc  ipsum  tenebo, 
quod  abs  te  mi  hi  datur :  eo  contentum  me  esse  dicam. 
Quid  enim  nuper  tu  ipse,  cum  populi  Romani  clamore 
atque  impetu  perturbatus  exsiluisti,  quid,  inquam,  locu- 
tus  es?     Ilium,  quod  moram  supplicio  quaereret,  ideo 

15  clamitasse  se  esse  civem  Romanum,  sed  speculatorem 
fuisse.  Jam  mei  testes  veri  sunt.  Quid  enim  dicit 
aliud  C.  Numitorius?  quid  M.  et  P.  Cottii,  nobilissimi 
homines,  ex  agro  Tauromenitano?  quid  Q^  Lucceius, 
qui  argentariam  Regii  maximam  fecit?    quid  ceteri? 

20  Adhuc  enim  testes  ex  eo  genere  a  me  sunt  dati,  non 
qui  novisse  Gavium,  sed  se  vidisse  dicerent,  cum  is, 
qui  se  civem  Romanum  esse  clamaret,  in  crucem  age- 
retur.  Hoc  tu,  Verres,  idem  dicis  ;  hoc  tu  conriteris 
ilium   clamitasse,  se  civem  esse  Romanum ;    apud  te 

25  nomen  civitatis  ne  tantum  quidem  valuisse,  ut  dubita- 

tionem   aliquam   crucis,  ut  crudelissimi  taeterrimique 

supplici  aliquam  parvam  moram  saltern  posset  adferre. 

10.  Hoc  teneo,  hie  haereo,  judices.    Hoc  sum  conten- 

tus  uno ;    omitto   ac  neglego  cetera ;  sua  confessione 

30  induatur  ac  juguletur  necesse  est.  Qui  esset  ignora- 
bas  ;  speculatorem  esse  suspicabare.  Non  quaero  qua 
suspitione  :  tua  te  accuso  oratione.  Civem  Romanum 
se  esse  dicebat.  Si  tu,  apud  Persas  aut  in  extrema 
India   deprehensus,  Verres,   ad   supplicium  ducerere, 

35  quid  aliud  clamitares,  nisi  te  civem  esse  Romanum? 
Et,  si  tibi  ignoto  apud  ignotos,  apud  barbaros,  apud 


lxvi.  13.]  The   Claim  of  Citizenship.  55 

homines  in  extremis  atque  ultimis  gentibus  positos, 
nobile  et  inlustre  apud  omnis  nomen  civitatis  tuae  pro- 
fuisset, —  ille,  quisquis  erat,  quern  tu  in  crucem  rapie- 
bas,  qui  tibi  esset  ignotus,  cum  civem  se  Romanum 
esse  diceret,  apud  te  praetorem,  si  non  effugium,  ne  5 
moram  quidem  mortis,  mentione  atque  usurpatione 
civitatis,  adsequi  potuit? 

lxv.  11.  Homines  tenues,  obscuro  loco  nati,  navi- 
gant ;  adeunt  ad  ea  loca  quae  numquam  antea  vide- 
runt ;  ubi  neque  noti  esse  eis  quo  venerunt,  neque  10 
semper  cum  cognitoribus  esse  possunt.  Hac  una  ta- 
men  fiducia  civitatis,  non  modo  apud  nostros  magistra- 
tus,  qui  et  legum  et  existimationis  periculo  continentur, 
neque  apud  civis  solum  Romanos,  qui  et  sermonis  et 
juris  et  multarum  rerum  societate  juncti  sunt,  fore  se  15 
tutos  arbitrantur ;  sed,  quocumque  venerint,  hanc  sibi 
rem  praesidio  sperant  futuram.  12.  Tolle  hanc  spem, 
tolle  hoc  praesidium  civibus  Romanis  ;  constitue  nihil 
esse  opis  in  hac  voce,  Civis  Romanus  sum;  posse  im- 
pune  praetorem,  aut  alium  quemlibet,  supplicium  quod  20 
velit  in  eum  constituere  qui  se  civem  Romanum  esse 
dicat,  quod  eum  quis  ignoret ;  jam  omnis  provincias, 
jam  omnia  regna,  jam  omnis  liberas  civitates,  jam 
omnem  orbem  terrarum,  qui  semper  nostris  hominibus 
maxime  patuit,  civibus  Romanis  ista  defensione  prae-  25 
cluseris.  Quid  si  L.  Raecium,  equitem  Romanum, 
qui  turn  in  Sicilia  erat,  nominabat?  etiamne  id  mag- 
num fuit,  Panhormum  litteras  mittere?  Adservasses 
hominem  ;  custodiis  Mamertinorum  tuorum  vinctum, 
clausum  habuisses,  dum  Panhormo  Raecius  veniret ;  3° 
cognosceret  hominem,  aliquid  de  summo  supplicio  re- 
mitteres.  Si  ignoraret,  turn,  si  ita  tibi  videretur,  hoc 
juris  in  omnis  constitueres,  ut,  qui  neque  tibi  notus 
esset,  neque  cognitorem  locupletem  daret,  quamvis 
civis  Romanus  esset,  in  crucem  tolleretur.  35 

lxvi.  13.  Sed  quid  ego  plura  de  Gavio?    quasi  tu 


56  Impeachment  of  Verres.  [Verr.  VI. 

Gavio  turn  fueris  infestus,  ac  non  nomini,  generi,  juri 
civium  hostis.  Non  ill i  (inquam)  homini,  sed  causae 
communi  libertatis,  inimicus  fuisti.  Quid  enim  attinu- 
it,  cum  Mamertini,  more  atque  instituto  suo,  crucem 
5  fixissent  post  urbem,  in  via  Pompeia,  te  jubere  in  ea 
parte  figere,  quae  ad  fretum  spectaret ;  et  hoc  addere 
—  quod  negare  nullo  modo  potes,  quod  omnibus  audien- 
tibus  dixisti  palam  —  te  idcirco  ilium  locum  deligere,  ut 
ille,  quoniam  se  civem  Romanum  esse  diceret,  ex  cruce 

10  Italiam  cernere  ac  domum  suam  prospicere  posset? 
Itaque  ilia  crux  sola,  judices,  post  conditam  Messanam, 
illo  in  loco  fixa  est.  Italiae  conspectus  ad  earn  rem  ab 
isto  delectus  est,  ut  ille,  in  dolore  cruciatuque  moriens, 
perangusto  fretu  divisa  servitutis  ac  libertatis  jura  co- 

15  gnosceret ;  Italia  autem  alumnum  suum  servitutis  ex- 
tremo  summoque  supplicio  adfixum  videret. 

14.  Facinus  est  vincire  civem  Romanum ;  scelus 
verberare ;  prope  parricidium  necare  :  quid  dicam  in 
crucem  tollere?    verbo  satis  digno  tarn  nefaria  res  ap- 

20  pellari  nullo  modo  potest.  Non  fuit  his  omnibus  iste 
contentus.  Spectet  (inqult)  pal  riam :  in  conspectu  Ic- 
gutn  libertatisque  moriatur.  Non  tu  hoc  loco  Gavium, 
non  unum  hominem  nescio  quern,  [civem  Romanum,] 
sed  communem  libertatis  et  civitatis  causam  in  ilium 

25  cruciatum  et  crucem  egisti.  Jam  vero  videte  hominis 
audaciam.  Nonne  eum  graviter  tulisse  arbitramini, 
quod  illam  civibus  Romanis  crucem  non  posset  in  foro, 
non  in  comitio,  non  in  rostris  defigere?  Quod  enim 
his  locis,  in  provincia  sua,  celebritate  simillimum,  re- 

30  gione  proximum  potuit,  elegit.  Monumentum  sceleris 
audaciaeque  suae  voluit  esse  in  conspectu  Italiae,  ves- 
tibulo  Siciliae,  praetervectione  omnium  qui  ultro  citro- 
que  navigarent. 


POMPEY'S    MILITARY   COMMAND. 

(Por  the  Manilian  Law.) 
b.c.  66. 

The  last  serious  resistance  made  to  the  Roman  power  in  the 
East  was  by  Mithridates  VI.,  king  of  Pontus,  whose  dominions 
embraced  the  whole  eastern  coast  of  the  Black  Sea  (Pontus  Euxi- 
nus),  including  the  kingdom  of  Bosporus  (Crimea)  on  the  one  hand, 
and  Paphlagonia  on  the  other;  while  the  king  of  Armenia  was 
closely  allied  to  him  by  marriage.  He  was  the  most  formidable 
enemy  encountered  by  Rome  after  Hannibal,  and  there  were  three 
several  wars  between  them.  The  first  was  conducted  by  Sulla  (b.c. 
88-84),  who  gained  great  successes,  and  obliged  Mithridates  to  pay 
a  large  sum  of  money ;  the  second  (83-82)  was  a  short  and  unim- 
portant affair,  in  which  Murena  was  worsted.  The  third  broke  out 
B.C.  74,  and  was  conducted  successfully  by  Lucius  Licinius  Lucullus, 
the  ablest  general  of  the  aristocracy,  who  was  distinguished  for  the 
severe  justice  of  his  administration  in  Asia  Minor,  and  was  an 
amiable  and  cultivated  man,  but  of  very  luxurious  habits. 

When  the  war  had  continued  for  several  years,  the  democratic 
faction  {populares)  took  advantage  of  some  temporary  reverses  sus- 
tained by  Lucullus,  and  the  unpopularity  of  his  administration,  to 
revoke  his  command,  and  give  to  the  consul  of  B.C.  67,  M'.  Acilius 
Glabrio,  —  the  same  who  presided  at  the  trial  of  Verres,  —  the  east- 
ern war  as  his  province.  The  law  was  proposed  by  the  tribune  A. 
Gabinius,  one  of  the  most  active  demagogues  of  the  time.  Another 
law,  proposed  by  the  same  politician,  required  the  Senate  to  appoint 
a  commander  of  consular  rank,  with  extraordinary  powers  for 
three  years,  by  land  and  sea,  to  suppress  the  piracy  which  infested 
every  part  of  the  Mediterranean,  having  its  chief  seat  in  Cilicia. 
It  was  understood  as  a  matter  of  course  that  Gnaeus  (or  Cneius) 
Pompey,  who  had  been  living  in  retirement  since  his  consulship, 
B.C.  70,  would  receive  this  appointment.  Pompey  accomplished  his 
task  with  the  most  brilliant  success,  and  in  three  months  had  the 
seas  completely  cleared.     (See  below,  chap,  xn.) 

Meantime  Glabrio  had  shown  himself  wholly  incompetent  to  con- 
duct the  war  against  Mithridates,  and  early  in  B.C.  66,  the  Tribune 
Caius  Manilius,  "  an  utterly  incompetent  and  worthless  man,"  pro* 


58  Pomfey's  Military  Command.         [Manil. 

posed  a  law  extending  Pompey's  command  over  the  entire  East. 
Power  like  this  was  quite  inconsistent  with  the  republican  institu- 
tions of  Rome,  and  with  the  established  authority  of  the  Senate  ; 
the  law  was  of  course  opposed  by  the  leaders  of  the  aristocracy 
{optimates),  led  by  Hortensius  and  Catulus.  Cicero  was  now  prae- 
tor. He  was  no  democrat  of  the  school  of  Gabinius  and  Caesar ; 
on  the  other  hand  he  had  no  hereditary  sympathies  with  the  Sen- 
ate, and  he  probably  failed  to  recognize  the  revolutionary  character 
of  the  proposition,  but  considered  merely  its  practical  advantages  : 
he  therefore  supported  it  with  ardor.  This  was  his  first  political 
speech.  Before  this  time  he  had  been  a  public-spirited  lawyer  ;  from 
this  time  on  he  was  essentially  a  politician,  and  it  is  not  hard  to  see 
how  unfavorably  his  character  was  influenced  by  contact  with  the 
corrupt  politics  of  that  day. 

The  Manilian  Law  was  passed,  and  Pompey  fulfilled  the  most 
sanguine  expectations  of  his  friends.  He  brought  the  Mithridatic 
War  to  an  end,  organized  the  Roman  power  throughout  the  East, 
and  returned  home  B.C.  61,  with  greater  prestige  and  glory  than  had 
ever  been  reached  by  any  Roman  before  him. 

QUAMQUAM  mihi  semper  frequens  conspectus 
vester  multo  jucundissimus,  hie  autem  locus  ad 
agendum  amplissimus,  ad  dicendum  ornatissimus  est 
visus,  Quirites,  tamen  hoc  aditu  laudis,  qui  semper 
S  optimo  cuique  maxime  patuit,  non  mea  me  voluntas 
adhuc,  sed  vitae  meae  rationes  ab  ineunte  aetate  sus- 
ceptae  prohibuerunt.  Nam  cum  antea  per  aetatem 
nondum  hujus  auctoritatem  loci  attingere  auderem, 
statueremque  nihil  hue  nisi  perfectum  ingenio,  elabo- 

10  ratum  industria  adferri  oportere,  omne  meum  tempus 
amicorum  temporibus  transmittendum  putavi.  2.  Ita 
neque  hie  locus  vacuus  umquam  fuit  ab  eis  qui  ves- 
tram  causam  defenderent,  et  meus  labor,  in  privatorum 
periculis   caste   integreque  versatus,  ex  vestro  judicio 

15  fructum  est  amplissimum  consecutus.  Nam  cum 
propter  dilationem  comitiorum  ter  praetor  primus  cen- 
turiis  cunctis  renuntiatus  sum,  facile  intellexi,  Qui- 
rites, et  quid  de  me  judicaretis,  et  quid  aliis  praescri-  . 


n.  5-1  The  Mithridaiic    War.  59 

beretis.  Nunc  cum  et  auctoritatis  in  me  tantum  sit, 
quantum  vos  honoribus  mandandis  esse  voluistis,  et 
ad  agendum  facultatis  tantum,  quantum  homini  vigi- 
lanti  ex  forensi  usu  prope  cotidiana  dicendi  exercitatio 
potuit  adferre,  certe  et  si  quid  auctoritatis  in  me  est,  5 
apud  eos  utar  qui  earn  mihi  dederunt,  et  si  quid  in 
dicendo  consequi  possum,  eis  ostendam  potissimum, 
qui  ei  quoque  rei  fructum  suo  judicio  tribuendum  esse 
duxerunt.  3.  Atque  illud  in  primis  mihi  laetandum 
jure  esse  video,  quod  in  hac  insolita  mihi  ex  hoc  loco  10 
ratione  dicendi  causa  talis  oblata  est,  in  qua  oratio  de- 
esse  nemini  possit.  Dicendum  est  enim  de  Cn.  Pom- 
pei  singulari  eximiaque  virtute  :  hujus  autem  orationis 
difficilius  est  exitum  quam  principium  invenire.  Ita 
mihi  non  tarn  copia  quam  modus  in  dicendo  quaeren-  15 
dus  est. 

11.  4.  Atque,  —  ut  inde  oratio  mea  proficiscatur,  unde 
haec  omnis  causa  ducitur,  — bellum  grave  et  periculo- 
sum  vestris  vectigalibus  ac  sociis  a  duobus  potentissi- 
mis  regibus  infertur,  Mithridate  et  Tigrane,  quorum  20 
alter  relictus,  alter  lacessitus,  occasionem  sibi  ad  occu- 
pandam  Asiam  oblatam  esse  arbitrantur.      Equitibus 
Romanis,  honestissimis  viris,  adferuntur  ex  Asia  coti- 
die   litterae,   quorum   magnae   res   aguntur  in  vestris 
vectigalibus  exercendis    occupatae :    qui   ad   me,  pro  25 
necessitudine  quae  mihi  est  cum  illo  ordine,  causam 
rei   publicae    periculaque    rerum    suarum    detulerunt : 
5.  Bithyniae,  quae   nunc   vestra -provincia    est,   vicos 
exustos  esse   compluris ;    regnum  Ariobarzanis,  quod 
finitimum  est  vestris  vectigalibus,  totum  esse  in  hosti-  30 
um  potestate  ;  L.  Lucullum,  magnis  rebus  gestis,  ab  eo 
bello   discedere ;   huic   qui   successerit  non   satis   esse 
paratum  ad  tantum  bellum  administrandum  ;  unum  ab 
omnibus  sociis  et  civibus  ad   id  bellum   imperatorem 
deposci  atque  expeti,  eundem  hunc  unum  ab  hostibus  35 
metui,  praeterea  neminem. 


60  Pompey's  Military  Command,         [Manil. 

6.  Causa  quae  sit  videtis :  nunc  quid  agendum  sit 
considerate.  Primum  mini  videtur  de  genere  belli, 
deinde  de  magnitudine,  turn  de  imperatore  deligendo 
esse  dicendum.  Genus  est  belli  ejus  modi,  quod  max- 
5  ime  vestros  animos  excitare  atque  inflammare  ad  per- 
sequendi  studium  debeat :  in  quo  agitur  populi  Romani 
gloria,  quae  vobis  a  majoribus  cum  magna  in  omnibus 
rebus  turn  summa  in  re  militari  tradita  est ;  agitur 
salus  sociorum  atque  amicorum,  pro  qua  multa  majo- 

10  res  vestri  magna  et  gravia  bella  gesserunt ;  aguntur 
certissima  populi  Romani  vectigalia  et  maxima,  quibus 
amissis  et  pacis  ornamenta  et  subsidia  belli  requiretis ; 
aguntur  bona  multorum  civium,  quibus  est  a  vobis  et 
ipsorum  et  rei  publicae  causa  consulendum.    in.  7.  Et 

15  quoniam  semper  appetentes  gloriae  praeter  ceteras 
gentis  atque  avidi  laudis  fuistis,  delenda  est  vobis  ilia 
macula  [Mithridatico]  bello  superiore  concepta,  quae 
penitus  jam  insedit  ac  nimis  inveteravit  in  populi  Ro- 
mani nomine,  — quod  is,  qui  uno  die,  tota  in  Asia,  tot  in 

20  civitatibus,  uno  nuntio  atque  una  significatione  [littera- 
rum]  civis  Romanos  necandos  trucidandosque  denota- 
vit,  non  modo  adhuc  poenam  nullam  suo  dignam 
scelere  suscepit,  sed  ab  illo  tempore  annum  jam  ter- 
tium  et  vicesimum  regnat,  et  ita  regnat,  ut  se  non  Ponti 

25  neque  Cappadociae  latebris  occultare  velit,  sed  emer- 
gere  ex  patrio  regno  atque  in  vestris  vectigalibus,  hoc 
est,  in  Asiae  luce  versari.  8.  Etenim  adhuc  ita  nostri 
cum  illo  rege  contenderunt  imperatores,  ut  ab  illo  in- 
signia  victoriae,  non   victoriam  reportarent.     Trium- 

3°  phavit  L.  Sulla,  triumphavit  L.  Murena  de  Mithridate, 
duo  fortissimi  viri  et  summi  imperatores ;  sed  ita  tri- 
umpharunt,  ut  ille  pulsus  superatusque  regnaret.  Ve- 
rum  tamen  illis  imperatoribus  laus  est  tribuenda  quod 
egerunt,  venia  danda  quod  reliquerunt,  propterea  quod 

35  ab  eo  bello  Sullam  in  Italiam  res  publica,  Murenam 
Sulla  revocavit. 


v.  ii.]  Earlier  Conduct  of  the    War.  61 

iv.  9.  Mithridates  autem  omne  reliquum  tempus  non 
ad  oblivionem  veteris  belli,  sed  ad  comparationem  novi 
contulit :  qui  [postea]  cum  maximas  aedificasset  ornas- 
setque  classis  exercitusque  permagnos  quibuscumque 
ex  gentibus  potuisset  comparasset,  et  se  Bosporanis  5 
finitimis  suis  bellum  inferre  simularet,  usque  in  Hispa- 
niam  legatos  ac  litteras  misit  ad  eos  duces  quibuscum 
turn  bellum  gerebamus,  ut,  cum  duobus  in  locis  dis- 
junctissimis  maximeque  diversis  uno  consilio  a  binis 
hostium  copiis  bellum  terra  marique  gereretur,  vos  10 
ancipiti  contentione  districti  de  imperio  dimicaretis. 
10.  Sed  tamen  alterius  partis  periculum,  Sertorianae 
atque  Hispaniensis,  quae  multo  plus  firmamenti  ac  ro- 
boris  habebat,  Cn.  Pompei  divino  consilio  ac  singu- 
lari  virtute  depulsum  est ;  in  altera  parte  ita  res  a  L.  15 
Lucullo  summo  viro  est  administrata,  ut  initia  ilia 
rerum  gestarum  magna  atque  praeclara  non  felicitati 
ejus,  sed  virtuti,  haec  autem  extrema,  quae  nuper 
acciderunt,  non  culpae,  sed  fortunae  tribuenda  esse 
videantur.  Sed  de  Lucullo  dicam  alio  loco,  et  ita  20 
dicam,  Quirites,  ut  neque  vera  laus  ei  detracta  ora- 
tione  mea  neque  falsa  adficta  esse  videatur :  11.  de 
vestri  imperi  dignitate  atque  gloria  —  quoniam  is  est 
exorsus  orationis  meae  —  videte  quern  vobis  animum 
suscipiendum  putetis.  25 

v.  Majores  nostri  saepe  mercatoribus  aut  navicula- 
riis  nostris  injuriosius  tractatis  bella  gesserunt :  vos,  tot 
milibus  civium  Romanorum  uno  nuntio  atque  uno  tem- 
pore necatis,  quo  tandem  animo  esse  debetis?  Legati 
quod  erant  appellati  superbius,  Corinthum  patres  vestri  30 
totius  Graeciae  lumen  exstinctum  esse  voluerunt:  vos 
eum  regem  inultum  esse  patiemini,  qui  legatum  populi 
Romani  consularem  vinculis  ac  verberibus  atque  omni 
supplicio  excruciatum  necavit?  Illi  libertatem  immi- 
nutam  civium  Romanorum  non  tulerunt :  vos  ereptam  35 
vitam  neglegetis?     Jus  legationis  verbo   violatum  illi 


62  Po?nfey*s  Military   Command.         [Manil. 

persecuti  sunt :  vos  legatum  omni  supplicio  interfec- 
tum  relinquetis?  12.  Videte  ne,  ut  illis  pulcherrimum 
fuit  tantam  vobis  imperi  gloriam  tradere,  sic  vobis  tur- 
pissimum  sit,  id  quod  accepistis  tueri  et  conservare 
5  non  posse. 

Quid?  quod  salus  sociorum  summum  in  periculum 
ac  discrimen  vocatur,  quo  tandem  animo  ferre  debetis? 
Regno  est  expulsus  Ariobarzanes  rex,  socius  populi 
Romani  atque  amicus ;  imminent  duo  reges  toti  Asiae 

io  non  solum  vobis  inimicissimi,  sed  etiam  vestris  sociis 
atque  amicis ;  civitates  autem  omnes  cuncta  Asia  atque 
Graecia  vestrum  auxilium  exspectare  propter  periculi 
magnitudinem  coguntur ;  imperatorem  a  vobis  certum 
deposcere,  cum  praesertim  vos  alium  miseritis,  neque 

15  audent,  neque  se  id  facere  sine  summo  periculo  posse 
arbitrantur.  13.  Vident  et  sentiunt  hoc  idem  quod  vos, 
—  unum  virum  esse,  in  quo  summa  sint  omnia,  et  eum 
propter  esse,  quo  etiam  carent  aegrius ;  cujus  adventu 
ipso  atque  nomine,  tametsi  ille  ad  maritimum  bellum 

20  venerit,  tamen  impetus  hostium  repressos  esse  intelle- 
gunt  ac  retardatos.  Hi  vos,  quoniam  libere  loqui  non 
licet,  tacite  rogant,  ut  se  quoque,  sicut  ceterarum  pro- 
vinciarum  socios,  dignos  existimetis,  quorum  salutem 
tali  viro  commendetis ;   atque  hoc  etiam  magis,  quod 

25  ceteros  in  provinciam  ejus  modi  homines  cum  imperio 
mittimus,  ut  etiam  si  ab  hoste  defendant,  tamen  ipso- 
rum  adventus  in  urbis  sociorum  non  multum  ab  hos- 
tili  expugnatione  differant.  Hunc  audiebant  antea, 
nunc  praesentem  vident,  tanta  temperantia,  tanta  man- 

30  suetudine,  tanta  humanitate,  ut  ei  beatissimi  esse  vide- 
antur,  apud  quos  ille  diutissime  commoratur. 

vi.  14.  Qua  re  si  propter  socios,  nulla  ipsi  injuria  la- 
cessiti,  majores  nostri  cum  Antiocho,  cum  Philippo, 
cum  Aetolis,  cum  Poenis  bella  gesserunt,  quanto  vos 

35  studio  convenit  injuriis  provocatos  sociorum  salutem 
una  cum  imperi  vestri  dignitate  defendere,  praesertim 


vii.  i7«]  Importance  of  the  Province,  63 

cum  de  maximis  vestris  vectigalibus  agatur?  Nam 
ceterarum  provinciarum  vectigalia,  Quirites,  tanta 
sunt,  ut  eis  ad  ipsas  provincias  tutandas  vix  contend 
esse  possimus  :  Asia  vero  tarn  opima  est  ac  fertilis,  ut 
et  ubertate  agrorum  et  varietate  fructuum  et  magnitu-  5 
dine  pastionis  et  multitudine  earum  rerum  quae  expor- 
tantur,  facile  omnibus  terris  antecellat.  Itaque  haec 
vobis  provincia,  Quirites,  si  et  belli  utilitatem  et  pacis 
dignitatem  retinere  voltis,  non  modo  a  calamitate,  sed 
etiam  a  metu  calamitatis  est  defendenda.  15.  Nam  in  10 
ceteris  rebus  cum  venit  calamitas,  turn  detrimentum 
accipitur ;  at  in  vectigalibus  non  solum  adventus  mali, 
sed  etiam  metus  ipse  adfert  calamitatem.  Nam  cum 
hostium  copiae  non  longe  absunt,  etiam  si  inruptio 
nulla  facta  est,  tamen  pecuaria  relinquitur,  agri  cul-  15 
tura  deseritur,  mercatorum  navigatio  conquiescit.  Ita 
neque  ex  portu  neque  ex  decumis  neque  ex  scriptura 
vectigal  conservari  potest :  qua  re  saepe  totius  anni 
fructus  uno  rumore  periculi  atque  uno  belli  terrore 
amittitur.  16.  Quo  tandem  igitur  animo  esse  existimatis  20 
aut  eos  qui  vectigalia  nobis  pensitant,  aut  eos  qui  exer- 
cent  atque  exigunt,  cum  duo  reges  cum  maximis  copiis 
propter  adsint?  cum  una  excursio  equitatus  perbrevi 
tempore  totius  anni  vectigal  auferre  possit?  cum  pub- 
licani  familias  maximas,  quas  in  saltibus  habent,  quas  25 
in  agris,  quas  in  portubus  atque  custodiis,  magno  pe- 
riculo  se  habere  arbitrentur?  Putatisne  vos  illis  rebus 
frui  posse,  nisi  eos  qui  vobis  fructui  sunt  conservari- 
tis  non  solum  (ut  ante  dixi)  calamitate,  sed  etiam 
calamitatis  formidine  liberatos.  3° 

vii.  17.  Ac  ne  illud  quidem  vobis  neglegendum  est, 
quod  mihi  ego  extremurn  proposueram,  cum  essem  de 
belli  genere  dicturus,  quod  ad  multorum  bona  civium 
Romanorum  pertinet,  quorum  vobis  pro  vestra  sapien- 
tia,  Quirites,  habenda  est  ratio  diligenter.  Nam  et  35 
publicani,  homines  honestissimi  atque  ornatissimi,  suas 


6\  Pompey's  Military  Command.         [Manil. 

rationes  et  copias  in  illam  provinciam  contulerunt,  quo- 
rum ipsorum  per  se  res  et  fortunae  vobis  curae  esse 
debent.  Etenim  si  vectigalia  nervos  esse  rei  publicae 
semper  duximus,  eum  certe  ordinem,  qui  exercet  ilia, 
S  firmamentum  ceterorum  ordinum  recte  esse  dicemus. 
18.  Deinde  ex  ceteris  ordinibus  homines  gnavi  atque 
industrii  partim  ipsi  in  Asia  negotiantur,  quibus  vos 
absentibus  consulere  debetis,  partim  eorum  in  ea  pro- 
vincia  pecunias  magnas  conlocatas  habent.     Est  igitur 

10  humanitatis  vestrae  magnum  numerum  eorum  civium 
calamitate  prohibere,  sapientiae  videre  multorum  civi- 
um calamitatem  a  re  publica  sejunctam  esse  non  posse. 
Etenim  primum  illud  parvi  refert,  nos  publica  his  amis- 
sis  [vectigalia]  postea  victoria  recuperare.   Neque  enim 

15  isdem  redimendi  facultas  erit  propter  calamitatem,  ne- 
que aliis  voluntas  propter  timorem.  19.  Deinde  quod 
nos  eadem  Asia  atque  idem  iste  Mithridates  initio  belli 
Asiatici  docuit,  id  quidem  certe  calamitate  docti  memo- 
ria  retinere  debemus.     Nam  turn,   cum   in  Asia    res 

20  magnas  permulti  amiserant,  scimus  Romae,  solutione 
impedita,  fidem  concidisse.  Non  enim  possunt  una  in 
civitate  multi  rem  ac  fortunas  amittere,  ut  non  plures 
secum  in  eandem  trahant  calamitatem.  A  quo  peri- 
culo  prohibete  rem  publicam,  et  mihi  credite  id  quod 

25  ipsi  videtis :  haec  fides  atque  haec  ratio  pecuniarum, 
quae  Romae,  quae  in  foro  versatur,  implicata  est  cum 
illis  pecuniis  Asiaticis  et  cohaeret.  Ruere  ilia  non 
possunt,  ut  haec  non  eodem  labefacta  motu  concidant. 
Qua  re  videte  num  dubitandum  vobis  sit  omni  studio 

30  ad  id  bellum  incumbere,  in  quo  gloria  nominis  vestri, 
salus  sociorum,  vectigalia  maxima,  fortunae  plurimo- 
rum  civium  conjunctae  cum  re  publica  defendantur. 

viii.  20.  Quoniam   de    genere   belli    dixi,   nunc   de 
magnitudine  pauca  dicam.     Potest  hoc  enim  dici,  belli 

35  genus  esse  ita  necessarium  ut  sit  gerendum,  non  esse 
ita  magnum  ut  sit  pertimescendum.     In  quo  maxime 


ix.  22.]  The  Praise  of  Lucullus.  65 

elaborandum  est,  ne  forte  ea  vobis  quae  diligentissime 
providenda  sunt,  contemnenda  esse  videantur.  Atque 
ut  omnes  intellegant  me  L.  Lucullo  tantum  impertire 
laudis,  quantum  forti  viro  et  sapienti  homini  et  magno 
imperatori  debeatur,  dico  ejus  adventu  maximas  Mith-  5 
ridati  copias  omnibus  rebus  ornatas  atque  instructas 
fuisse,  urbemque  Asiae  clarissimam  nobisque  amicis- 
simam,  Cyzicenorum,  obsessam  esse  ab  ipso  rege 
maxima  multitudine  et  oppugnatam  vehementissime, 
quam  L.  Lucullus  virtute,  adsiduitate,  consilio,  sum-  10 
mis  obsidionis  periculis  liberavit :  21.  ab  eodem  im- 
peratore  classem  magnam  et  ornatam,  quae  ducibus 
Sertorianis  ad  Italiam  studio  atque  odio  inflammata 
raperetur,  superatam  esse  atque  depressam  ;  magnas 
hostium  praeterea  copias  multis  proeliis  esse  deletas,  15 
patefactumque  nostris  legionibus  esse  Pontum,  qui 
antea  populo  Romano  ex  omni  aditu  clausus  fuisset ; 
Sinopen  atque  Amisum,  quibus  in  oppidis  erant  domi- 
cilia  regis,  omnibus  rebus  ornatas  ac  refertas,  cete- 
rasque  urbis  Ponti  et  Cappadociae  permultas,  uno  aditu  20 
advent uque  esse  captas  ;  regem,  spoliatum  regno  patrio 
atque  avito,  ad  alios  se  reges  atque  ad  alias  gentis  sup- 
plicem  contulisse ;  atque  haec  omnia  salvis  populi 
Romani  sociis  atque  integris  vectigalibus  esse  gesta. 
Satis  opinor  haec  esse  laudis,  atque  ita,  Quirites,  ut  25 
hoc  vos  intellegatis,  a  nullo  istorum,  qui  huic  obtrec- 
tant  legi  atque  causae,  L.  Lucullum  similiter  ex  hoc 
loco  esse  laudatum. 

ix.  22.  Requiretur  fortasse  nunc  quern  ad  modum, 
cum  haec  ita  sint,  reliquum  possit  magnum  esse  bellum.  30 
Cognoscite,  Quirites.  Non  enim  hoc  sine  causa  quae- 
ri  videtur.  Primum  ex  suo  regno  sic  Mithridates 
profugit,  ut  ex  eodem  Ponto  Medea  ilia  quondam  pro- 
fugisse  dicitur,  quam  praedicant  in  fuga  fratris  sui 
membra  in  eis  locis,  qua  se  parens  persequeretur,  35 
dissipavisse,   ut  eorum  conlectio  dispersa,  maerorque 

5 


66  Po7nfey*s  Military   Command.         [Manil. 

patrius,  celeritatem  persequendi  retardaret.  Sic  Mith- 
ridates  fugiens  rnaximam  vim  auri  atque  argenti  pul- 
cherrimarumque  rerum  omnium,  quas  et  a  majoribus 
acceperat  et  ipse  bello  superiore  ex  tota  Asia  direptas 
5  in  suum  regnum  congesserat,  in  Ponto  omnem  reliquit. 
Haec  dum  nostri  coniigunt  omnia  diligentius,  rex  ipse 
e  manibus  effugit.  Ita  ilium  in  persequendi  studio 
maeror,  hos  laetitia  tardavit.  23.  Hunc  in  illo  timore 
et  fuga  Tigranes  rex  Armenius  excepit,  diffidentem- 

10  que  rebus  suis  confirmavit,  et  adflictum  erexit,  perdi- 
tumque  recreavit.  Cujus  in  regnum  postea  quam  L. 
Lucullus  cum  exercitu  venit,  plures  etiam  gentes  con- 
tra imperatorem  nostrum  concitatae  sunt.  Erat  enim 
metus  injectus  eis  nationibus,  quas  numquam  populus 

15  Romanus  neque  lacessendas  bello  neque  temptandas 
putavit :  erat  etiam  alia  gravis  atque  vehemens  opinio, 
quae  animos  gentium  barbararum  pervaserat,  fani  lo- 
cupletissimi  et  religiosissimi  diripiendi  causa  in  easoras 
nostrum  esse  exercitum  adductum.     Ita  nationes  mul- 

20  tae  atque  magnae  novo  quodam  terrore  ac  metu  con- 
citabantur.  Noster  autem  exercitus,  tametsi  urbem  ex 
Tigrani.  regno  ceperat,  et  proeliis  usus  erat  secundis, 
tamen  nimia  longinquitate  locorum  ac  desiderio  suo- 
rum  commovebatur. 

25  24.  Hie  jam  plura  non  dicam.  Fuit  enim  illud  ex- 
tremum,  ut  ex  eis  locis  a  militibus  nostris  reditus 
magis  maturus  quam  processio  longior  quaereretur. 
Mithridates  autem  et  suam  manum  jam  conrirmarat,  [et 
eorum]  qui  se  ex  ipsius  regno  conlegerant,  et  magnis 

3°  adventiciis  auxiliis  multorum  regum  et  nationum  juva- 
batur.  Jam  hoc  fere  sic  fieri  solere  accepimus,  ut 
regum  adflictae  fortunae  facile  multorum  opes  adlici- 
ant  ad  misericordiam,  maximeque  eorum  qui  aut  reges 
sunt  aut  vivunt  in  regno,  ut  eis  nomen  regale  magnum 

35  et  sanctum  esse  videatur.  25.  Itaque  tantum  victus 
efficere  potuit,  quantum  incolumis  numquam  est  ausus 


x.  28.]  The  Return  of  Luculhis.  67 

optare.  Nam  cum  se  in  regnum  suum  recepisset,  non 
fuit  eo  contentus,  quod  ei  praeter  spem  acciderat,  — ut 
illam,  postea  quam  pulsus  erat,  terram  umquam  attinge- 
ret,  —  sed  in  exercitum  nostrum  clarum  atque  victorem 
impetum  fecit.  Sinite  hoc  loco,  Quirites,  sicut  poetae  5 
solent,  qui  res  Romanas  scribunt,  praeterire  me  nos- 
tram  calamitatem,  quae  tanta  fuit,  ut  earn  ad  auris 
[Luculli]  imperatoris  non  ex  proelio  nuntius,  sed  ex 
sermone  rumor  adferret.  26.  Hie  in  illo  ipso  malo  gra- 
vissimaque  belli  ofFensione,  L.  Lucullus,  qui  tamen  ali-  10 
qua  ex  parte  eis  incommodis  mederi  fortasse  potuisset, 
vestro  jussu  coactus,  —  qui  imperi  diuturnitati  modum 
statuendum  vetere  exemplo  putavistis,  —  partem  mili- 
tum,  qui  jam  stipendiis  confecti  erant,  dimisit,  partem 
M\  Glabrioni  tradidit.  Multa  praetereo  consulto,  sed  15 
ea  vos  conjectura  perspicite,  quantum  illud  bellum  fac- 
tum putetis,  quod  conjungant  reges  potentissimi,  reno- 
vent  agitatae  nationes,  suscipiant  integrae  gentes,  nov- 
us  imperator  noster  accipiat,  vetere  exercitu  pulso. 

x.  27.  Satis   mihi   multa  verba   fecisse  videor,  qua  20 
re  esset  hoc  bellum   genere  ipso  necessarium,  mag- 
nitudine    periculosum.     Restat   ut   de    imperatore    ad 
id    bellum    deligendo    ac    tantis    rebus   praeficiendo 
dicendum  esse  videatur. 

Utinam,  Quirites,   virorum   fortium   atque   innocen-  25 
tium  copiam  tantam  haberetis,  ut  haec  vobis  delibera- 
te difficilis  esset,  quemnam  potissimum  tantis  rebus  ac 
tanto  bello  praeficiendum  putaretis  !    Nunc  vero  —  cum 
sit  unus  Cn.  Pompeius,  qui  non  modo  eorum  hominum 
qui  nunc  sunt  gloriam,  sed  etiam  antiquitatis  memo-  3° 
riam  virtute  superarit  —  quae  res  est  quae  cujusquam 
animum  in  hac  causa  dubium  facere  possit?     28.  Ego 
enim  sic  existimo,  in  summo  imperatore  quattuor  has 
res  inesse  oportere,  —  scientiam  rei  militaris,  virtutem, 
auctoritatem,    felicitatem.       Quis    igitur    hoc    homine  35 
scientior  umquam  aut  fuit  aut  esse  debuit?   qui  e  ludo 


68  Pomfefs  Military  Command.         [Manil. 

atque  e  pueritiae  disciplinis  bello  maximo  atque  acer- 
rimis  hostibus  ad  patris  exercitum  atque  in  militiae 
disciplinam  profectus  est;  qui  extrema  pueritia  miles 
in  exercitu  fuit  sum  mi  imperatoris,  ineunte  adulescen- 
5  tia  maximi  ipse  exercitus  imperator ;  qui  saepius  cum 
hoste  conflixit  quam  quisquam  cum  inimico  concerta- 
vit,  plura  bella  gessit  quam  ceteri  legerunt,  plures  pro- 
vincias  confecit  quam  alii  concupiverunt  5  cujus  adules- 
centia  ad  scientiam  rei  militaris  non  alienis  praeceptis 

10  sed  suis  imperiis,  non  offensionibus  belli  sed  victoriis, 
non  stipendiis  sed  triumphis  est  erudita.  Quod  de- 
nique  genus  esse  belli  potest,  in  quo  ilium  non  exercu- 
erit  fortuna  rei  publicae?  Civile,  Africanum,  Trans- 
alpinum,  Hispaniense,  [mixtum  ex  civitatibus  atque  ex 

15  bellicosissimis  nationibus,]  servile,  navale  bellum,  varia 
et  diversa  genera  et  bellorum  et  hostium,  non  solum 
gesta  ab  hoc  uno,  sed  etiam  confecta,  nullam  rem  esse 
declarant  in  usu  positam  militari,  quae  hujus  vin  scien- 
tiam fugere  possit. 

20  xi.  29.  Jam  vero  virtuti  Cn.  Pompei  quae  potest 
oratio  par  inveniri?  Quid  est  quod  quisquam  aut  illo 
dignum  aut  vobis  novum  aut  cuiquam  inauditum  pos- 
sit adferre?  Neque  enim  illae  sunt  solae  virtutes  im- 
peratoriae,  quae  volgo  existimantur,  —  labor  in  negotiis, 

25  fortitudo  in  periculis,  industria  in  agendo,  celeritas  in 
conficiendo,  consilium  in  providendo  :  quae  tanta  sunt 
in  hoc  uno,  quanta  in  omnibus  reliquis  imperatoribus, 
quos  aut  vidimus  aut  audivimus,  non  fuerunt.  30.  Tes- 
tis est  Italia,  quam  ille  ipse  victor  L.  Sulla  hujus  vir- 

30  tute  et  subsidio  confessus  est  liberatam.  Testis  est 
Sicilia,  quam  multis  undique  cinctam  periculis  non  ter- 
rore  belli,  sed  consili  celeritate  explicavit.  Testis  est 
Africa,  quae,  magnis  oppressa  hostium  copiis,  eorum 
ipsorum  sanguine  redundavit.     Testis  est  Gallia,  per 

35  quam  legionibus  nostris  iter  in  Hispaniam  Gallorum 
internecione  patefactum  est.    Testis  est  Hispania,  quae 


xii.  33-1     His  Earlier  Victories :  the  Pirates.  6y 

saepissime  plurimos  hostis  ab  hoc  superatos  prostra- 
tosque  conspexit.  Testis  est  iterum  et  saepius  Italia, 
quae  cum  servili  bello  taetro  periculosoque  premeretur, 
ab  hoc  auxilium  absente  expetivit :  quod  bellum  ex- 
spectatione  ejus  attenuatum  atque  imminutum  est,  5 
adventu  sublatum  ac  sepultum.  31.  Testes  nunc  vero 
jam  omnes  orae  atque  omnes  exterae  gentes  ac  na- 
tiones,  denique  maria  omnia  cum  universa,  turn  in  sin- 
gulis oris  omnes  sinus  atque  portus.  Quis  enim  toto 
mari  locus  per  hos  annos  aut  tarn  firmum  habuit  prae-  10 
sidium  ut  tutus  esset,  aut  tarn  fuit  abditus  ut  lateret? 
Quis  navigavit  qui  non  se  aut  mortis  aut  servitutis 
periculo  committeret,  cum  aut  hieme  aut  referto  prae- 
donum  mari  navigaret?  Hoc  tantum  bellum,  tarn 
turpe,  tarn  vetus,  tarn  late  divisum  atque  dispersum,  15 
quis  umquam  arbitraretur  aut  ab  omnibus  imperatori- 
bus  uno  anno  aut  omnibus  annis  ab  uno  imperatore 
confici  posse?  32.  Quam  provinciam  tenuistis  a  prae- 
donibus  liberam  per  hosce  annos?  quod  vectigal  vobis 
tutum  fuit?  quern  socium  defendistis?  cui  praesidio  20 
classibus  vestris  fuistis?  quam  multas  existimatis  in- 
sulas  esse  desertas?  quam  multas  aut  metu  relictas 
aut  a  praedonibus  captas  urbis  esse  sociorum? 

xii.  Sed  quid   ego    longinqua    commemoro?      Fuit 
hoc  quondam,  fuit  proprium  populi  Romani,  longe  a  25 
domo  bellare,  et  propugnaculis  imperi  sociorum   for- 
tunas,  non  sua  tecta  defendere.    Sociis  ego  nostris  mare 
per  hos  annos  clausum  fuisse   dicam,  cum    exercitus 
vestri  numquam  a  Brundisio  nisi  hieme  summa  trans- 
miserint?     Qui  ad  vos  ab  exteris  nationibus  venirent  3° 
captos   querar,   cum    legati  populi  Romani  redempti 
sint?     Mercatoribus   tutum    mare    non    fuisse    dicam, 
cum  duodecim  secures  in  praedonum  potestatem  per- 
venerint?     33.  Cnidum  aut  Colophonem  aut  Samum, 
nobilissimas  urbis,  innumerabilisque  alias  captas  esse  35 
commemorem,  cum  vestros  portus,  atque  eos  portus 


70  Pomfiey's  Military   Command.  [Manil. 

quibus  vitam  ac  spiritum  ducitis,  in  praedonum  fuisse 
potestatem  sciatis?  An  vero  ignoratis  portum  Cajetae 
celeberrimum  ac  plenissimum  navium  inspectante 
praetore  a  praedonibus  esse  direptum?  ex  Miseno 
5  autem  ejus  ipsius  liberos,  qui  cum  praedonibus  antea 
ibi  bellum  gesserat,  a  praedonibus  esse  sublatos? 
Nam  quid  ego  Ostiense  incommodum  atque  illam  la- 
bem  atque  ignominiam  rei  publicae  querar,  cum,  pro- 
pe  inspectantibus  vobis,  classis  ea,  cui  consul  populi 

10  Romani  praepositus  esset,  a  praedonibus  capta  atque 
oppressa  est?  Pro  di  immortales !  tantamne  unius 
hominis  incredibilis  ac  divina  virtus  tarn  brevi  tempore 
lucem  adferre  rei  publicae  potuit,  ut  vos,  qui  modo 
ante  ostium  Tiberinum  classem  hostium  videbatis,  ei 

15  nunc  nullam  intra  Oceani  ostium  praedonum  navem 
esse  audiatis?  34.  Atque  haec  qua  celeritate  gesta 
sint  quamquam  videtis,  tamen  a  me  in  dicendo  prae- 
tereunda  non  sunt.  Quis  enim  umquam  aut  obeundi 
negoti  aut  consequendi  quaestus  studio  tarn  brevi  tem- 

20  pore  tot  loca  adire,  tantos  cursus  conficere  potuit,  quam 
celeriter  Cn.  Pompeio  duce  tanti  belli  impetus  naviga- 
vit?  Qui  nondum  tempestivo  ad  navigandum  mari  Si- 
ciliam  adiit,  Africam  exploravit ;  inde  Sardiniam  cum 
classe  venit,  atque  haec  tria  frumentaria  subsidia  rei 

25  publicae  firmissimis  praesidiis  classibusque  munivit ; 
35.  inde  cum  se  in  Italiam  recepisset,  duabus  Hispan- 
iis  et  Gallia  [transalpina]  praesidiis  ac  navibus  confir- 
mata,  missis  item  in  oram  Illyrici  maris  et  in  Achaiam 
omnemque  Graeciam  navibus,  Italiae  duo  maria  maxi- 

30  mis  classibus  firmissimisque  praesidiis  adornavit ;  ipse 
autem  ut  Brundisio  profectus  est,  undequinquagesimo 
die  totam  ad  imperium  populi  Romani  Ciliciam  ad- 
junxit ;  omnes,  qui  ubique  praedones  fuerunt,  partim 
capti  interfectique  sunt,  partim  unius  hujus  se  imperio 

35  ac  potestati  dediderunt.  Idem  Cretensibus,  cum  ad 
cum  usque   in   Pamphyliam    legatos    deprecatoresque 


xtii.  38.]     Jfis  Qualities  in  Administration.  71 

misissent,  spem  deditionis  non  ademit,  obsidesque  im- 
peravit.  Ita  tantum  bellum,  tarn  diuturnum,  tam 
longe  lateque  dispersum,  quo  bello  omnes  gentes  ac 
nationes  premebantur,  Cn.  Pompeius  extrema  hieme 
apparavit,  ineunte  vere  suscepit,  media  aestate  con-  5 
fecit. 

xiii.  36.  Est  haec  divina    atque   incredibilis   virtus 
imperatoris.       Quid    ceterae,    quas    paulo   ante   com- 
memorare  coeperam,  quantae  atque  quam  multae  sunt? 
Non  enim  bellandi  virtus  solum  in  summo  ac  perfecto  10 
imperatore  quaerenda  est,  sed  multae  sunt  artes  exim- 
iae  hujus  administrae  comitesque  virtutis.    Ac  primum, 
quanta  innocentia   debent   esse    imperatores?    quanta 
deinde  in  omnibus  rebus  temperantia?    quanta  fide? 
quanta   facilitate?    quanto   ingenio?    quanta    humani- 15 
tate?     Quae  breviter  qualia  sint  in  Cn.  Pompeio  consi- 
deremus  :    summa  enim  omnia  sunt,  Quirites,  sed  ea 
magis  ex  aliorum  contentione  quam  ipsa  per  sese  co- 
gnosci  atque  intellegi  possunt.    37.  Quern  enim  impera- 
torem  possumus  ullo  in  numero  putare,  cujus  in  exer-  20 
citu  centuriatus  veneant  atque  venierint?     Quid  hunc 
hominem  magnum  aut  amplum  de  re  publica  cogitare, 
qui    pecuniam,    ex    aerario    depromptam    ad    bellum 
administrandum,  aut   propter    cupiditatem    provinciae 
magistratibus  diviserit,  aut  propter  avaritiam  Romae  25 
in   quaestu    reliquerit?      Vestra    admurmuratio    facit, 
Quirites,   ut  agnoscere  videamini  qui   haec   fecerint : 
ego  autem  nomino  neminem  ;  qua  re  irasci  mihi  nemo 
poterit,  nisi  qui  ante  de  se  voluerit  confiteri.     Itaque 
propter  hanc  avaritiam  imperatorum  quantas  calami-  30 
tates,  quocumque  ventum  est,  nostri   exercitus   ferant 
quis   ignorat?     38.  Itinera   quae    per    hosce    annos    in 
Italia  per  agros  atque  oppida  civium  Romanorum  nos- 
tri imperatores  fecerint  recordamini :  turn  facilius  sta- 
tuetis   quid    apud    exteras    nationes    fieri    existimetis.  35 
Utrum    pluris    arbitramini    per   hosce    annos    militum 


72  Po7npey's  Military   Command.  [Manil. 

vestrorum  armis  hostium  urbis,  an  hibernis  sociorum 
civitates  esse  deletas?  Neque  enim  potest  exercitum 
is  continere  imperator,  qui  se  ipse  non  continet,  neque 
severus  esse  in  judicando,  qui  alios  in  se  severos  esse 
5  judices  non  volt.  39,  Hie  miramur  hunc  hominem 
tantum  excellere  ceteris,  cujus  legiones  sic  in  Asiam 
pervenerint,  ut  non  modo  manus  tanti  exercitus,  sed 
ne  vestigium  quidem  cuiquam  pacato  nocuisse  dicatur? 
Jam  vero  quern  ad  modum  milites  hibernent  cotidie 

io  sermones  ac  litterae  perferuntur :  non  modo  ut  sump- 
tum  faciat  in  militem  nemini  vis  adfertur,  sed  ne  cupi- 
enti  quidem  cuiquam  permittitur.  Hiemis  enim,  non 
avaritiae  perfugium  majores  nostri  in  sociorum  atque 
amicorum  tectis  esse  voluerunt. 

15  xiv.  40.  Age  vero  :  ceteris  in  rebus  quali  sit  tempe- 
rantia  considerate.  Unde  illam  tantam  celeritatem  et 
tarn  incredibilem  cursum  inventum  putatis?  Non 
enim  ilium  eximia  vis  remigum  aut  ars  inaudita  quae- 
dam  gubernandi  aut  venti  aliqui  novi  tarn  celeriter  in 

20  ultimas  terras  pertulerunt ;  sed  eae  res  quae  ceteros 
remorari  solent,  non  retardarunt :  non  avaritia  ab  in- 
stitute cursu  ad  praedam  aliquam  devocavit,  non  libido 
ad  voluptatem,  non  amoenitas  ad  delectationem,  non 
nobilitas  urbis  ad  cognitionem,  non  denique  labor  ipse 

25  ad  quietem  ;  postremo  signa  et  tabulas  ceteraque  orna- 
menta  Graecorum  oppidorum,  quae  ceteri  tollenda 
esse  arbitrantur,  ea  sibi  ilie  ne  visenda  quidem  existi- 
mavit.  4io  Itaque  omnes  nunc  in  eis  locis  Cn.  Pom- 
peium  sicut  aliquem  non  ex  hac  urbe  missum,  sed  de 

30  caelo  delapsum  intuentur.  Nunc  denique  incipiunt  cre- 
dere fuisse  homines  Romanos  hac  quondam  continen- 
tia,  quod  jam  nationibus  exteris  incredibile  ac  falso 
memoriae  proditum  videbatur.  Nunc  imperi  vestri 
splendor  illis  gentibus  lucem  adferre  coepit.    Nunc  in- 

35  tellegunt  non  sine  causa  majores  suos,  turn  cum  ea 
temperantia    magistratus    habebamus,  servire    populo 


xv.  44]      His   Justice,  Moderation,   Dignity,  73 

Romano  quam  imperare  aliis  maluisse.  Jam  vero  ita 
faciles  aditus  ad  eum' privatorum,  ita  liberae  queri- 
moniae  de  aliorum  injuriis  esse  dicuntur,  ut  is,  qui 
dignitate  principibus  excellit,  facilitate  infimis  par  esse 
videatur.  42.  Jam  quantum  consilio,  quantum  dicendi  5 
gravitate  et  copia  valeat,  —  in  quo  ipso  inest  quaedam 
dignitas  imperatoria,  —  vos,  Quirites,  hoc  ipso  ex  loco 
saepe  cognovistis.  Fidem  vero  ejus  quantam  inter  socios 
existimari  putatis,  quam  hostes  omnes  omnium  gene- 
rum  sanctissimam  judicarint?  Humanitate  jam  tanta  10 
est,  ut  difficile  dictu  sit  utrum  hostes  magis  virtutem 
ejus  pugnantes  timuerint,  an  mansuetudinem  victi  di- 
lexerint.  Et  quisquam  dubitabit  quin  huic  hoc  tantum 
bellum  transmittendum  sit,  qui  ad  omnia  nostrae  memo- 
riae bella  conficienda  divino  quodam  consilio  natus  15 
esse  videatur? 

xv.  43.  Et    quoniam    auctoritas    quoque    in     bellis 
administrandis  multum  atque  in  imperio  militari  valet, 
certe  nemini  dubium  est  quin  ea  re  idem  ille  imperator 
plurimum   possit.      Vehementer    autem    pertinere    ad  20 
bella  administranda  quid  hostes,  quid  socii  de  impera- 
toribus  nostris  existiment  quis  ignorat,   cum   sciamus 
homines  in  tantis  rebus,  ut  aut  contemnant  aut  metuant 
aut  oderint  aut  ament,  opinione  non  minus   et  fama 
quam  aliqua  ratione  certa  commoveri?     Quod  igitur  25 
nomen  umquam  in  orbe  terrarum  clarius  fuit?    cujus 
res  gestae  pares?  de  quo  homine  vos,  —  id  quod  maxi- 
me  facit  auctoritatem,  —  tanta  et  tarn  praeclara  judicia 
fecistis?     44.  An   vero   ullam  usquam  esse  oram  tarn 
desertam  putatis,  quo  non  illius  diei  fama  pervaserit,  30 
cum  universus  populus  Rom  anus,  referto  foro  comple- 
tisque  omnibus  templis  ex  quibus  hie  locus  conspici 
potest,  unum  sibi  ad  commune  omnium  gentium  bellum 
Cn.  Pompeium  imperatorem  depoposcit?     Itaque  —  ut 
plura  non  dicam,  neque  aliorum  exemplis  confirmem  35 
quantum  [hujus]  auctoritas  valeat  in  bello  —  ab  eodem 


74  Pompey's  Military   Command.         [Manil. 

Cn.  Pompeio  omnium  rerum  egregiarum  exempla 
sumantur :  qui  quo  die  a  vobis  maritimo  bello  praepo- 
situs  est  imperator,  tanta  repente  vilitas  annonae  ex 
summa  inopia  et  caritate  rei  frumentariae  consecuta 
5  est  unius  hominis  spe  ac  nomine,  quantam  vix  in  sum- 
ma ubertate  agrorum  diuturna  pax  efficere  potuisset. 
45.  Jam  accepta  in  Ponto  calamitate  ex  eo  proelio,  de 
quo  vos  paulo  ante  invitus  admonui,  —  cum  socii  pertim- 
uissent,  hostium  opes  animique  crevissent,  satis  firmum 

io  praesidium  provincia  non  haberet,  —  amisissetis  Asiam, 
Quirites,  nisi  ad  ipsum  discrimen  ejus  temporis  divini- 
tus  Cn.  Pompeium  ad  eas  regiones  fortuna  populi  Ro- 
mani  attulisset.  Hujus  adventus  et  Mithridatem  insolita 
inflammatum  victoria  continuit,  et  Tigranem  magnis 

15  copiis  minitantem  Asiae  retardavit.  Et  quisquam 
dubitabit  quid  virtute  perfecturus  sit,  qui  tantum  auc- 
toritate  perfecerit?  aut  quam  facile  imperio  atque 
exercitu  socios  et  vectigalia  conservaturus  sit,  qui  ipso 
nomine    ac   rumore    defenderit?     xvi.  46.  Age    vero, 

20  ilia  res  quantam  declarat  ejusdem  hominis  apud  hostis 
populi  Romani  auctoritatem,  quod  ex  locis  tarn  longin- 
quis  tamque  diversis  tarn  brevi  tempore  omnes  huic  se 
uni  dediderunt?  quod  a  communi  Cretensium  legati, 
cum  in  eorum  insula  noster  imperator  exercitusque  es- 

25  set,  ad  Cn.  Pompeium  in  ultimas  prope  terras  venerunt, 
eique  se  omnis  Cretensium  civitates  dedere  velle  dixe- 
runt?  Quid?  idem  iste  Mithridates  nonne  ad  eundem 
Cn.  Pompeium  legatum  usque  in  Hispaniam  misit? 
eum    quern    Pompeius    legatum    semper   judicavit,   ei 

30  quibus  erat  [semper]  molestum  ad  eum  potissimum 
esse  missum,  speculatorem  quam  legatum  judicari 
maluerunt.  Potestis  igitur  jam  constituere,  Quirites, 
hanc  auctoritatem,  multis  postea  rebus  gestis  magnis- 
que  vestris  judiciis  ampliflcatam,  quantum  apud  illos 

35reges,  quantum  apud  exteras  nationes  valituram  esse 
existimetis. 


xvii.  5o.]  The  Fortune  of  Pomfiey.  75 

47.  Reliquum  est  ut  de  felicitate  (quam  praestare  de 
se  ipso  nemo  potest,  meminisse  et  commemorare  de 
altero  possumus,  sicut  aequum  est  homines  de  potestate 
deorum)  timide  et  pauca  dicamus.  Ego  enim  sic  exis- 
timo  :  Maximo,  Marcello,  Scipioni,  Mario,  et  ceteris  5 
magnis  imperatoribus  non  solum  propter  virtutem,  sed 
etiam  propter  fortunam  saepius  imperia  mandata  atque 
exercitus  esse  commissos.  Fuit  enim  profecto  quibus- 
dam  summis  viris  quaedam  ad  amplitudinem  et  ad 
gloriam  et  ad  res  magnas  bene  gerendas  divinitus  10 
adjuncta  fortuna.  De  hujus  autem  hominis  felicitate, 
de  quo  nunc  agimus,  hac  utar  moderatione  dicendi, 
non  ut  in  illius  potestate  fortunam  positam  esse  dicam, 
sed  ut  praeterita  meminisse,  reliqua  sperare  videamur, 
ne  aut  invisa  dis  immortalibus  oratio  nostra  aut  ingrata  15 
esse  videatur.  48.  Itaque  non  sum  praedicaturus  quan- 
tas  ille  res  domi  militiae,  terra  marique,  quantaque 
felicitate  gesserit ;  ut  ejus  semper  voluntatibus  non  mo- 
do  cives  adsenserint,  socii  obtemperarint,  hostes  obe- 
dierint,  sed  etiam  venti  tempestatesque  obsecundarint :  20 
hoc  brevissime  dicam,  neminem  umquam  tarn  impu- 
dentem  fuisse,  qui  ab  dis  immortalibus  tot  et  tantas  res 
tacitus  auderet  optare,  quot  et  quantas  di  immortales 
ad  Cn.  Pompeium  detulerunt.  Quod  ut  illi  proprium 
ac  perpetuum  sit,  Quirites,  cum  communis  salutis  25 
atque  imperi  turn  ipsius  hominis  causa,  sicuti  facitis, 
velle  et  optare  debetis. 

49.  Qua  re,  —  cum  et  bellum  sit  ita  necessarium  ut 
neglegi  non  possit,  ita  magnum  ut  accuratissime 
sit  administrandum  ;  et  cum  ei  imperatorem  praeli-  30 
cere  possitis,  in  quo  sit  eximia  belli  scientia,  singularis 
virtus,  clarissima  auctoritas,  egregia  fortuna,  —  dubita- 
tis,  Quirites,  quin  hoc  tantum  boni,  quod  vobis  ab  dis 
immortalibus  oblatum  et  datum  est,  in  rem  publicam 
conservandam  atque  amplificandam  conferatis?  xvii.  35 
50.  Quod  si  Romae  Cn.  Pompeius  privatus  esset  hoe 


^6  Pompefs  Military   Command.         [Manil. 

tempore,  tamen  ad  tantum  bellum  is  erat  deligendus 
atque  mittendus :  nunc  cum  ad  ceteras  summas  utilita- 
tes  haec  quoque  opportunitas  adjungatur,  ut  in  eis  ipsis 
locis  adsit,  ut  habeat  exercitum,  ut  ab  eis  qui  habent 
5  accipere  statim  possit,  quid  exspectamus?  aut  cur  non 
ducibus  dis  immortalibus  eidem,  cui  cetera  summa  cum 
salute  rei  publicae  commissa  sunt,  hoc  quoque  bellum 
regium  committamus? 

51.  At  enim  vir  clarissimus,  amantissimus  rei  publi- 

io  cae,  vestris  beneficiis  amplissimis  adfectus,  Q^Catulus, 
itemque  summis  ornamentis  honoris,  fortunae,  virtutis, 
ingeni  praeditus,  Q^  Hortensius,  ab  hac  ratione  dis- 
sentiunt.  Quorum  ego  auctoritatem  apud  vos  multis 
locis  plurimum  valuisse  et  valere  oportere  conflteor; 

15  sed  in  hac  causa,  tametsi  cognoscitis  auctoritates  con- 
trarias  virorum  fortissimorum  et  clarissimorum,  tamen 
omissis  auctoritatibus  ipsa  re  ac  ratione  exquirere  pos- 
sumus  veritatem,  atque  hoc  facilius,  quod  ea  omnia 
quae  a  me  adhuc  dicta  sunt,  eidem  isti  vera  esse  con- 

20  cedunt,  —  et  necessarium  bellum  esse  et  magnum,  et  in 
uno  Cn.  Pompeio  summa  esse  omnia.  52.  Quid  igi- 
tur  ait  Hortensius?  Si  uni  omnia  tribuenda  sint  dig- 
nissimum  esse  Pompeium,  sed  ad  unum  tamen  omnia 
deferri  non  oportere.     Obsolevit  jam  ista   oratio,   re 

25  multo  magis  quam  verbis  refutata.  Nam  tu  idem,  Q^ 
Hortensi,  multa  pro  tua  summa  copia  ac  singulari  fa- 
cultate  dicendi  et  in  senatu  contra  virum  fortem,  A. 
Gabinium,  graviter  ornateque  dixisti,  cum  is  de  uno 
imperatore  contra  praedones  constituendo  legem  pro= 

30  mulgasset,  et  ex  hoc  ipso  loco  permulta  item  contra 
earn  legem  verba  fecisti.  53.  Quid?  turn,  per  deos 
immortalis  !  si  plus  apud  populum  Romanum  auctori- 
tas  tua  quam  ipsius  populi  Romani  salus  et  vera  causa 
valuisset,  hodie  hanc  gloriam  atque  hoc  orbis  terrae 

35  imperium  teneremus?  An  tibi  turn  imperium  hoc  esse 
videbatur,  cum  populi  Romani- legati  quaesto'es  prae- 


xix.  s6.]  Terror  of  the  Piratic    War.  77 

toresque  capiebantur  ?  cum  ex  omnibus  provinciis  com- 
meatu  et  privato  et  publico  prohibebamur?  cum  ha 
clausa  nobis  erant  maria  omnia,  ut  neque  privatum  rem 
transmarinam  neque  publicam  jam  obire  possemusf 

xviii.  54.  Quae    civitas   antea  umquam  fuit,  —  non    5 
dico  Atheniensium,  quae  satis  late  quondam  mare  tenu- 
isse  dicitur ;    non   Karthaginiensium,   qui    permultum 
classe  ac  maritimis  rebus  valuerunt;   non  Rhodiorum, 
quorum  usque  ad  nostram  memoriam  disciplina  navalis 
et  gloria  remansit, — sed  quae  civitas  umquam  antea  10 
tarn  tenuis,  quae  tarn  parva  insula  fuit,  quae  non  portus 
suos  et  agros  et  aliquam  partem  regionis  atque  orae 
maritimae  per  se  ipsa  defenderet?   At  (hercule)  aliquot 
annos  continuos  ante  legem  Gabiniam  ille  populus  Ro- 
manus,  cujus  usque  ad  nostram  memoriam  nomen  in-  15 
victum  in  navalibus  pugnis    permanserit,  magna    ac 
multo  maxima  parte  non  modo  utilitatis,  sed  dignitatis 
atque  imperi  caruit.     55,  Nos,  quorum  majores  Antio- 
chum  regem  classe  Persenque  superarunt,  omnibusque 
navalibus  pugnis  Karthaginiensis,  homines  in  mariti-  20 
mis  rebus  exercitatissimos   paratissimosque,  vicerunt, 
ei  nullo  in  loco  jam  praedonibus  pares  esse  poteramus  : 
nos,  qui  antea  non  modo  Italiam  tutam  habebamus,  sed 
omnis  socios  in  ultimis  oris  auctoritate  nostri  imperi  sal- 
vos praestare  poteramus,  —  turn  cum  insula  Delos,  tarn  25 
procul  a  nobis  in  Aegaeo  mari  posita,  quo  omnes  undi- 
que  cum  mercibus  atque  oneribus  commeabant,  referta 
divitiis,  parva,  sine  muro,  nihil  timebat, — eidem  non 
modo  provinciis  atque  oris  Italiae  maritimis  ac  portu- 
bus  nostris,  sed  etiam  Appia  jam  via  carebamus  ;  et  eis  30 
temporibus  non  pudebat  magistratus  populi  Romani  in 
hunc  ipsum  locum  escendere,  cum  eum  nobis  majores 
nostri  exuviis  nauticis  et  classium  spoliis  ornatum  reli- 
quissent. 

xix.  5G.  Bono  te  animo  turn,  Q^  Hortensi,  populus  35 
Romanus  et  ceteros  qui  erant  in  eadem  sententia.  dicere 


78  Pom  fay's  Military   Command.         [Manil. 

existimavit  ea  quae  sentiebatis  :  sed  tarnen  in  salute 
communi  idem  populus  Romanus  dolori  suo  maluit 
quam  auctoritati  vestrae  obtemperare.  Itaque  una 
lex,  unus  vir,  unus  annus  non  modo  nos  ilia  miseria 
5  ac  turpitudine  liberavit,  sed  etiam  effecit,  ut  aliquando 
vere  videremur  omnibus  gentibus  ac  nationibus  terra 
manque  imperare.  57.  Quo  mihi  etiam  indignius  vi- 
detur  obtrectatum  esse  adhuc,  —  Gabinio  dicam  anne 
Pompeio,  an  utrique,  id  quod  est  verius? — ne  legaretur 

io  A.  Gabinius  Cn.  Pompeio  expetenti  ac  postulanti. 
Utrum  ille,  qui  postulat  ad  tantum  bellum  legatum 
quern  velit,  idoneus  non  est  qui  impetret,  cum  ceteri 
ad  expilandos  socios  diripiendasque  provincias  quos 
voluerunt  legatos  eduxerint ;  an  ipse,  cujus  lege  salus 

15  ac  dignitas  populo  Romano  atque  omnibus  gentibus 
constituta  est,  expers  esse  debet  gloriae  ejus  imperato- 
ris  atque  ejus  exercitus,  qui  consilio  ipsius  ac  periculo 
est  constitutus?  58.  An  C.  Falcidius,  Q^  Metellus, 
Q^   Caelius    Latiniensis,    Cn.    Lentulus,   quos    omnis 

20  honoris  causa  nomino,  cum  tribuni  plebi  fuissent,  anno 
proximo  legati  esse  potuerunt :  in  uno  Gabinio  sunt 
tarn  diligentes,  qui  in  hoc  bello,  quod  lege  Gabinia 
geritur,  in  hoc  imperatore  atque  exercitu,  quern  per 
vos  ipse  constituit,  etiam  praecipuo  jure  esse  deberet? 

25  De  quo  legando  consules  spero  ad  senatum  relaturos. 
Qui  si  dubitabunt  aut  gravabuntur,  ego  me  proriteor 
relaturum.  Neque  me  impediet  cujusquam  inimicum 
edictum,  quo  minus  vobis  fretus  vestrum  jus  benefi- 
ciumque  defendam  ;  neque  praeter  intercessionem  quic- 

30  quam  audiam,  de  qua  (ut  arbitror)  isti  ipsi,  qui  minan- 
tur,  etiam  atque  etiam  quid  liceat  considerabunt.  Mea 
quidem  sententia,  Quirites,  unus  A.  Gabinius  belli 
maritimi  rerumque  gestarum  Cn.  Pompeio  socius 
ascribitur,  propterea  quod  alter  uni  illud  bellum  sus- 

35  cipiendum  vestris  suffrages  detulit,  alter  delatum  sus- 
ceptumque  confecit. 


xxl  61.]  The  Opinion  of  Catulus.  79 

xx.  59.  Reliquum  est  ut  de  Q^  Catuli  auctoritate  et 
sententia  dicendum  esse  videatur.  Qui  cum  ex  vobis 
quaereret,  si  in  uno  Cn.  Pompeio  omnia  poneretis,  si 
quid  eo  factum  esset,  in  quo  spem  essetis  habituri, — 
cepit  magnum  suae  virtutis  fructum  ac  dignitatis,  cum  5 
omnes  una  prope  voce  in  [eo]  ipso  vos  spem  habituros 
esse  dixistis.  Etenim  talis  est  vir,  ut  nulla  res  tanta  sit 
ac  tarn  difficilis,  quam  ille  non  et  consilio  regere  et  in- 
tegritate  tueri  et  virtute  conficere  possit.  Sed  in  hoc 
ipso  ab  eo  vehementissime  dissentio,  quod,  quo  minus  10 
certa  est  hominum  ac  minus  diuturna  vita,  hoc  magis 
res  publica,  dum  per  deos  immortalis  licet,  frui  debet 
sum  mi  viri  vita  atque  virtute.  60.  '  At  enim  ne  quid 
novi  fiat  contra  exempla  atque  instituta  majorum.' 
Non  dicam  hoc  loco  majores  nostros  semper  in  pace  15 
consuetudini,  in  bello  utilitati  paruisse ;  semper  ad  no- 
vos  casus  temporum  novorum  consiliorum  rationes  ad- 
commodasse  :  non  dicam  duo  bella  maxima,  Punicum 
atque  Hispaniense,  ab  uno  imperatore  esse  confecta, 
duasque  urbis  potentissimas,  quae  huic  imperio  maxi-  20 
me  minitabantur,  Karthaginem  atque  Numantiam,  ab 
eodem  Scipione  esse  deletas  :  non  commemorabo  nuper 
ita  vobis  patribusque  vestris  esse  visum,  ut  in  uno  C. 
Mario  spes  imperi  poneretur,  ut  idem  cum  Jugurtha, 
idem  cum  Cimbris,  idem  cum  Teutonis  bellum  admin-  25 
istraret.  61.  In  ipso  Cn.  Pompeio,  in  quo  novi  con- 
stitui  nihil  volt  Q^  Catulus,  quam  multa  sint  nova 
summa  Q^  Catuli  voluntate  constituta  recordamini. 
xxi.  Quid  tarn  novum  quam  adulescentulum  priva- 
tum exercitum  difficili  rei  publicae  tempore  conficere?  30 
Confecit.  Huic  praeesse?  Praefuit.  Rem  optime 
ductu  suo  gerere?  Gessit.  Quid  tarn  praeter  consue- 
tudinem  quam  homini  peradulescenti,  cujus  aetas  a 
senatorio  gradu  longe  abesset,  imperium  atque  exerci- 
tum dari,  Siciliam  permitti,  atque  Africam  bellumque  35 
in  ea  provincia  administrandum?     Fuit  in  his  provin- 


80  Pompey's  Military  Command.         [Manil. 

ciis  singulari  innocentia,  gravitate,  virtute  :  bellum  in 
Africa  maximum  confecit,  victorem  exercitum  depor- 
tavit.  Quid  vero  tarn  inauditum  quam  equitem  Ro 
manum    triumphare?     At   earn    quoque"  rem   populus 

5  Romanus  non  modo  vidit,  sed  omnium  etiam  studio 
visendam  et  concelebrandam  putavit.  62.  Quid  tam 
inusitatum  quam  ut,  cum  duo  consules  clarissimi  fortis- 
simique  essent,  eques  Romanus  ad  bellum  maximum 
formidolosissimumque  pro  consule  mitteretur?    Missus 

10  est.  Quo  quidem  tempore,  cum  esset  non  nemo  in 
senatu  qui  diceret  non  oportere  mitti  hominem  priva- 
tum pro  consule,  L.  Philippus  dixisse  dicitur  non  se 
ilium  sua  sententia  pro  consule,  sed  pro  consulibus 
mittere.     Tanta  in  eo  rei  publicae  bene  gerendae  spes 

15  constituebatur,  ut  duorum  consulum  munus  unius  adu- 
lescentis  virtuti  committeretur.  Quid  tam  singulare 
quam  ut  ex  senatus  consulto  legibus  solutus  consul 
ante  fieret,  quam  ullum  alium  magistratum  per  leges 
capere  licuisset?    quid  tam  incredibile  quam  ut  iterum 

20  eques  Romanus  ex  senatus  consulto  triumpharet? 
Quae  in  omnibus  hominibus  nova  post  hominum  me- 
moriam  constituta  sunt,  ea  tam  multa  non  sunt  quam 
haec,  quae  in  hoc  uno  homine  videmus.  63.  Atque 
haec  tot  exempla,  tanta  ac  tam  nova,  profecta  sunt  in 

25  eundem  hominem  a  Q^  Catuli  atque  a  ceterorum  ejus- 
dem  dignitatis  amplissimorum  hominum  auctoritate. 

xxii.  Qua  re  videant  ne  sit  periniquum  et  non  ferun- 
dum,  illorum  auctoritatem  de  Cn.  Pompei  dignitate  a 
vobis  comprobatam  semper  esse,  vestrum  ab  illis  de 

30  eodem  homine  judicium  populique  Romani  auctorita- 
tem improbari ;  praesertim  cum  jam  suo  jure  populus 
Romanus  in  hoc  homine  suam  auctoritatem  vel  con- 
tra omnis  qui  dissentiunt  possit  defendere,  propterea 
quod,  isdem  istis   reclamantibus,  vos   unum   ilium   ex 

35  omnibus  delegistis  quern  bello  praedonum  praeponere- 
tis.     64.  Hoc  si  vos  temere  fecistis,  et  rei  publicae  pa- 


xxiii.  66.]  The    Wounds  of  the  Allies.  81 

rum  consuluistis,  recte  isti  studia  vestra  suis  consiliis 
regere  conantur.    Sin  autem  vos  plus  turn  in  re  publica 
vidistis,  vos  eis  repugnantibus  per  vosmet  ipsos  dignita- 
tem huic  imperio,  salutem  orbi  terrarum  attulistis,  ali- 
quando  isti  principes  et  sibi  et  ceteris  populi  Romani    5 
universi  auctoritati  parendum  esse  fateantur.     Atque  in 
hoc  bello  Asiatico   et  regio   non   solum   militaris  ilia 
virtus,  quae  est  in  Cn.  Pompeio  singularis,  sed  aliae 
quoque  virtutes  animi  magnae  et  multae  requiruntur. 
Difficile  est  in  Asia,  Cilicia,  Syria  regnisque  interiorum  10 
nationum   ita  versari   nostrum   imperatorem,   ut   nihil 
aliud  nisi  de  hoste  ac  de  laude  cogitet.     Deinde  etiam 
si  qui  sunt  pudore  ac  temperantia  moderatiores,  tamen 
eos  esse  talis  propter  multitudinem  cupidorum  homi- 
num  nemo  arbitratur.     65.  Difficile  est  dictu,  Quirites,  15 
quanto  in  odio   simus   apud  exteras  nationes  propter 
eorum,  quos  ad  eas  per  hos  annos  cum  imperio  misi- 
mus,  libidines  et  injurias.     Quod  enim  fanum  putatis 
in   illis  terris  nostris   magistratibus  religiosum,  quam 
civitatem    sanctam,   quam    domum    satis    clausam    ac  20 
munitam   fuisse?      Urbes  jam   locupletes   et  copiosae 
requiruntur,  quibus  causa  belli  propter  diripiendi  cupi-    • 
ditatem  inferatur.     66.  Libenter  haec  coram  cum  Q^ 
Catulo   et  Q^  Hortensio,  summis   et  clarissimis  viris, 
disputarem.     Noverunt  enim  sociorum  volnera,  vident  25 
eorum  calamitates,  querimonias  audiunt.     Pro   sociis 
vos  contra  hostis  exercitum  mittere  putatis,  an  hostium 
simulatione  contra  socios  atque  amicos?     Quae  civitas 
est  in  Asia  quae  non  modo  imperatoris  aut  legati,  sed 
unius  tribuni  militum  animos  ac  spiritus  capere  possit?  30 

xxiii.  Qua  re,  etiam  si  quern  habetis  qui  conlatis  sig- 
nis  exercitus  regios  superare  posse  videatur,  tamen 
nisi  erit  idem,  qui  [se]  a  pecuniis  sociorum,  qui  ab  eo- 
rum conjugibus  ac  liberis,  qui  ab  ornamentis  fanorum 
atque  oppidorum,  qui  ab  auro  gazaque  regia  manus,  35 
oculos,  animum  cohibere  possit,  non  erit  idoneus  qui 

6 


82  Pompey^s  Military   Command.         [Manil. 

ad  bellum  Asiaticum  fegiumque  mittatur.  67.  Ecquam 
putatis  civitatem  pacatam  fuisse  quae  locuples  sit? 
ecquam  esse  locupletem  quae  istis  pacata  esse  videa- 
tur?  Ora  maritima,  Quirites,  Cn.  Pompeium  non  so- 
5  lum  propter  rei  militaris  gloriam,  sed  etiam  propter 
animi  continentiam  requisivit.  Videbat  enim  prae- 
tores  locupletari  quot  annis  pecunia  publica  praeter 
paucos ;  neque  eos  quicquam  aliud  adsequi,  classium 
nomine,  nisi  ut  detrimentis  accipiendis  majore  adfici 

io  turpitudine  videremur.  Nunc  qua  cupiditate  homines 
in  provincias,  quibus  jacturis  et  quibus  condicionibus 
proficiscantur,  ignorant  videlicet  isti,  qui  ad  unum  de- 
ferenda  omnia  esse  non  arbitrantur?  Quasi  vero  Cn. 
Pompeium  non  cum  suis  virtutibus  turn  etiam  alienis 

is  vitiis  magnum  esse  videamus.  68.  Qua  re  nolite  dubi- 
tare  quin  huic  uni  credatis  omnia,  qui  inter  tot  annos 
unus  inventus  sit,  quern  socii  in  urbis  suas  cum  exerci- 
tu  venisse  gaudeant. 

Quod  si  auctoritatibus  hanc  causam,  Quirites,  con- 

20  firmandam  putatis,  est  vobis  auctor  vir  bellorum  om- 
nium maximarumque  rerum  peritissimus,  P.  Servilius, 
cujus  tantae  res  gestae  terra  marique  exstiterunt,  ut 
cum  de  bello  deliberetis,  auctor  vobis  gravior  nemo 
esse   debeat;   est  C.  Curio,  summis  vestris  beneficiis 

25  maximisque  rebus  gestis,  summo  ingenio  et  prudentia 
praeditus  ;  est  Cn.  Lentulus,  in  quo  omnes  pro  amplis- 
simis  vestris  honoribus  summum  consilium,  summam 
gravitatem  esse  cognovistis  ;  est  C.  Cassius,  integritate, 
virtute,  constantia  singulari.     Qua  re  videte  ut  horum 

3°  auctoritatibus  illorum  orationi,  qui  dissentiunt,  respon- 
dere  posse  videamur. 

xxiv.  69.  Quae  cum  ita  sint,  C.  Manili,  primum 
istam  tuam  et  legem  etvoluntatem  et  sententiam  laudo 
vehementissimeque   comprobo :     deinde  te    hortor,   ut 

35  auctore  populo  Romano  maneas  in  sententia,  neve 
cujusquam  vim  aut  minas  pertimescas.     Primum  in  te 


xxiv.  7i.]        Cicero's  Motive  and  Purpose.  83 

satis  esse  animi  perseverantiaeque  arbitror :  deinde 
cum  tantam  multitudin'em  cum  tanto  studio  adesse 
videamus,  quantam  iterum  nunc  in  eodem  homine 
praeficiendo  videmus,  quid  est  quod  aut  de  re  aut  de 
perficiendi  facultate  dubitemus?  Ego  autem  quicquid  5 
est  in  me  studi,  consili,  laboris,  ingeni,  quicquid  hoc 
beneficio  populi  Romani  atque  hac  potestate  praetoria, 
quicquid  auctoritate,  fide,  constantia  possum,  id  omne 
ad  hanc  rem  conficiendam  tibi  et  populo  Romano  pol- 
liceor  ac  defero  :  70.  testorque  omnis  deos,  et  eos  max-  10 
ime  qui  huic  loco  temploque  praesident,  qui  omnium 
mentis  eorum  qui  ad  rem  publicam  adeunt  maxime 
perspiciunt,  me  hoc  neque  rogatu  facere  cujusquam, 
neque  quo  Cn.  Pompei  gratiam  mihi  per  hanc  causam 
conciliari  putem,  neque  quo  mihi  ex  cujusquam  ampli-  15 
tudine  aut  praesidia  periculis  aut  adjumenta  honoribus 
quaeram ;  propterea  quod  pericula  facile,  ut  hominem 
praestare  oportet,  innocentia  tecti  repellemus,  honorem 
autem  neque  ab  uno  neque  ex  hoc  loco,  sed  eadem 
ilia  nostra  laboriosissima  ratione  vitae,  si  vestra  volun-  20 
tas  feret,  consequemur.  71.  Quam  ob  rem  quicquid 
in  hac  causa  mihi  susceptum  est,  Quirites,  id  ego 
omne  me  rei  publicae  causa  suscepisse  confirmo  ;  tan- 
tumque  abest  ut  aliquam  mihi  bonam  gratiam  quae- 
sisse  videar,  ut  multas  me  etiam  simultates  partim  25 
obscuras,  partim  apertas  intellegam  mihi  non  necessa- 
rias,  vobis  non  inutilis  suscepisse.  Sed  ego  me  hoc 
honore  praeditum,  tantis  vestris  beneficiis  adfectum 
statui,  Quirites,  vestram  voluntatem  et  rei  publicae  dig- 
nitatem et  salutem  provinciarum  atque  sociorum  meis  30 
omnibus  commodis  et  rationibus  praeferre  oportere. 


THE    CONSPIRACY   OF   CATILINE. 

B.C.  63. 

During  the  absence  of  Pompey  in  the  East  (see  the  preceding 
Introduction),  the  politics  of  the  city  were  kept  in  a  constant  fer- 
ment by  the  strife  of  parties.  The  violence  and  corruption  of  the 
time  seemed  to  afford  a  fit  opportunity  for  some  daring  enterprise. 
This  opportunity  was  seized  by  Lucius  Sergius  Catilina.  He  was  a 
man  of  noble  birth,  of  middle  age,  and  of  the  vilest  character ;  an 
intimate  friend  of  Verres,  and  like  him  distinguished  for  his  infa- 
mous career  in  Sulla's  army.  He  expected,  probably,  to  make  him- 
self tyrant,  as  Dionysius  and  Agathocles  —  men  no  better  than  he  — 
had  done  in  Syracuse ;  but  it  was  suspected  at  the  time,  and  is 
believed  by  many  at  the  present  day,  that  he  was,  after  all,  only  a 
tool  of  Caesar  and  Crassus,  the  leaders  of  the  democratic  party. 

Catiline's  plan  was  to  make  use  of  the  consulship  as  a  stepping- 
stone  to  the  tyranny ;  and  with  this  end  he  desired  to  be  a  candi- 
date for  this  office,  for  the  year  B.C.  65.  He  was  shut  out,  however, 
both  that  year  and  the  next,  by  a  charge  of  repetundce :  of  this  he 
was  at  last  acquitted,  in  season  to  present  himself  for  the  year 
B.C.  63.  There  was  a  very  exciting  canvass,  which  resulted  in  the 
election  of  Cicero  by  an  overwhelming  majority,  while  a  confede- 
rate of  Catiline,  Caius  Antonius  —  son  of  the  distinguished  orator, 
and  uncle  of  the  triumvir  —  was  elected  as  his  colleague.  Catiline, 
nothing  daunted,  offered  himself  again  for  the  following  year,  but 
was  again  defeated,  mainly  through  the  exertions  of  the  consul  Ci- 
cero, who  had  completely  gained  over  his  weak  and  greedy  colleague 
Antonius.  The  rich  province  of  Macedonia  had  fallen  to  Cicero 
by  lot,  for  his  proconsular  year ;  but  he  transferred  this  to  Anto- 
nius, on  condition  of  his  cooperation  against  Catiline. 

Catiline  would  now  wait  no  longer,  but  prepared  for  an  immedi- 
ate outbreak.  As  a  private  citizen  he  lost  the  advantages  which 
the  holding  of  the  consulship  would  have  given  him,  and  the  only 
member  of  the  conspiracy  who  held  a  magistracy  was  the  vain  and 
indolent  Lentulus,  praetor  and  of  consular  rank.  In  the  course 
of  October,  B.C.  63,  a  body  of  troops  was  collected  at  Faesulae  (now 
Fiesole,  close  to  Florence),  a  town  in  the  north  of  Etruria ;  this 
was  under  the  command  of  the  centurion  Caius  Manlius,  Catiline 


I.  3]  Invective  against   Catiline.  85 

himself  remaining  in  the  city  to  direct  operations  there.  Cicero, 
meantime,  had  managed  to  keep  track  of  the  conspiracy  in  all  its 
details  ;  and,  when  Catiline  had  the  effrontery  to  appear  in  his  seat 
in  the  Senate,  he  burst  upon  him  with  a  fiery  invective,  the  first 
of  the  four  "  Orations  against  Catiline."  Probably  none  of  his 
speeches  is  better  known  than  this,  or  conveys  a  better  impression 
of  his  power  as  an  orator. 

I.   Invective  against   Catiline. 

In  the  Senate,  Nov.  8. 

QUO  usque  tandem  abutere,  Catilina,  patientia  no- 
stra? Quam  diu  etiam  furor  iste  tuus  nos  elu- 
det?  Quern  ad  finem  sese  effrenata  jactabit  audacia? 
Nihilne  te  nocturnum  praesidium  Palati,  nihil  urbis 
vigiliae,  nihil  timor  populi,  nihil  concursus  bonorum  5 
omnium,  nihil  hie  munitissimus  habendi  senatus  locus, 
nihil  horum  ora  voltusque  moverunt?  Patere  tua 
consilia  non  sentis?  constrictam  jam  horum  omnium 
scientia  teneri  conjurationem  tuam  non  vides?  Quid 
proxima,  quid  superiore  nocte  egeris,  ubi  fueris,  quos  10 
convocaveris,  quid  consili  ceperis,  quern  nostrum  igno- 
rare  arbitraris? 

2.  O  tempora  !    O  mores  !     Senatus  haec  intellegit, 
consul   videt:     hie   tamen    vivit.      Vivit?    immo  vero 
etiam   in   senatum  venit,  fit  publici  consili  particeps,  15 
notat  et  designat  oculis   ad  caedem   unum    quemque 
nostrum.     Nos  autem,  fortes  viri,  satis  facere  rei  pub- 
licae  videmur,  si  istius  furorem  ac  tela  vitemus.     Ad 
mortem  te,  Catilina,  duci  jussu  consulis  jam  pridem 
oportebat;   in  te  conferri  pestem  quam  tu  in  nos  [jam  20 
diu]  machinaris.     3.  An  vero  vir  amplissimus,  P.  Sci- 
pio,    pontifex    maximus,    Ti.    Gracchum    mediocriter 
labefactantem  statum  rei  publicae  privatus  interfecit: 
Catilinam,  orbem  terrae  caede  atque  incendiis  vastare 
cupientem,  nos  consules  perferemus?     Nam  ilia  nimis  25 
antiqua  praetereb,  quod  C.  Servilius  Ahala  Sp.  Mae- 


86  Conspiracy  of  Catiline.  [Catil.  I 

Hum  novis  rebus  studentem  manu  sua  occidit.  Fuit, 
fuit  ista  quondam  in  hac  re  publica  virtus,  ut  viri  fortes 
acrioribus  suppliciis  civem  perniciosum  quam  acerbis- 
simum  hostem  coercerent.  Habemus  senatus  consul- 
5  turn  in  te,  Catilina,  vehemens  et  grave.  Non  deest 
rei  publicae  consilium,  neque  auctoritas  hujus  ordinis  : 
nos,  nos,  dico  aperte,  consules  desumus.     , 

ii.  4.  Decrevit    quondam    senatus,    ut   L.   Opimius 
consul  videret  ne  quid  res  publica  detrimenti  caperet. 

io  Nox  nulla  intercessit :  interfectus  est  propter  quasdam 
seditionum  suspiciones  C.  Gracchus,  clarissimo  patre, 
avo,  majoribus ;  occisus  est  cum  liberis  M.  Fulvius 
consularis.  Simili  senatus  consulto  C.  Mario  et  L. 
Valerio   consulibus   est   permissa   res    publica :    num 

15  unum  diem  postea  L.  Saturninum  tribunum  plebis  et 
C.  Servilium  praetorem  [mors  ac]  rei  publicae  poena 
remorata  est?  At  nos  vicesimum  jam  diem  patimur 
hebescere  aciem  horum  auctoritatis.  Habemus  enim 
hujusce  modi  senatus  consultum,  verum  inclusum  in 

20  tabulis,  tamquam  in  vagina  reconditum,  quo  ex  sena- 
tus consulto  confestim  te  interfectum  esse,  Catilina, 
convenit.  Vivis,  et  vivis  non  ad  deponendam,  sed  ad 
confirmandam  audaciam.  Cupio,  patres  conscripti, 
me  esse  clementem  :   cupio  in  tantis  rei  publicae  peri- 

25  culis  me  non  dissolutum  videri ;  sed  jam  me  ipse  inertiae 
nequitiaeque  condemnoi  5.  Castra  sunt  in  Italia  con- 
tra populum  Romanum  in  Etruriae  faucibus  conlocata  : 
crescit  in  dies  singulos  hostium  numerus  ;  eorum  au- 
tem   castrorum   imperatorem  ducemque  hostium  intra 

30  moenia  atque  adeo  in  senatu  videmus,  intestinam  ali- 
quam  cotidie  perniciem  rei  publicae  molientem.  Si  te 
jam,  Catilina,  comprehendi,  si  interfici  jussero,  credo, 
erit  verendum  mihi  ne  non  hoc  potius  omnes  boni 
serius   a  me,  quam   quisquam   crudelius   factum   esse 

35  dicat.  Verum  ego  hoc,  quod  jam  pridem  factum  esse 
oportuit,  certa  de  causa  nondum  aaducor  ut  faciam. 


in.  8.]        His  Plans  are  known  and  watched,  87 

Turn  denique  interficiere,  cum  jam  nemo  tarn  impro- 
bus,  tarn  perditus,  tarn  tui  similis  inveniri  poterit,  qui 
id  non  jure  factum  esse  fateatur.  6.  Quam  diu  quis- 
quam  erit  qui  te  defendere  audeat,  vives ;  et  vives  ita 
ut  vivis,  multis  meis  et  rirmis  praesidiis  oppressus,  ne 
commovere  te  contra  rem  publicam  possis.  Multorum 
te  etiam  oculi  et  aures  non  sentientem,  sicut  adhuc 
fecerunt,  speculabuntur  atque  custodient.     sf 

in.  Etenim   quid   est,  Catilina,   quod  jam   amplius 
exspectes,  si  neque  nox  tenebris  obscurare  coetus  ne-  10 
farios,  nee  privata  domus  parietibus  continere  voces 
conjurationis  [tuae]  potest?  si  inlustrantur,  si  erumpunt 
omnia?     Muta  jam  istam  mentem  :    mihi  crede,  obli- 
viscere  caedis  atque  incendiorum.     Teneris  undique  : 
luce  sunt  clariora  nobis  tua  consilia  omnia,  quae  jam  15 
mecum   licet  recognoscas.  •    7.  Meministine   me   ante 
diem  xn.  Kalendas  Novembris  dicere  in  senatu,  fore 
in  armis  certo  die  —  qui  dies  futurus  esset  ante  diem 
vi.  Kal.  Novembris — C.  Manlium,  audaciae  satellitem 
atque  administrum  tuae?     Num  me  fefellit,  Catilina,  20 
non  modo   res  tanta,  tarn   atrox  tamque  incredibilis, 
verum  —  id    quod    multo    magis    est   admirandum  — 
dies?     Dixi  ego  idem  in  senatu  caeclem  te  optimatium 
contulisse  in  ante  diem  v.  Kalendas  Novembris,  turn 
cum  multi  principes  civitatis  Roma  non  tarn  sui  con-  25 
servandi    quam    tuorum    consiliorum    reprimendorum 
causa  profugerunt.     Num  infitiari  potes  te  illo  ipso  die, 
meis  praesidiis,  mea  diligentia  circumclusum,  commo- 
vere te  contra  rem  publicam  non  potuisse,  cum  tu  dis- 
cessu    ceterorum,    nostra    tamen    qui    remansissemus  30 
caede,  te  contentum  esse  dicebas?     8.  Quid?    cum  te 
Praeneste    Kalendis   ipsis  Novembribus  occupaturum 
nocturno  impetu  esse  confideres,  sensistine  illam  colo- 
niam    meo   jussu    [meis]    praesidiis    custodiis    vigiliis 
esse  munitam?    Nihil  agis,  nihil  moliris,  nihil  cogitas,  35 
quod  non  ego  non  modo  audiam,  sed  etiam  videam 
planeque  sentiam. 


-h 


88  Conspiracy  of  Catiline.  [Catil.  I. 

iv.  Recognosce  tandem  mecum  noctem  illam  su- 
periorem  :  jam  intelleges  multo  me  vigilare  acrius  ad 
salutem  quam  te  ad  perniciem  rei  publicae.  Dico  te 
priore  nocte  venisse  inter  falcarios  —  non  agam  ob- 
5  scure  —  in  M.  Laecae  domum  ;  convenisse  eodem 
compluris  ejusdem  amentiae  scelerisque  socios.  Num 
negare  audes?  quid  taces?  convincam,  si  negas. 
Video  enim  esse  hie  in  senatu  quosdam,  qui  tecum  una 
fuerunt.      9.  O  di  immortales !    ubinam  gentium  su- 

io  raus?  in  qua  urbe  vivimus?  quam  rem  publicam 
habemus?  Hie,  hie  sunt,  in  nostro  numero,  patres 
conscripti,  in  hoc  orbis  terrae  sanctissimo  gravissimo- 
que  consilio,  qui  de  nostro  omnium  interitu,  qui  de 
hujus  urbis  atque  adeo  de  orbis  terrarum  exitio  cogi- 

15  tent.  Hos  ego  video  [consul]  etde  republica  sententiam 
rogo,  et  quos  ferro  trucidari  oportebat,  eos  nondum 
voce  volnero.  Fuisti  igitur  apud  Laecam  ilia  nocte, 
Catilina  :  distribuisti  partis  Italiae  ;  statuisti  quo  quem- 
que  proficisci  placeret ;  delegisti  quos  Romae  relinque- 

20  res,  quos  tecum  educeres  ;  descripsisti  urbis  partis  ad 
incendia :  confirmasti  te  ipsum  jam  esse  exiturum ; 
dixisti  paulum  tibi  esse  etiam  nunc  morae,  quod  ego 
viverem.  Reperti  sunt  duo  equites  Romani  qui  te  ista 
cura  liberarent,  et  sese  ilia  ipsa  nocte  paulo  ante  lu- 

25  cem  me  in  meo  lectulo  interfecturos  esse  pollicerentur. 
30.  Haec  ego  omnia,  vixdum  etiam  coetu  vestro  di- 
misso,  comperi :  domum  meam  majoribus  praesidiis 
munivi  atque  firmavi :  exclusi  eos  quos  tu  ad  me  salu- 
tatum  miseras,  cum  illi  ipsi  venissent,  quos  ego  jam 

3°  multis  ac  summis  viris  ad  me  id  temporis  venturos  esse 
praedixeram. 

v.  Quae  cum  ita  sint,  Catilina,  perge  quo  coepisti. 
Egredere  aliquando  ex  urbe  :  patent  portae  :  proficis- 
cere.     Nimium  diu  te  imperatorem  tua  ilia  Manliana 

35  castra  desiderant.  Educ  tecum  etiam  omnis  tuos ;  si 
minus,   quam    plurimos :    pur*ga  urbem.     Magno   me 


vi.  i3]        He  is  bidden  to  leave  the   City.  89 

metu   liberabis,   dum   modo  inter  me  atque  te  murus 
intersit.     Nobiscum  versari  jam  diutius  non  potes  :  non 
feram,  non  patiar,  non  sinam.     11.  Magna  dis  immor- 
talibus  habenda  est,  atque  huic  ipsi  Jovi  Statori,  anti- 
quissimo  custodi  hujus  urbis,  gratia,  quod  hanc  tarn    5 
taetram,  tarn  horribilem  tamque  infestam  rei  publicae 
pestem  totiens  jam  effugimus.     Non  est  saepius  in  uno 
homine  summa  salus  periclitanda  rei  publicae.     Quam     L^ 
diu  mihi  consuli  designato,  Catilina,  insidiatus  es,  non 
publico   me   praesidio,  sed  privata  diligentia  defendi.  10 
Cum   proximis  comitiis  consularibus  me  consulem  in 
campo   et  competi tores  tuos  interficere  voluisti,  com- 
pressi    conatus    tuos    nefarios    amicorum    praesidio   et 
copiis,  nullo  tumultu  publice  concitato  :  denique,  quoti- 
enscumque  me  petisti,  per  me  tibi  obstiti,  quamquam  15 
videbam  perniciem  meam  cum  magna  calamitate  rei 
publicae  esse  conjunctam.     12.  Nunc  jam  aperte  rem 
publicam  universam  petis  :    templa  deorum  immorta- 
lium,  tecta  urbis,  vitam  omnium  civium,  Italiam  [deni- 
que] totam  ad  exitium  ac  vastitatem  vocas.     Qua  re,  20 
quoniam   id   quod   est  primum,  et  quod  hujus  imperi 
disciplinaeque  majorum  proprium  est,  facere  nondum 
audeo,  faciam  id  quod  est  ad  severitatem  lenius,  et  ad 
communem  salutem  utilius.    Nam  si  te  interfici  jussero, 
residebit   in   re   publica  reliqua  conjuratorum  manus.  25 
Sin  tu,  quod  te  jam  dudum  hortor,  exieris,  exhaurietur 
ex  urbe  tuorum  comitum  magna  et  perniciosa  sentina 
rei  publicae. 

13.  Quid  est,  Catilina?  num*  dubitas  id  me  impe- 
rante  facere,  quod  jam  tua  sponte  faciebas?  Exire  ex  30 
urbe  jubet  consul  hostem.  Interrogas  me,  num  in 
exsilium?  Non  jubeo  ;  sed,  si  me  consulis,  suadeo. 
vi.  Quid  est  enim,  Catilina,  quod  te  jam  in  hac  urbe 
delectare  possit?  in  qua  nemo  est  extra  istam  conjura- 
tion em  perditorum  hominum  qui  te  non  metuat,  nemo  35 
qui  non  oderit.     Quae  nota  domesticae  turpitudinis  non 


90  Conspiracy  of  Catiline.  [Catil.  I. 

inusta  vitae  tuae  est?  Quod  privatarum  rerum  dede- 
cus  non  haeret  in  fama?  quae  libido  ab  oculis,  quod 
facinus  a  manibus  umquam  tuis,  quod  flagitium  a  toto 
corpore  afuit?  Cui  tu  adulescentulo,  quern  corrupte- 
5  larum  inlecebris  inretisses,  non  aut  ad  audaciam  ferrum 
V  aut  ad  libidinem  facem  praetulisti?  14.  Quid  vero? 
nuper  cum  morte  superioris  uxoris  novis  nuptiis  do- 
mum  vacuefecisses,  nonne  etiam  alio  incredibili  scelere  * 
hoc  scelus  cumulasti?   quod  ego  praetermitto  et  facile 

10  patior  sileri,  ne  in  hac  civitate  tanti  facinoris  im- 
manitas  aut  exstitisse  aut  non  vindicata  esse  videatur. 
Praetermitto  ruinas  fortunarum  tuarum,  quas  omnis 
impendere  tibi  proximis  Idibus  senties.  Ad  ilia  venio, 
quae  non  ad  privatam  ignominiam  vitiorum  tuo.rum, 

15  non  ad  domesticam  tuam  difficultatem  ac  turpitudinem, 
sed  ad  summam  rem  publicam  atque  ad  omnium  nos- 
trum vitam  salutemque  pertinent.  15.  Potestne  tibi 
haec  lux,  Catilina,  aut  hujus  caeli  spiritus  esse  jucun- 
dus,   cum    scia's    horum   esse  neminem  qui  nesciat  te 

20  pridie  Kalendas  Januarias  Lepido  et  Tullo  consulibus 
stetisse  in  comitio  cum  telo?  manum  consulum  et  prin- 
cipum  civitatis  interficiendorum  causa  paravisse?  sce- 
leri  ac  furori  tuo  non  mentem  aliquam  aut  timorem 
[tuum],  sed  fortunam  populi  Romani  obstitisse?     Ac 

25  jam  ilia  omitto  —  neque  enim  sunt  aut  obscura  aut  non 
multa  commissa  —  quotiens  tu  me  designatum,  quotiens 
consulem  interficere  conatus  es  !  quot  ego  tuas  peti- 
tiones,  ita  conjectas  ut  vitari  posse  non  viderentur,  parva 
quadam  declinatione  et  (ut  aiunt)  corpore  effugi !    [Ni- 

30  hil  agis,]  nihil  acfsequerls,  [nihil  moliris,]  neque  tamen 
conari  ac  velle  desistis.  16.  Quotiens  tibi  jam  extorta 
est  ista  sica  de  manibus  !  quotiens  yero  excidit  casu 
aliquo  et  elapsa  est !  [Tamen  ea  carere  diutius  non 
potes,]  quae  quidem  quibus  abs  te  initiata  sacris    ac 

35  devota  sit  nescio,  quod  earn  necesse  putas  esse  in  con- 
sulis  corpore  defigere. 


vii.  1 8.]        General  Fear  and  Hate  of  him.  "  91 

vii.  Nunc  vero  quae  tua  est  ista  vita?     Sic  enim 
jam  tecum  loquar,  non  ut  odio  permotus  esse  videar, 
quo  debeo,  sed  ut  misericordia,  quae  tibi  nulla  debetur. 
Venisti  paulo  ante  in  senatum.     Quis  te  ex  hac  tanta 
frequentia,  tot  ex  tuis  amicis  ac  necessariis  salutavit?    5 
Si  hoc  post  hominum  memoriam  contigit  nemini,  vocis 
exspectas  contumeliam,  cum  sis  gravissimo  judicio  taci- 
turnitatis    oppressus?  I  Quid,    quod    adventu   tuo    ista    ... 
subsellia  vacuefacta  sunt?  quod  omnes  consulares,  qui 
tibi  persaepe  ad  caedem  constituti  fuerunt,  simul  atque  10 
adsedisti,  partem  istam  subselliorum  nudam  atque  in- 
anem    reliquerunt,  quo  tandem    animo   tibi   ferendum 
putas?     17.  Servi  (mehercule)  mei  si  me  isto  pacto  me- 
tuerent,  ut  te  metuunt  omnes  cives  tui,  domum  meam 
relinquendam  putarem  :    tu  tibi  urbem  non  arbitraris?  15 
et,  si  me  meis  civibus  injuria  suspectum  tarn  graviter 
atque  offensum   videVem,  carere    me    aspectu    civium 
quam  infestis  omnium  oculis  conspici  mallem.  Tu,  cum 
conscientia  scelerum  tuorum  agnoscas  odium  omnium 
justum  et  jam  diu  tibi  debitum,  dubitas  quorum  men-  20 
tis  sensusque  volneras,  eorum  aspectum  praesentiam- 
que  vitare?     Si  te  parentes  timerent  atque  odissent  tui, 
neque  eos  ulla  ratione  placare  posses,  tu  (opinor)  ab 
eorum  oculis  aliquo  concederes.     Nunc  te  patria,  quae 
communis  est  parens  omnium  nostrum,  odit  ac  metuit,  25 
et  jam  diu  te  nihil  judicat  nisi  de  parricidio  suo  cogi- 
tare  :   hujus  tu  neque  auctoritatem  verebere,  nee  judi- 
cium sequere,  nee  vim  pertimesces? 

18.  Quae  tecum,  Catilina,  sic  agit,  et  quodam  modo 
tacita  loquitur :  «  Nullum  jam  aliquot  annis  facinus  ex-  3° 
stitit  nisi  per  te,  nullum  flagitium  sine  te  :  tibi  uni  mul- 
torum  civium  neces,  tibi  vexatio  direptioque  sociorum 
impunita  fuit  ac  libera  :  tu  non  solum  ad  neglegendas 
.  leges  et  quaestiones,  verum  etiam  ad  evertendas  per- 
fringendasque  valuisti.  Superiora  ilia,  quamquam  35 
ferenda  non  fuerunt,  tamen,  ut  potui,  tuli :  nunc  vero 


92  Conspiracy  of  Catiline,  [Catil.  I. 

me  totam  esse  in  metu  propter  unum  te,  quicquid  in- 
crepuerit  Catilinam  timeri,  nullum  videri  contra  me 
consilium  iniri  posse  quod  a  tuo  scelere  abhorreat,  non 
est  ferendum.  Quam  ob  rem  discede,  atque  hunc  mihi 
5  timorem  eripe  :  si  est  verus,  ne  opprimar  ;  sin  falsus, 
\j  ut  tandem  aliquando  timere  desinam.'Y  viii.  19.  Haec 
si  tecum,  ut  dixi,  patria  loquatur,  nonne  impetrare 
debeat,  etiam  si  vim  adhibere  non  possit?  Quid, 
quod  tu  te  ipse  in   custodiam  dedisti?   quod  vitandae 

io  suspitionis  causa,  ad  M\  Lepidum  te  habitare  velle 
dixisti  ?  a  quo  non  receptus  etiam  ad  me  venire  ausus 
es,  atque  ut  domi  meae  te  adservarem  rogasti.  Cum 
a  me  quoque  id  responsum  tulisses,  me  nullo  modo 
posse  isdem  parietibus  tu'to  esse  tecum,  qui  magno  in 

15  periculo  essem  quod  isdem  moenibus  contineremur, 
ad  Q^  Metellum  praetorem  venisti :  a  quo  repudiatus 
ad  sodalem  tuum,  virum  optimum,  M.  Marcellum  de- 
migrasti ;  quern  tu  videlicet  et  ad  custodiendum  [te] 
diligentissimum  et  ad  suspicandum   sagacissimum    et 

20  ad  vindicandum  fortissimum  fore  putasti.  Sed  quam 
longe  videtur  a  carcere  atque  a  vinculis  abesse  debere, 
qui  se  ipse  jam  dignum  custodia  judicarit?  20.  Quae 
cum  ita  sint,  Catilina,  dubitas,  si  emori  aequo  animo 
non    potes,   abire    in   aliquas    terras,   et    vitam    istam, 

25  multis  suppliciis  justis  debitisque  ereptam,  fugae  soli- 
tudinique  mandare?  ,  ^ 

*  Refer '  inquis  ?  ad  senatum  : '  id  enim  postulas,  et,  si 
hie  ordo  placere  decreverit  te  ire  in  exsilium,  obtempe- 
raturum  te  esse  dicis.     Non  referam,  id  quod  abhorret 

30  a  meis  moribus  ;  et  tamen  faciam  ut  intellegas  quid  hi 
de  te  sentiant.  Egredere  ex  urbe,  Catilina  ;  libera  rem 
publicam  metu;  in  exsilium,  si  hanc  vocem  exspectas, 
proficiscere.  Quid  est,  Catilina?  ecquid  attehdis? 
ecquid    animadvertis    horum    silentium?       Patiuntur, 

35  tacent.  Quid  exspectas  auctoritatem  loquentium,  quo- 
rum   voluntatem   tacitorum   perspicis?     21.  At  si   hoc 


ix.  23.]  All  Good  Men  wish  him  gone,  93 

idem  huic  adulescenti  optimo  P.  Sestio,  si  fortissimo 
viro  M.  Marcello  dixissem,  jam  mihi  consuli,  hoc  ipso 
in  templo,  senatus  jure  optimo  vim  et  manus  intulisset. 
De  te  autem,  Catilina,  cum  quiescunt,  probant :  cum 
patiuntur,  decernunt :  cum  tacent,  clamant.  Neque  hi  5 
solum,  — quorum  tibi  auctoritas  est  videlicet  cara,  vita 
vilissima,  —  sed  etiam  ill i  equites  Romani,  honestissimi 
atque  optimi  viri,  ceterique  fortissimi  cives,  qui  circum- 
stant  senatum,  quorum  tu  et  frequentiam  videre  et 
studia  perspicere  et  voces  paulo  ante  exaudire  potu-  10 
isti.  Quorum  ego  vix  abs  te  jam  diu  manus  ac  tela 
contineo,  eosdem  facile  adducam,  ut  te  haec,  quae  vas- 
tare  jam  pridem  studes,  relinquentem  usque  ad  portas 
prosequantur.  If 

ix.  22.  Quamquam    quid  loquor?      Te  ut  ulla  res  15 
frangat?   tu  ut  umquam  te  corrigas?   tu  ut  ullam  fu- 
gam  meditere?   tu  ut  exsilium  cogites?     Utinam   tibi 
istam  mentem  di  immortales  duint !    tametsi  video,  si 
mea  voce  perterritus  ire  in  exsilium  animum  induxeris, 
quanta  tempestas  invidiae  nobis  —  si  minus  in  praesens  20 
tempus,  recenti  memoria  scelerum  tuorum,  at  in  pos- 
teritatem  —  impendeat :  sed  est  tanti,  dum  modo  ista  sit 
privata  calamitas,  et  a  rei  publicae  periculis  sejungatur. 
Sed  tu  ut  vitiis  tuis  commoveare,  ut  legum  poenas  per- 
timescas,  ut  temporibus   rei   publicae   cedas,  non   est  25 
postulandum.     Neque  enim  is  es,  Catilina,  ut  te  aut 
pudor  umquam  a  turpitudine  aut  metus  a  periculo  aut 
ratio  a  furore  revocarit.    23.  Quam  ob  rem,  ut  saepe  jam 
dixi,  proficiscere  ;    ac,  si  mihi  inimico  (ut  praedicas) 
tuo  conflare  vis  invidiam,  recta  perge  in  exsilium  :  vix  z° 
feram   sermones   hominum   si   id   feceris ;    vix   molem 
istius    invidiae,    si    in    exsilium   jussu   consulis    ieris, 
sustinebo.     Sin   autem   servire   meae  laudi  et  gloriae 
mavis,  egredere  cum  importuna  sceleratorum   manu  : 
confer  te  ad  Manlium,  concita  perditos  civis,  secerne  35 
te  a  bonis,  infer  patriae  bellum,  exsulta  impio  latro- 


94  Conspiracy  of  Catiline,  [Catil.  I. 

cinio,  ut  a  me  non  ejectus  ad  alienos,  sed  invitatus  ad 
tuos  isse  videaris. 

24.  Quamquam  quid  ego  te  invitem,  a  quo  jam  sciam 
esse  praemissos  qui  tibi  ad  Forum  Aurelium  praestola- 
5  rentur  armati?  cui  sciam  pactam  et  constitutam  cum 
Manlio  diem?  a  quo  etiam  aquilam  illam  argenteam 
quam  tibi  ac  tuis  omnibus  confido  perniciosam  ac  funes- 
tam  futuram,  cui  domi  tuae  sacrarium  scelerum  tuorum 
constitutum  fuit,  sciam  esse  praemissam?     Tu  ut  ilia 

io  carere  diutius  possis,  quam  venerari  ad  caedem  profi- 

ciscens  solebas,  a  cujus  altaribus  saepe  istam  impiam 

y/^dexteram   ad  necem  civium    transtulisti?Vx.  25.  Ibis 

tandem  aliquando,  quo  te  jam  pridern  ista  tua  cupiditas 

effrenata  ac  furiosa  rapiebat.     Neque  enim  tibi  haec 

is  res  adfert  dolorem,  sed  quandam  incredibilem  volup-  p0jji 
tatem.     Ad  hanc  te  amentiam  natura  peperit,  voluntas 
exercuit,  fortuna  servavit.     Numquam  tu   non   modo 
otium,  sed  ne  bellum  quidem  nisi  nefarium  concupisti. 
Nanctus  es  ex  perditis  atque  ab  omni  non  modo  fortuna 

20  verum  etiam  spe  derelictis  conflatam  improborum  ma- 
num.  26.  Hie  tu  qua  laetitia  perfruere  I  quibus  gau- 
diis  exsultabis  !  quanta  in  voluptate  bacchabere,  cum 
in  tanto  numero  tuorum  neque  audies  virum  bonum 
quemquam   neque  videbis !     Ad   hujus  vitae  studium 

25  meditati  illi  sunt  qui  feruntur  labores  tui,  — jacere  humi 
non  solum  ad  obsidendum  stuprum,  verum  etiam  ad 
facinus  obeundum  ;  vigilare  non  solum  insidiantem  som- 
no  maritorum,  verum  etiam  bonis  otiosorum.  Habes 
ubi  ostentes  tuam  illam  praeclaram  patientiam  famis, 

30  frigoris,  inopiae  rerum  omnium,  quibus  te  brevi  tem- 
pore confectum  esse  senties.  27.  Tantum  profeci  turn, 
cum  te  a  corisulatu  reppuli,  ut  exsul  potius  temptare 
quam  consul  vexare  rem  publicam  posses,  atque  ut 
id  quod  est  a  te  scelerate  susceptum,  latrocinium  po- 

35  tius  quam  bellum  nominaretur. 

xi.  Nunc,    ut    a    me,    patres.  conscripti,    quandam 


xii.  29]  Afpeal  of  the   Commonwealth,  95 


4f 


prope  justam  patriae  querimoniam  detester  ac  depre- 
cer,  percipite,  quaeso,  diligenter  quae   dicam,  et   ea 
penitus  animis  vestris  mentibusque  mandate.     Etenim 
si  mecum  patria,  quae  mihi  vita  mea  multo  est  carior, 
si  cuncta  Italia,  si  omnis  res  publica,  loquatur :    *  M.     5 
Tulli,  quid  agis?     Tune  eum,  quern  esse  hostem  com- 
peristi,  quem  ducem  belli  futurum/vides,  quern  exspecT 
tari  imperatorem  in  castris  hostium    sentis,  auctorem 
sceleris,  principem  conjurationis,  evocatorem  servorum 
et  civium    perditorum,  exire    patiere,  ut   abs   te   non  10 
emissus  ex  urbe,  sed  immissus  in  urbem  esse  videatur? 
Non  hunc  in  vincula  duci,  non  ad  mortem  rapi,  non 
summo  supplicio   mactari    imperabis?     28.  Quid   tan- 
dem te  impedit?   Mosne  majorum?   At  persaepe  etiam 
privati  in  hac  re  publica  perniciosos  civis  morte  mul-  15 
taverunt.     An  leges,  quae  de  civium  Romanorum  sup- 
plicio rogatae  sunt?     At  numquam  in  hac  urbe  qui  a       — 
re  publica  defecerunt  civium  jura  tenuerunt.     An  in- 
vidiam posteritatis   times?      Praeclaram  vero    populo 
Romano  refers  gratiam,  qui  te  hominem  per  te  cogni-  20 
turn,  nulla   commendatione  majorum,  tarn  mature  ad 
summum  imperium  per  omnis  honorum  gradus  extulit, 
si  propter  invidiae  aut  alicujus  periculi  metum  salutem 
civium  tuorum  neglegis.     29.  Sed  si  quis  est  invidiae 
metus,  num  est  vehementius  severitatis  ac  fortitudinis  25 
invidia  quam  inertiae  ac  nequitiae  pertimescenda?    An 
cum   bello   vastabitur  Italia,  vexabuntur  urbes,   tecta 
ardebunt,  turn  te  non  existimas  invidiae  incendio  con- 
flagraturum  ? '  2L 

xii.  His  ego  sanctissimis  rei  publicae  vocibus,  et  30 
eorum  hominum  qui  hoc  idem  sentiunt  mentibus,  pauca 
respondebo.  Ego,  si  hoc  optimum  factu  judicarem, 
patres  conscripti,  Catilinam  morte  multari,  unius  usu- 
ram  horae  gladiatori  isti  ad  vivendum  non  dedissem. 
Etenim  si  summi  et  clarissimi  viri  Saturnini  et  Graccho-  35 
rum  et  Flacci  et  superiorum  complurium  sanguine  non 


96  Conspiracy  of  Catiline.  [Catil.  I. 

modo  se  non  contaminarunt,  sed  etiam  honestarunt, 
certe  verendum  mihi  non  erat  ne  quid/hoc  parricida 
civium  interfecto  invidiae  mihi  in  posteritatem  redun- 
daret.  Quod  si  ea  mihi  maxime  impenderet,  tamen 
5  hoc  animo  fui  semper,  ut  invidiam  virtute  partam  glo- 
riam,  non  invidiam  putarem.  30.  Quamquam  non 
nulli  sunt  in  hoc  ordine,  qui  aut  ea  quae  imminent  non 
videant,  aut  ea  quae  vident  dissimulent :  qui  spem  Cat- 
ilinae  mollibus   sententiis    aluerunt,  conjurationemque 

10  nascentem  non  credendo  corroboraverunt :  quorum 
auctoritatem  secuti  multi  non  solum  improbi,  verum 
etiam  imperiti,  si  in  hunc  animadvertissem,  crudeliter 
et  regie  factum  esse  dicerent.  Nunc  intellego,  si  iste, 
quo  intendit,  in  Manliana  castra  pervenerit,  neminem 

15  tarn  stultum  fore  qui  non  videat  conjurationem  esse 
factam,  neminem  tarn  improbum  qui  non  fateatur. 
Hoc  autem  uno  interfecto,  intellego  hanc  rei  publicae 
pestem  paulisper  reprimi,  non  in  perpetuum  comprimi 

V  posse. ^Quod  si  se  ejecerit,  secumque  suos  eduxerit,  et 

20  eodem  ceteros  undique  conlectos  naufragos  adgregarit, 
exstinguetur  atque  delebitur  non  modo  haec  tarn  adulta 
rei  publicae  pestis,  verum  etiam  stirps  ac  semen  malo- 
rum  omnium. 

xiii.  31.  Etenim  jam   diu,  patres   conscripti,  in   his 

25  periculis  conjurationis  insidiisque  versamur,  sed  nescio 
quo  pacto  omnium  scelerum  ac  veteris  furoris  et  auda- 
ciae  maturitas  in  nostri  consulatus  tempus  erupit. 
Quod  si  ex  tanto  latrocinio  iste  unus  tolletur,  videbimur 
fortasse  ad  breve  quoddam  tempus  cura  et  metu  esse 

30  relevati ;  periculum  autem  residebit,  et  erit  inclusum 
penitus  in  venis  atque  in  visceribus  rei  publicae.  Ut 
saepe  homines  aegri  morbo  gravi,  cum  aestu  febri- 
que^  jactantur,  si  aquam  gelidam  biberint,  primo  rele- 
vari  videntur,  deinde   multo   gravius  vehementiusque 

35  adflictantur  ;  sic  hie  morbus,  qui  est  in  re  publica,  rele- 
vatus  istius  poena,  vehementius  reliquis  vivis  ingra- 


xiii.  33-]  Character  of  the   Conspiracy.  97 

vescet.  32.  Qua  re  secedant  improbi,  secernant  se  a 
bonis,  unum  in  locum  congregentur,  muro  denique  [id] 
(quod  saepe  jam  dixi)  discernantur  a  nobis  :  desinant 
insidiari  domi  suae' consuli,  circumstare  tribunal  prae- 
toris  urbani,  obsidere  cum  gladiis  curiam,  malleolos  et  5 
faces  ad  inflammandam  urbem  comparare  :  sit  denique 
inscriptum  in  fronte  unius  cujusque  quid  de  re  publica 
sentiat.  Polliceor  hoc  vobis,  patres  conscripti,  tantam 
in  nobis  consulibus  fore  diligentiam,  tantam  in  vobis 
auctoritatem,  tantam  in  equitibus  Romanis  virtutem,  10 
tantam  in  omnibus  bonis  consensionem,  ut  Catilinae 
profectione  omnia  patefacta,  inlustrata,  oppressa,  vindi- 
cata  esse  videatis. 

33.  Hisce  ominibus,  Catilina,  cum  summa  rei  publi- 
cae  salute,  ci*m  tua  peste  ac  pernicie,  cumque  eorum  15 
exitio  qui  se  tecum  omni  scelere  parricidioque  junxe- 
runt,  proficiscere  ad  impium  bellum  ac  nefarium.  Tu, 
Juppiter,  qui  isdem  quibus  haec  urbs  auspiciis  [a  Rom- 
ulo]  es  constitutus,  quern  Statorem  hujus  urbis  atque 
imperi  vere  nominamus,  hunc  et  hujus  socios  a  tuis  20 
ceterisque  templis,  a  tectis  urbis  ac  moenibus,  a  vita 
fortunisque  civium  [omnium]  arcebis,  et  homines  bono- 
rum  inimicos,  hostis  patriae,  latrones  Italiae,  scelerum 
foedere  inter  se  ac  nefaria  societate  conjunctos,  aeter- 
nis  suppliciis  vivos  mortuosque  mactabis.  t    ,      25 


2.    Character  of  the  Conspiracy. 

Before  the  People,  Nov.  9. 

When  Cicero  had  finished  his  speech  and  taken  his  seat,  Cati- 
line attempted  to  reply,  but  was  interrupted  by  the  cries  and  re- 
proaches of  the  Senators.  With  a  few  threatening  words,  he  rushed 
from  the  house,  and  left  the  city  the  same  night,  for  the  camp  of 
Manlius.  The  next  morning  the  consul  assembled  the  people,  and 
announced  to  them  the  news,  in  the  triumphant  speech  which  follows. 

7 


98  Conspiracy  of  Catiline.  [Catil.  II. 

i.  l.  Tandem  aliquando,  Quirites,  L.  Catilinam, 
furentem  audacia,  scelus  anhelantem,  pestem  patriae 
nefarie  molientem,  vobis  atque  huic  urbi  ferro  flam- 
maque  minitantem,  ex  urbe  vel  ejecimus,  vel  emisi- 
5  mus,  vel  ipsum  egredientem  verbis  prosecuti  sumus. 
Abiit,  excessit,  evasit,  erupit.  Nulla  jam  pernicies  a 
monstro  illo  atque  prodigio  moenibus  ipsis  intra  moe- 
nia  comparabitur.  Atque  hunc  quidem  unum  hu- 
jus  belli  domestici  ducem  sine  controversia  vicimus. 

io  Non  enim  jam  inter  latera  nostra  sica  ilia  versabitur : 
non  in  campo,  non  in  foro,  non  in  curia,  non  denique 
intra  domesticos  parietes  pertimescemus.  Loco  ille 
motus  est,  cum  est  ex  urbe  depulsus.  Palam  jam  cum 
hoste  nullo  impediente  bellum  [justum]  geremus.   Sine 

15  dubio  perdidimus  hominem  magnificeque  vicimus,  cum 
ilium  ex  occultis  insidiis  in  apertum  latrocinium  con- 
jecimus.  2.  Quod  vero  non  cruentum  mucronem  (ut 
voluit)  extulit,  quod  vivis  nobis  egressus  est,  quod  ei 
ferrum  e  manibus   extorsimus,   quod  incolumis   civis, 

20  quod  stantem  urbem  reliquit,  quanto  tandem  ilium 
maerore  esse  adflictum  et  profligatum  putatis?  Jacet 
ille  nunc  prostratusque  est,  et  se  perculsum  atque  ab- 
jectum  esse  sentit,  et  retorquet  oculos  profecto  saepe  ad 
hanc  urbem,  quam  e  suis  faucibus  ereptam  esse  luget : 

25  quae  quidem  mihi  laetari  videtur,  quod  tantam  pestem 
evomuerit  forasque  projecerit. 

11.  3.  Ac  si  quis  est  talis,  qualis  esse  omnis  opqrte- 
bat,  qui  in  hoc  ipso,  in  quo  exsultat  et  triumphat  oratio 
mea,  me  vehementer  accuset,  quod  tarn  capitalem  hos- 

30  tern  non  comprehenderim  potius  quam  emiserim,  non 
est  ista  mea  culpa,  sed  temporum.  Interfectum  esse  L. 
Catilinam  et  gravissimo  supplicio  adfectum  jam  pridem 
oportebat,  idque  a  me  et  mos  majorum  et  hujus  imperi 
severitas  et  res  publica  postulabat.     Sed  quam  multos 

35  fuisse  putatis  qui  quae  ego  deferrem  non  crederent? 
[quam  multos  qui  propter  stultitiam  non  putarent?] 


in.  6.]  His  Companions  in   Guilt.  99 

quam  multos  qui  etiam   defenderent?    [quam  multos 
qui  propter  improbitatem  faverent?]     Ac  si  illo  sub- 
lato  depelli  a  vobis  omne  periculum  judicarem,  jam 
pridem  ego  L.   Catilinam  non   modo  invidiae  meae, 
verum  etiam  vitae  periculo  sustulissem.  S(±.  Sed  cum    5 
viderem,  ne    vobis    quicTem    omnibus    re    etiam    turn 
probata,  si  ilium,  ut  erat  meritus,  morte  multassem, 
fore  ut  ejus  socios  invidia  oppressus  persequi  non  pos- 
sem,  rem  hue  deduxi,  ut  turn  palam  pugnare  possetis, 
cum  hostem  aperte  videretis.      Quern  quidem  ego  hos-  10 
tern   quam   vehementer   foris   esse    timendum    putem, 
licet  hinc  intellegatis,  quod  etiam  moleste  fero,  quod 
ex  urbe  parum  comitatus  exierit.     Utinam  ille  omnis 
secum  suas  copias  eduxisset !     Tongilium  mihi  eduxit, 
quern  amare  in  praetexta  coeperat,  Publicium  et  Mi-  15 
nucium,  quorum  aes  alienum  contractum  in  popina  nul- 
lum rei  publicae  motum  adferre  poterat :    reliquit  quos 
viros  !    quanto  aere  alieno  !    quam  valentis  !    quam  no- 
bilis  !  iin.  5.  Itaque  ego  ilium  exercitum  prae  Galli- 
canis  legionibus,  et  hoc  dilectu  quern  in  agro  Piceno  20 
et  Gallico   Q^  Metellus   habuit,  et  his  copiis  quae  a 
nobis   cotidie   comparantur,   magno    opere    contemno, 
conlectum  ex  senibus  desperatis,  ex  agresti  luxuria,  ex 
rusticis   decoctoribus,  ex   eis   qui  vadimonia   deserere 
quam  ilium  exercitum  maluerunt :  quibus  ego  non  modo  25 
si  aciem  exercitus  nostri,  verum  etiam  si  edictum  prae- 
toris  ostendero,  concident.     Hos,  quos  video  volitare 
in  foro,  quos  stare  ad  curiam,  quos  etiam  in  senatum 
venire,  qui  nitent  unguentis,  qui  fulgent  purpura,  mal- 
lem   secum   milites   eduxisset :    qui   si  hie  permanent,  30 
mementote  non  tarn  exercitum  ilium  esse  nobis  quam 
hos,  qui  exercitum  deseruerunt,  pertimescendos.     At- 
que  hoc  etiam  sunt  timendi  magis,  quod  quicquid  cogi- 
tant   me    scire    sentiunt,    neque    tamen    permoventur. 
6.  Video  cui  sit  Apulia  attributa,  quis  habeat  Etruriam,  35 
quis    agrum    Picenum,   quis   Gallicum,   quis   sibi   has 


ioo  Conspiracy  of  Catiline,  [Catil.  II. 

urbanas  insidias  caedis  atque  incendiorum  depoposce- 
rit :  omnia  superioris  noctis  consilia  ad  me  perlata  esse 
sentiunt :  patefeci  in  senatu  hesterno  die  :  Catilina  ipse 
pertimuit,  profugit :    hi  quid  exspectant?     Ne  illi  ve- 

5  hementer  errant,  si  illam  meam  pristinam  lenitatem 
perpetuam  sperant  futuram. 

v  iv.  Quod  exspectavi,  jam  sum  adsecutus,  ut  vos 
omnes  factam  esse  aperte  conjurationem  contra  rem 
publicam  videretis  :  nisi  vero  si  quis  est  qui  Catilinae 

10  similis  cum  Catilina  sentire  non  putet.  Non  est  jam 
lenitati  locus :  severitatem  res  ipsa  flagitat.  Unum 
etiam  nunc  concedam  :  exeant,  proficiscantur;  nepati- 
antur  desiderio  sui  Catilinam  miserum  tabescere.  De- 
monstrabo  iter  :  Aurelia  via  profectus  est :  si  adcelerare 

15  volent,  ad  vesperam  consequentur.  7.  O  fortunatam 
rem  publicam,  si  quidem  hanc  sentinam  urbis  ejecerit ! 
Uno  (mehercule)  Catilina  exhausto,  levata  mihi  et  re- 
creata  res  publica  videtur.  Quid  enim  mali  aut  sceleris 
fingi  aut  cogitari  potest  quod  non  ille  conceperit?    Quis 

20  tota  Italia  veneficus,  quis  gladiator,  quis  latro,  quis 
sicarius,  quis  parricida,  quis  testamentorum  subjector, 
quis  circumscriptor,  quis  ganeo,  quis  hepos,  quis  adul- 
ter, quae  mulier,  infamis,  quis  corruptor  juventutis, 
quis  corruptus,  quis  perditus  inveniri  potest,  qui  se  cum 

25  Catilina  non  familiarissime  vixisse  fateatur?  quae  cae- 
des  per  hosce  annos  sine  illo  facta  est?  quod  nefarium 
stuprum  non  per  ilium?  8.  Jam  vero  quae  tanta  um- 
quam  in  ullo  homine  juventutis  inlecebra  fuit,  quanta  in 
illo?  qui  alios  ipse  amabat  turpissime,  aliorum  amori 

30  flagitiosissime  serviebat :  aliis  fructum  libidinum,  aliis 
mortem  parentum  non  modo  impellendo,  verum  etiam 
adjuvando  pollicebatur.  Nunc  vero  quam  subito  non 
solum  ex  urbe,  verum  etiam  ex  agris  ingentem  nume- 
rum    perditorum    hominum    conlegerat !      Nemo    non 

35  modo  Romae,  sed  ne  ullo  quidem  in  angulo  totius 
Italiae  oppressus  aere  alieno  fuit,  quern  non  ad  hoc 
incredibile  sceleris  foedus  ascivcrit. 


v.  ii.]       All  Scoundrels  throng  to  join  him,  101 

v.  9.  Atque  ut  ejus  diversa  studia  in  dissimili  ratione 
perspicere  possitis,  nemo  est  in  ludo  gladiatorio  paulo 
ad  facinus  audacior,  qui  se  non  intimum  Catilinae  esse 
fateatur ;  nemo  in  scaena  levior  et  nequior,  qui  se  non 
ejusdem  prope  sodalem  fuisse  commemoret.  Atque  idem  5 
tamen,  stuprorum  et  scelerum  exercitatione  adsuefac- 
tus,  frigore  et  fame  et  siti  et  vigiliis  perferendis,  fortis 
ab  istis  praedicabatur,  cum  industriae  subsidia  atque 
instrumenta  virtutis  in  libidine  audaciaque  consumeret. 

10.  Hunc  vero  si  secuti  erunt  sui  comites,  si  ex  urbe  10 
exierint  desperatorum  hominum  flagitiosi  greges,  O  nos 
beatos  !    O  rem  publicam  fortunatam  !    O  praeclaram 
laudem  consulatus  mei !    Non  enim  jam  sunt  mediocres 
hominum  libidines,  non  humanae  ac  tolerandae  auda- 
ciae  :    nihil    cogitant  nisi  caedem,  nisi  incendia,  nisi  15 
rapinas.     Patrimonia   sua    profuderunt,  fortunas    suas 
obligaverunt :  res  eos  jam  pridem,  fides  nuper  deficere 
coepit :    eadem   tamen   ilia,  quae   erat  in   abundantia, 
libido  permanet.  TGJuod  si  in  vino  et  alea  comissationes 
solum  et  scorta  quaererent,  essent  illi  quidem  despe-  20 
randi,  sed  tamen  essent  ferendi :    hoc  vero  quis  ferre 
possit,  inertis  homines  fortissimis  viris  insidiari,  stultis- 
simos  prudentissimis,  ebriosos  sobriis,  dormientis  vigi- 
lantibus?   qui  mihi  accubantes  in  conviviis,  complexi 
mulieres  impudicas,  vino  languidi,  conferti  cibo,  sertis  25 
redimiti,  unguentis  obliti,  debilitati  stupris,  eructant  ser- 
monibus   suis  caedem  bonorum  atque  urbis  incendia. 

11.  Quibus  ego  confido  impendere  fatum  aliquod,  et 
poenam  jam  diu  improbitati,  nequitiae,  sceleri,  libidini 
debitam  aut  instare  jam  plane,  aut  certe  appropinquare.  3° 
Quos  si  meus  consulatus,  quoniam  sanare  non  potest, 
sustulerit,  non  breve  nescio  quod  tempus,  sed  multa  sae- 
cula  propagarit  rei  publicae.  Nulla  est  enim  natio 
quam  pertimescamus,  nullus  rex  qui  bellum  populo  Ro- 
mano facere  possit.  Omnia  sunt  externa  unius  virtute  35 
terra  marique  pacata  :  domesticum  bellum  manet ;  in- 


102  Conspiracy  of  Catiline.  [Catil.  II. 

tus  insidiae  sunt,  intus  inclusum  periculum  est,  intus 
est  hostis.  Cum  luxuria  nobis,  cum  amentia,  cum 
scelere  certandum  est.  ^/Huic  ego  me  bello  ducem 
profiteor,  Quirites  :  suscipio  inimicitias  hominum  per- 
5  ditorum.  Quae  sanari  poterunt,  quacumque  ratione 
sanabo  ;  quae  resecanda  erunt,  non  patiar  ad  perniciem 
civitatis  manere.  Proinde  aut  extant,  aut  quiescant, 
aut,  si  et  in  urbe  et  in  eadem  mente  permanent,  ea 
quae  merentur  exspectent. 

10  vi.  12.  At  etiam  sunt  qui  dicant,  Quirites,  a  me  in 
exsilium  ejectum  esse  Catilinam.  Quod  ego  si  verbo 
adsequi  possem,  istos  ipsos  eicerem,  qui  haec  loquun- 
tur.  Homo  enim  videlicet  timidus  aut  etiam  permo- 
destus  vocem   consulis  ferre  non  potuit :    simul  atque 

15  ire  in  exsilium  jussus  est,  paruit.  Quid?  ut  hesterno 
die,  Quirites,  cum  domi  meae  paene  interfectus  essem, 
senatum  in  aedem  Jovis  Statoris  convocavi,  rem  om- 
nem  ad  patres  conscriptos  detuli :  quo  cum  Catilina 
venisset,  quis  eum  senator  appellavit?    quis  salutavit? 

20  quis  denique  ita  aspexit  ut  perditum  civem,  ac  non  po- 
tius  ut  importunissimum  hostem?  Quin  etiam  principes 
ejus  ordinis  partem  illam  subselliorum,  ad  quam  ille 
accesserat,  nudam  atque  inanem  reliquerunt.  13.  Hie 
ego  vehemens  ille  consul,  qui  verbo  civis  in  exsilium 

25  eicio,  quaesivi  a  Catilina  in  nocturno  conventu  ad 
M.  Laecam  fuisset  necne.  Cum  ille,  homo  audacissi- 
mus,  conscientia  convictus,  primo  reticuisset,  patefeci 
cetera  :  quid  ea  nocte  egisset,  quid  in  proximam  con- 
stituisset,  quern  ad  modum   esset  ei  ratio  totius  belli 

3°  descripta,  edocui.  Cum  haesitaret,  cum  teneretur, 
quaesivi  quid  dubitaret  proficisci  eo,  quo  jam  pridem 
pararet,  cum  arma,  cum  securis,  cum  fascis,  cum  tubas, 
cum  signa  militaria,  cum  aquilam  illam  argenteam,  cui 
ille  etiam  sacrarium  [scelerum]  domi  suae  fecerat,  sci- 

35  rem  esse  praemissam.  14.  In  exsilium  eiciebam,  quern 
jam  ingressum  esse  in  bellum  videbam  ?  Etenim,  credo, 


vii.  16.]         He  will  soon  affear  in  Arms,  103 

Manlius  iste  centurio,  qui  in  agro  Faesulano  castra 
posuit,  bellum  populo  Romano  suo  nomine  indixit,  et 
ilia  castra  nunc  non  Catilinam  ducem  exspectant,  et 
ille  ejectus  in  exsilium  se  Massiliam,  ut  aiunt,  non  in 
haec  castra  conferet.         -j~  \/4> 

vit.  O  condicionem  miseram  non  modo  adminis- 
trandae,  verum  etiam  conservandae  rei  publicae ! 
Nunc  si  L.  Catilina  consiliis,  laborious,  periculis  meis 
circumclusus  ac  debilitatus  subito  pertimuerit,  senten- 
tiam  mutaverit,  deseruerit  suos,  consilium  belli  faci- 10 
endi  abjecerit,  ex  hoc  cursu  sceleris  ac  belli  iter  ad 
fugam  atque  in  exsilium  converterit,  —  non  ille  a  me 
spoliatus  armis  audaciae,  non  obstupefactus  ac  perter- 
ritus  mea  diligentia,  non  de  spe  conatuque  depulsus, 
sed  indemnatus,  innocens,  in  exsilium  ejectus  a  consule  15 
vi  et  minis  esse  dicetur ;  et  erunt  qui  ilium,  si  hoc  fece- 
rit,  non  improbum,  sed  miserum,  me  non  diligentissi- 
mum  consulem,  sed  crudelissimumtyrannum  existimari 
velint !  15.  Est  mihi  tanti,  Quirites,  hujus  invidiae 
falsae  atque  iniquae  tempestatem  subire,  dum  modo  a  20 
vobis  hujus  horribilis  belli  ac  nefarii  periculum  depel- 
latur.  Dicatur  sane  ejectus  esse  a  me,  dum  modo  eat 
in  exsilium.  Sed,  mihi  credite,  non  est  iturus.  Num- 
quam  ego  a  dis  immortalibus  optabo,  Quirites,  invidiae 
meae  levandae  causa,  ut  L.  Catilinam  ducere  exerci-  25 
turn  hostium  atque  in  armis  volitare  audiatis  :  sed  tri- 
duo  tamen  audietis ;  multoque  magis  illud  timeo,  ne 
mihi  sit  invidiosum  aliquando,  quod  ilium  emiserim 
potius  quam  quod  ejecerim.  Sed  cum  sint  homines 
qui  ilium,  cum  profectus  sit,  ejectum  esse  dicant,  eidem  30 
si  interfectus  esset  quid  dicerent?  16.  Quamquam  isti, 
qui  Catilinam  Massiliam  ire  dictitant,  non  tarn  hoc 
queruntur  quam  verentur.  Nemo  est  istorum  tarn 
misericors,  qui  ilium  non  ad  Manlium  quam  ad  Massil- 
iensis  ire  malit.  Ille  autem,  si  (me  hercule)  hoc  quod  35 
agit  numquam  antea  cogitasset,  tamen   latrocinantem 


104  Conspiracy  of  Catiline,  [Catil.  II. 

se  interfici  mallet  quam  exsulem  vivere.  Nunc  vero, 
cum  ei  nihil  adhuc  praeter  ipsius  voluntatem  cogi- 
tationemque  accident,  nisi  quod  vivis  nobis  Roma  pro- 
fectus  est,  optemus  potius  ut  eat  in  exsilium  quam 
5  queramur.         \S 

viii.  17.  Sed  cur  tarn  diu  de  uno  hoste  loquimur,  et 
de  hoste  qui  jam  fatetur  se  esse  hostem,  et  quem,  quia 
(quod  semper  volui)  murus  interest,  non  timeo  :  de  eis 
qui  dissimulant,  qui  Romae  remanent,  qui   nobiscum 

10  sunt,  nihil  dicimus?  Quos  quidem  ego,  si  ullo  modo 
fieri  possit,  non  tarn  ulcisci  studeo  quam  sanare  sibi 
ipsos,  placare  rei  publicae,  neque  id  qua  re  fieri  non 
possit,  si  me  audire  volent,  intellego.  Exponam  enim 
vobis,   Quirites,   ex   quibus    generibus  hominum  istae 

15  copiae  comparentur :  deinde  singulis  medicinam  con- 
sili  atque  orationis  meae,  si  quam  potero,  adferam. 

18.  Unum  genus  est  eorum,  qui  magno  in  aere  alieno 
majores  etiam  possessiones  habent,  quarum  amore  ad- 
ducti  dissolvi  nullo  modo  possunt.      Horum  hominum 

20  species  est  honestissima  —  sunt  enim  locupletes  :  volun- 
tas vero  et  causa  impudentissima.  Tu  agris",  tu  aedi- 
ficiis,  tu  argento,  tu  familia,  tu  rebus  omnibus  ornatus 
et  copiosus  sis,  et  dubites  de  possessione  detrahere, 
adquirere  ad  fidem?     Quid  enim  exspectas?   bellum? 

25  Quid  ergo?  in  vastatione  omnium,  tuas  possessiones 
sacrosanctas  futuras  putas?  An  tabulas  novas?  Errant 
qui  istas  a  Catilina  exspectant :  meo  beneficio  tabulae 
novae  proferentur,  verum  auctionariae.  Neque  enim 
isti,  qui  possessiones  habent,  alia  ratione  ulla  salvi  esse 

3°  possunt.  Quod  si  maturius  facere  voluissent,  neque  — 
id  quod  stultissimum  est  —  certare  cum  usuris  fructibus 
praediorum,  et  locupletioribus  his  et  melioribus  civibus 
uteremur.  Sed  hosce  homines  minime  puto  pertimes- 
cendos,  quod  aut  deduci  de  sententia  possunt,  aut,  si 

35  permanebunt,  magis  mihi  videntur  vota  facturi  contra 

.     rem  publicam  quam  arma  laturi.      v    * 


ix.  2o.]    Spendthrifts ',  Debtors,  Sulla's  Veterans,     105 

ix.  19.  Alterum    genus    est   eorum   qui,   quamquam 
premuntur  aere  alieno,  dominationem  tamen   exspec- 
tant,  rerum  potiri  volunt,  honores,  quos  quieta  re  pub- 
lica  desperant,  perturbata  se  consequi  posse  arbitrantur. 
Quibus  hoc  praecipiendum  videtur J— -  unum  scilicet  et   5 
idem  quod  reliquis  omnibus^^ut  desperent  id   quod     ~*  . 
conantur  se  consequi  posse  :  primum  omnium  me  ipsum 
vigilare,  adesse,  providere  rei  publicae ;    deinde  mag- 
nos  animos  esse  in  bonis  viris,  magnam  concordiam 
in  maxima  multitudine,  magnas  praeterea  copias  mil-  10 
itum ;    deos  denique  immortalis   huic   invicto    populo, 
clarissimo   imperio,  pulcherrimae  urbi,  contra  tantam 
vim  sceleris  praesentis  auxilium  esse  laturos.     Quod 
si  jam  sint  id,  quod  cum  summo  furore  cupiunt,  adepti, 
num  illi  in  cinere  urbis  et  in  sanguine  civium,  quae  15 
mente  conscelerata  ac  nefaria  concupiverunt,  se  con- 
sules  ac   dictatores   aut   etiam   reges   sperant   futuros? 
Non  vident  id  se  cupere,  quod  si  adepti  sint,  fugitivo 
alicui  aut  gladiatori  concedi  sit  necesse? 

20.  Tertium  genus  est  aetate  jam  adfectum,  sed  ta- 20 
men    exercitatione   robustum  ;    quo  ex  genere  iste  est 
Manlius,  cui  nunc  Catilina  succedit.     Sunt  homines  ex 
eis  coloniis  quas  Sulla  constituit :    quas  ego  universas 
civium  esse  optimorum  et  fortissimorum  virorum  sen- 
tio  ;  sed  tamen  ei  sunt  coloni,  qui  se  in  insperatis  ac  re-  25 
pentinis  pecuniis  sumptuosius  insolentiusque  jactarunt. 
Hi  dum  aedificant  tamquam  beati,  dum  praediis  lectis, 
familiis  magnis,  conviviis  apparatis  delectantur,  in  tan- 
tum   aes   alienum   inciderunt,  ut,  si   salvi  esse  velint, 
Sulla   sit    [eis]   ab  inferis  excitandus  :    qui  etiam  non  30 
nullos  agrestis,  homines  tenuis  atque  egentis,  in  ean- 
dem  illam  spem  rapinarum  veterum  impulerunt.    Quos 
ego  utrosque  in  eodem  genere   praedatorum   direpto- 
rumque  pono.     Sed  eos  hoc  moneo  :    desinant  furere 
ac  proscriptiones  et  dictaturas  cogitare.     Tantus  enim  35 
illorum  temporum  dolor  inustus  est  civitati,  ut  jam  ista    Cmw|: 


106  Conspiracy  of  Catiline.  [Catil.  II. 

non  modo  homines,  sed  ne  pecudes  quidem  mihi  pas- 
surae  esse  yideantur.    \y^ 

x.  21.  Quartum  genus  est  sane  varium  et  mixtum  et 
turbulentum,  qui  jam  pridem  premuntur,  qui  numquam 
5  emergunt,  qui  partim  inertia,  partim  male  gerendo 
7*/  negotio,  partim  etiam  sumptibus  in  vetere  aere  alieno 
vacillant ;  qui  vadimoniis,  judiciis,  proscriptione  bo- 
norum  defatigati,  permulti  et  ex  urbe  et  ex  agris  se  in 
ilia  castra  conferre  dicuntur.    Hosce  ego  non  tarn  mili- 

io  tes  acris  quam  infitiatores  lentos  esse  arbitror.  Qui 
homines  primum,  si  stare  non  possunt,  conruant ;  sed 
ita,  ut  non  modo  civitas,  sed  ne  vicini  quidem  proximi 
sentiant.  Nam  illud  non  intellego,  quam  ob  rem,  si 
vivere  honeste  non  possunt,  perire  turpiter  velint ;   aut 

15  cur  minore  dolore  perituros  se  cum  multis,  quam  si 
soli  pereant,  arbitrentur. 

22.  Quintum  genus  est  parricidarum,  sicariorum, 
denique  omnium  facinorosorum  :  quos  ego  a  Catilina 
non  revoco ;  nam  neque  ab  eo  divelli  possunt,  et  pere- 

20  ant  sane  in  latrocinio,  quoniam  sunt  ita  multi  ut  eos 
career  capere  non  possit.  Postremum  autem  genus 
est  non  solum  numero,  verum  etiam  genere  ipso  atque 
vita,  quod  proprium  Catilinae  est,  —  de  ejus  dilec- 
tu,  immo  vero  de  complexu  ejus  ac  sinu  ;   quos  pexo 

25  capillo,  nitidos,  aut  imberbis  aut  bene  barbatos  videtis, 
manicatis  et  talaribus  tunicis,  velis  amictos  non  togis, 
quorum  omnis  industria  vitae  et  vigilandi  Labor  in  ante- 
lucanis  cenis  expromitur.  23.  In  his  gregibus  omnes 
aleatores,  omnes  adulteri,  omnes  impuri  impudicique 

3°  versantur.  Hi  pueri  tarn  lepidi  ac  delicati  non  solum 
amare  et  amari,  neque  saltare  et  cantare,  sed  etiam 
sicas  vibrare  et  spargere  venena  didicerunt ;  qui  nisi 
exeunt,  nisi  pereunt,'  etiam  si  Catilina  perierit,  scitote 
hoc  in   re   publica   seminarium  Catilinarum  futurum. 

35  Verum  tamen  quid  sibi  isti  miseri  volunt?  Num  suas 
secum  mulierculas  sunt  in  castra  ducturi?     Quern  ad 


xi.  25.]    Cut-throats )  Debauchees :  the  Contrast,     107 

modum  autem  illis  carere  poterunt,  his  praesertim  jam 
noctibus?  Quo  autem  pacto  illi  Apenninum  atque 
illas  pruinas  ac  nivis  perferent?  nisi  idcirco  se  facil- 
ius  hiemem  toleraturos  putant,  quod  nudi  in  conviviis 
saltare  didicerunt.         L<*  j~      5 

xi.  24.  O  bellum  magno  opere  pertimescendum, 
cum  hanc  sit  habiturus  Catilina  scortorum  cohortem 
praetoriam  !  Instruite  nunc,  Quirites,  contra  has  tarn 
praeclaras  Catilinae  copias  vestra  praesidia  vestrosque 
exercitus.  Et  primum  gladiatori  illi  confecto  et  saucio  10 
consules  imperatoresque  vestros  opponite  ;  deinde  con- 
tra illam  naufragorum  ejectam  ac  debilitatam  manum 
florem  totius  Italiae  ac  robur  educite.  Jam  vero  urbes 
coloniarum  ac  municipiorum  respondebunt  Catilinae 
tumulis  silvestribus.  Neque  ego  ceteras  copias,  or-  15 
namenta,  praesidia  vestra  cum  illius  latronis  inopia 
atque  egestate  conferre  debeo.  25.  Sed  si,  omissis  his 
rebus,  quibus  nos  suppeditamur,  eget  ille,  —  senatu, 
equitibus  Romanis,  urbe,  aerario,  vectigalibus,  cuncta 
Italia,  provinciis  omnibus,  exteris  nationibus,  —  si,  20 
his  rebus  omissis,  causas  ipsas  quae  inter  se  confli- 
gunt  contendere  velimus,  ex  eo  ipso  quam  valde  illi 
jaceant  intellegere  possumus.  Ex  hac  enim  parte 
pudor  pugnat,  illinc  petulantia ;  hinc  pudicitia,  illinc 
stuprum ;  hinc  fides,  illinc  fraudatio ;  hinc  pietas,  25 
illinc  scelus  ;  hinc  constantia,  illinc  furor ;  hinc  hones- 
tas,  illinc  turpitudo ;  hinc  continentia,  illinc  libido ; 
denique  aequitas,  temperantia,  fortitudo,  prudentia, 
[virtutes  omnes,]  certant  cum  iniquitate,  luxuria,  ig- 
navia,  temeritate,  [cum  vitiis  omnibus]  ;  postremo  30 
copia  cum  egestate,  bona  ratio  cum  perdita,  mens 
sana  cum  amentia,  bona  denique  spes  cum  omnium 
rerum  desperatione  confligit.  In  ejus  modi  certamine 
ac  proelio,  nonne,  etiam  si  hominum  studia  deficiant, 
di  ipsi  immortales  cogant  ab  his  praeclarissimis  virtu-  35 
tibus  tot  et  tanta  vitia  superari  ? 


108  Conspiracy  of  Catiline,  [Catil.  II. 

xii.  26.  Quae  cum  ita  sint,  Quirites,  vos,  quern  ad 
modum  jam  antea,  vestra  tecta  custodiis  vigiliisque 
defendite  :  mihi,  ut  urbi  sine  vestro  motu  ac  sine  ullo 
tumultu  satis  esset  praesidi,  consultum  atque  provisum 
5  est.  Coloni  omnes  municipesque  vestri,  certiores  a  me 
facti  de  hac  nocturna  excursione  Catilinae,  facile  urbis 
suas  finisque  defendent.  Gladiatores,  quam  sibi  ille 
manum  certissimam  fore  putavit, — quamquam  animo 
meliore  sunt  quam   pars   patriciorum, — potestate  ta- 

io  men  nostra  continebuntur.  (/Q±  Metellus,  quern  ego 
hoc  prospiciens  in  agrum  Gallicum  Picenumque  prae- 
misi,  aut  opprimet  hominem,  aut  omnis  ejus  motus 
conatusque  prohibebit.  Reliquis  autem  de  rebus  con- 
stituendis,  maturandis,  agendis,  jam  ad  senatum  re- 

15  feremus,  quem  vocari  videtis. 

27.  Nunc  illos  qui  in  urbe  remanserunt,  atque  adeo 
qui  contra  urbis  salutem  omniumque  vestrum  in  urbe  a 
Catilina  relicti  sunt,  quamquam  sunt  hostes,  tamen, 
quia  sunt  cives,  monitos  etiam  atque  etiam  volo.     Mea 

20  lenitas  si  cui  adhuc  solutior  visa  est,  hoc  exspectavit, 
ut  id  quod  latebat  erumperet.  Quod  reliquum  est, 
jam  non  possum  oblivisci  meam  hanc  esse  patriam, 
me  horum  esse  consulem,  mihi  aut  cum  his  vivendum 
aut  pro  his  esse  moriendum.     Nullus  est  portis  custos, 

25  nullus  insidiator  viae :  si  qui  exire  volunt,  conivere 
possum.  Qui  vero  se  in  urbe  commoverit,  cujus  ego 
non  modo  factum,  sed  inceptum  ullum  conatumve  con- 
tra patriam  deprehendero,  sentiet  in  hac  urbe  esse  con- 
sules  vigilantis,  esse  egregios  magistratus,  esse  fortem 

30  senatum,  esse  arma,  esse  carcerem,  quem  vindicem 
nefariorum  ac  manifestorum  scelerum  majores  nostri 
esse  voluerunt.    -f* 

xiii.  28.  Atqueliaec  omnia  sic  agentur,  Quirites,  ut 
maximae  res  minimo  motu,  pericula  summa  nullo  tu- 

35  multu,  bellum  intestinum  ac  domesticum  post  hominum 
memoriam  crudelissimum  et  maximum,  me  uno  togato 


i-  i-]        How  the  Conspiracy  was  suppressed.        109 

duce  et  imperatore  sedetur.  Quod  ego  sic  adminis- 
trabo,  Quirites,  ut,  si  ullo  modo  fieri  poterit,  ne  impro- 
bus  quidem  quisquam  in  hac  urbe  poenam  sui  sceleris 
sufferat.  Sed  si  vis  manifestae  audaciae,  si  impen- 
dens  patriae  periculum  me  necessario  de  hac  animi  5 
lenitate  deduxerit,  illud  profecto  perficiam,  quod  in 
tanto  et  tam  insidioso  bello  vix  optandum  videtur,  ut 
neque  bonus  quisquam  intereat,  paucorumque  poena 
vos  omnes  salvi  esse  possitis.  29.  Quae  quidem  ego 
neque  mea  prudentia  neque  humanis  consiliis  fretus  10 
polliceor  vobis,  Quirites,  sed  multis  et  non  dubiis  deo- 
rum  immortalium  significationibus,  quibus  ego  ducibus 
in  hanc  spem  sententiamque  sum  ingressus ;  qui  jam 
non  procul,  ut  quondam  solebant,  ab  externo  hoste 
atque  longinquo,  sed  hie  praesentes  suo  numine  atque  15 
auxilio  sua  templa  atque  urbis  tecta  defendunt.  Quos 
vos,  Quirites,  precari,  venerari,  implorare  debetis,  ut, 
quam  urbem  pulcherrimam  florentissimamque  esse  vol- 
uerunt,  hanc,  omnibus  hostium  copiis  terra  marique 
superatis,  a  perditissimorum  civium  nefario  scelere  20 
defendant. 


3.  How  the  Conspiracy  was  suppressed. 

Before  the  People,  Dec.  3. 

Now  that  Catiline  had  been  driven  into  open  war,  the  conspir- 
acy within  the  city  was  in  the  hands  of  utterly  incompetent  men. 
Lentulus,  who  claimed  the  lead  by  virtue  of  his  consular  rank,  was 
vain,  pompous,  and  inefficient.  The  next  in  rank,  Cethegus,  was 
energetic  enough,  but  rash  and  bloodthirsty.  The  consul  easily 
kept  the  run  of  events,  and  at  last  succeeded  in  getting  them  to 
commit  themselves  in  writing,  when  he  had  no  difficulty  in  secur- 
ing the  documents,  and  arresting  the  conspirators.  How  this  was 
accomplished  is  told  in  the  third  oration. 

i.  1.  Rem  publicam,  Quirites,  vitamque  omnium 
vestrum,  bona,  fortunas,  conjuges  liberosque  vestros, 


no  Conspiracy  of  Catiline.         [Catil.  III. 

atque  hoc  domicilium  clarissimi  imperi,  fortunatissi- 
mam  pulcherrimamque  urbem,  hodierno  die  deorum 
immortalium  summo  erga  vos  amore,  laboribus,  con- 
siliis,  periculis  meis,  e  flamma  atque  ferro  ac  paene 
5  ex  faucibus  fati  ereptam  et  vobis  conservatam  ac 
restitutam  videtis.  2.  Et  si  non  minus  nobis  jucundi 
atque  inlustres  sunt  ei  dies  quibus  conservamur, 
quam  illi  quibus  nascimur,  —  quod  salutis  certa  lae- 
titia  est,  nascendi  incerta  condicio ;  et  quod  sine  sensu 

10  nascimur,  cum  voluptate  servamur,  —  profecto,  quo- 
niam  ilium  qui  banc  urbem  condidit  ad  deos  immor- 
talis  benevolentia  famaque  sustulimus,  esse  apud  vos 
posterosque  vestros  in  honore  debebit  is  qui  eandem 
hanc  urbem  conditam  amplificatamque  servavit.    Nam 

15  toti  urbi,  templis,  delubris,  tectis  ac  moenibus  subjectos 
prope  jam  ignis  circumdatosque  restinximus  ;  idemque 
gladios  in  rem  publicam  destrictos  rettudimus,  mucro- 
nesque  eorum  a  jugulis  vestris  dejecimus.  3.  Quae 
quoniam  in  senatu  inlustrata,  patefacta,  comperta  sunt 

20  per  me,  vobis  jam  exponam  breviter,  Quirites,  ut  et 
quanta  et  qua  ratione  investigata  et  comprehensa  sint, 
vos  qui  ignoratis  et  exspectatis  scire  possitis. 

Principio,  ut  Catilina  paucis  ante  diebus  erupit  ex 
urbe,  cum  sceleris  sui  socios,  hujusce  nefarii  belli  acer- 

25  rimos  duces,  Romae  reliquisset,  semper  vigilavi  et 
providi,  Quirites,  quern  ad  modum  in  tantis  et  tam 
absconditis  insidiis  salvi  esse  possemusCL  n.  Nam 
turn,  cum  ex  urbe  Catilinam  eiciebam,  —  non  enim 
jam  vereor  hujus  verbi  invidiam,  cum  ilia  magis  sit 

30  timenda,  quod  vivus  exierit,  —  sed  turn,  cum  ilium 
exterminari  volebam,  aut  reliquam  conjuratorum  raa- 
num  simul  exituram,  aut  eos  qui  restitissent  infirmos 
sine  illo  ac  debilis  fore  putabam.\/4*  Atque  ego,  ut 
vidi  quos  maximo  furore  et  scelere  esse  inflammatos 

35  sciebam  eos  nobiscum  esse,  et  Romae  remansisse,  in 
eo  omnis  dies  noctisque  consumpsi,  ut  quid  agerent, 


ni.  6.]  At  the  Mulvian  Bridge.  1 1 1 

quid  molirentur,  sentirem  ac  viderem ;  lit,  quoniam 
auribus  vestris  propter  incredibilem  magnitudinem 
sceleris  minorem  fidem  faceret  oratio  mea,  rem  ita 
comprehenderem,  ut  turn  demum  animis  saluti  vestrae 
provideretis,  cum  oculis  maleficium  ipsum  videretis.  5 
Itaque,  ut  comperi  legatos  Allobrogum,  belli  Transal- 
pini  et  tumultus  Gallici  excitandi  causa,  a  P.  Lentulo 
esse  sollicitatos,  eosque  in  Galliam  ad  suos  civis,  eo- 
demque  itinere  cum  litteris  mandatisque  ad  Catilinam 
esse  missos,  comitemque  eis  adjunctum  esse  T.  Vol-  10 
turcium,  atque  huic  ad  Catilinam  esse  datas  litteras, 
facultatem  mihi  oblatam  putavi,  ut  —  quod  erat  difficilli- 
mum,  quodque  ego  semper  optabam  ab  dis  immortali- 
bus  —  tota  res  non  solum  a  me,  sed  etiam  a  senatu  et  a 
vobis  manifesto  deprehenderetur.  5.  Itaque  hesterno  i5 
die  L.  Flaccum  et  C.  Pomptinum  praetores,  fortissi- 
mos  atque  amantissimos  rei  publicae  viros,  ad  me 
vocavi ;  rem  exposui,  quid  fieri  placeret  ostendi.  Ill] 
autem,  qui  omnia  de  re  publica  praeclara  atque  egre- 
gia  sentirent,  sine  recusatione  ac  sine  ulla  mora  nego-  20 
tium  susceperunt,  et,  cum  advesperasceret,  occulte  ad 
pontem  Mulvium  pervenerupt,  atque  ibi  in  proximis 
villis  ita  bipartito  fuerunt,  ut  Tiberis  inter  eos  et  pons 
interesset.  Eodem  autem  et  ipsi  sine  cujusquam 
suspitione  multos  fortis  viros  eduxerant,  et  ego  ex  25 
praefectura  Reatina  compluris  delectos  adulescentis, 
quorum  opera  utor  adsidue  in  re  publica  praesidio, 
cum  gladiis  miseram.  6.  Interim,  tertia  fere  vigilia 
exacta,  cum  jam  pontem  Mulvium  magno  comitatu 
legati  Allobrogum  ingredi  inciperent,  unaque  Voltur-  30 
cius,  fit  in  eos  impetus ;  educuntur  et  ab  illis  gladii  et 
a  nostris.  Res  praetoribus  erat  nota  solis,  ignorabatur 
a  ceteris. 

in.  Turn,  interventu  Pomptini  atque  Flacci,  pugna 
[quae  erat  commissa]  sedatur.     Litterae,  quaecumque  35 
erant  in  eo  comitatu,  integris  signis  praetoribus  tra- 


112  Conspiracy  of  Catiline.         [Catil.  III. 

duntur ;  ipsi  comprehensi  ad  me,  cum  jam  dilucesce- 
re£,  deducuntur.  Atque  horum  omnium  scelerum 
improbissimum  machinatorem  Cimbrum  Gabinium  sta- 
tion ad  me,  nihil  dum  suspicantem,  vocavi ;  deinde  item 
5  arcessitus  est  L.  Statilius,  et  post  eum  C.  Cethegus ; 
tardissime  autem  Lentulus  venit,  credo  quod  in  litteris 
dandis  praeter  consuetudinem  proxima  nocte  vigila- 
rat.  7.  Cum  summis  ac  clarissimis  hujus  civitatis 
viris  (qui  audita  re  frequentes  ad  me  mane  convene- 

io  rant)  litteras  a  me  prius  aperiri  quam  ad  senatum  de- 
ferrem  placeret, — ne,  si  nihil  esset  inventum,  temere 
a  me  tantus  tumultus  injectus  civitati  videretur,  —  ne- 
gavi  me  esse  facturum,  ut  de  periculo  publico  non  ad 
consilium  publicum  rem  integram  deferrem.     Etenim, 

15  Quirites,  si  ea  quae  erant  ad  me  delata  reperta  non 
essent,  tamen  ego  non  arbitrabar,  in  tantis  rei  publicae 
periculis,  esse  mihi  nimiam  diligentiam  pertimescen- 
dam.     Senatum  frequentem  celeriter,  ut  vidistis,  coegi. 

8.  Atque  interea  statim,  admonitu  Allobrogum,  C.  Sul- 
20  picium  praetorem,  fortem  virum,  misi,  qui  ex  aedibus 

Cethegi  si  quid  telorum  esset  efferret :  ex  quibus  ille 
maximum  sicarum  numerum  et  gladiorum  extulit.  ± 

iv.   Introduxi  Volturcium  sine  Gallis :    fidem  publi- 
cam  jussu  senatus  dedi :  hortatus  sum,  ut  ea  quae  sci- 

25  ret  sine  timore  indicaret.  Turn  ille  dixit,  cum  vix  se 
ex  magno  timore  recreasset,  ab  Lentulo  se  habere 
ad  Catilinam  mandata  et  litteras,  ut  servorum  prae- 
sidio  uteretur,  ut  ad  urbem  quam  primum  cum  exercitu 
accederet :    id   autem  eo  consilio,  ut,  cum  urbem   ex 

30  omnibus  partibus  quern  ad  modum  descriptum  dis- 
tributumque  erat  incendissent,  caedemque  infinitam 
civium  fecissent,  praesto  esset  ille,  qui  et  fugientis 
exciperet,  et  se  cum  his  urbanis  ducibus  conjungeret.t^ 

9.  Introducti  autem  Galli  jus  jurandum  sibi  et  litteras 
35  ab  Lentulo,  Cethego,  Statilio  ad  suam  gentem   data 

esse  dixerunt,  atque  ita  sibi  ab  his  et  a  L.  Cassio  esse 


v.  ii.]     Testimony  of  the  Gauls:    the  Letters,        113 

praescriptum,  ut  equitatum  in  Italiam  quam  primum 
mitterent ;  pedestris  sibi  copias  non  defuturas.  Len- 
tulum  autem  sibi  confirmasse,  ex  fatis  Sibyllinis  harus- 
picumque  responsis,  se  esse  tertium  ilium  Cornelium, 
ad  quern  regnum  hujus  urbis  atque  imperium  perve-  5 
nire  esset  necesse ;  Cinnam  ante  se  et  Sullam  fuisse  ; 
eundemque  dixisse  fatalem  hunc  annum  esse  ad  inter- 
itum  hujus  urbis  atque  imperi,  qui  esset  annus  deci- 
mus  post  virginum  absolutionem,  post  Capitoli  autem 
incensionem  vicesimus.  10.  Hanc  autem  Cethego  cum  10 
ceteris  controversiam  fuisse  dixerunt,  quod  Lentulo  et 
aliis  Saturnalibus  caedem  fieri  atque  urbem  incendi 
placeret,  Cethego  nimium  id  longum  videretur. 

v.  Ac  ne  longum  sit,  Quirites,  tabellas  proferri  jus- 
simus,   quae    a    quoque    dicebantur   datae.       Primum  15 
ostendimus   Cetliego   signum  :    cognovit.     Nos  linum 
incidimus  :  legimus.     Erat  scriptum  ipsius  manu  Allo- 
brogum  senatui  et  populo,  sese  quae  eorum  legatis  con- 
firmasset  facturum  esse  ;  orare  ut  item  il II  facerent  quae 
sibi   eorum   legati   recepissent.      Turn   Cethegus,   qui  20 
paulo  ante  aliquid  tamen  de  gladiis  ac  sicis,  quae  apud 
ipsum  erant  deprehensa,  respondisset,  dixissetque  se 
semper    bonorum    ferramentorum    studiosum    fuisse, 
recitatis   litteris   debilitatus  atque  abjectus  conscientia 
repente  conticuit.     Introductus  est  Statilius  :   cognovit  25 
et  signum  et  manum  suam.     Recitatae  sunt  tabellae  in 
eandem  fere  sententiam  :  confessus  est.     Turn  ostendi 
tabellas   Lentulo,  et  quaesivi   cognosceretne   signum. 
Adnuit.     \  Est  vero,'  inquam,  '  notum  quidem  signum, 
imago  avi  tui,  clarissimi  viri,  qui  amavit  unice  patriam  30 
et  civis  suos ;    quae  quidem  te  a  tanto  scelere  etiam 
muta  revocare  debuit/^i.  Leguntur  eadem  ratione  ad 
senatum   Allobrogum   populumque    litterae.     Si    quid 
de  his  rebus  dicere  vellet,  feci  potestatem.     Atque  ille 
primo  quidem  negavit ;  post  autem  aliquanto,  toto  jam  35 
indicio  exposito  atque  edito,  surrexit ;  quaesivit  a  Gal- 

8 


114  Conspiracy  of  Catiline.  [Catil.  III. 

lis  quid  sibi  esset  cum  eis,  quam  ob  rem  domum  suam 
venissent,  itemque  a  Volturcio.  Qui  cum  illi  brevi- 
ter  constanterque  respondissent,  per  quem  ad  eum 
quotiensque  venissent,  quaesissentque  ab  eo  nihilne 
5  secum  esset  de  fatis  Sibyllinis  locuius,  turn  ille  subito, 
scelere  demens,  quanta  conscientiae  vis  esset  ostendit. 
Nam  cum  id  posset  infitiari,  repente  praeter  opinionem 
omnium  confessus  est.  Ita  eum  non  modo  ingenium 
illud  et  dicendi  exercitatio,  qua  semper  valuit,  sed  etiam 

10  propter  vim  sceleris  manifesti  atque  deprehensi  impu- 
dentia,  qua  superabat  omnis,  improbitasque  defecit. 

I,  12.  Volturcius  vero  subito  litteras  proferri  atque  ape- 
riri  jubet,  quas  sibi  a  Lentulo  ad  Catilinam  datas  esse 
dicebat.     Atque  ibi  vehementissime  perturbams  Len- 

15  tulus   tamen    et   signum    et   manum    suam    cognovit. 
Erant  autem  [scriptae]  sine  nomine,  sed  ita  :  £>uis  sink 
scies  ex  eo  quem  ad  te  misi.      Cur  a  ut  vir  sis,  et  co-  . 
gita  quem  in  locum  sis  progress  us;    vide  ecquid  tibi 
jam  sit  necesse,  et  cura  ut  omnium  tibi  auxitia  adjun- 

20  gas,  etiam  infimorum.  Gabinius  deinde  introductus, 
cum  primo  impudenter  respondere  coepisset,  ad  extre- 
mum   nihil   ex  eis  quae   Galli    insimulabant  negavit. 

13.  Ac  mihi  quidem,  Quirites,  cum  ilia  certissima  visa 
sunt  argumenta  atque  indicia  sceleris, — tabellae,  sig- 

25  na,  manus,  denique  unius  cujusque  confessio ;  turn 
multo  certiora  ilia,  —  color,  oculi,  voltus,  taciturnitas. 
Sic  enim  obstupuerant,  sic  terram  intuebantur,  sic  fur- 
tim  non  numquam  inter  sese  aspiciebant,  ut  non  jam 
ab  aliis  indicari,  sed  indicare  se  ipsi  viderentur. 

30  vi.  Indiciis  expositis  atque  editis,  senatum  consului 
de  summa  re  publica  quid  fieri  placeret.  Dictae  sunt 
a  principibus  acerrimae  ac  fortissimae  sententiae,  quas 
senatus  sine  ulla  varietate  est  secutus.  Et  quoniam 
nondum  est  perscriptum  senatus  consultum,  ex  memo- 

35  ria  vobis,   Quirites,  quid  senatus  censuerit  exponam.y 

14.  Primum  mihi  gratiae  verbis  amplissimis  aguntur, 


vi.  i5-]  Action  of  the  Senate.  115 

quod   virtute,    consilio,   providentia    mea    res    publica 
maximis  periculis  sit  liberata  :  deinde  L.  Flaccus  et  C. 
Pomptinus  praetores,  quod  eorum  opera  forti  fidelique 
usus  essem,   merito   ac  jure   laudantur ;    atque  etiam 
viro  forti,  conlegae  meo,  laus  impertitur,  quod  eos  qui    5 
hujus  conjurationis   participes   fuissent  a  suis  et  a  rei 
publicae  consiliis  removisset.     Atque  ita  censuerunt, 
ut  P.  Lentulus,  cum    se    praetura  abdicasset,  in  cus- 
todiam  traderetur ;  itemque  uti  C.  Cethegus,  L.  Sta- 
tilius,  P.   Gabinius,   qui    omnes    praesentes   erant,   in  10 
custodiam  traderentur ;  atque  idem  hoc  decretum  est 
in   L.  Cassium,  qui    sibi    procurationem    incendendae 
urbis  depoposce'rat,  in   M.  Ceparium,  cui  ad  sollici- 
tandos  pastores  Apuliam   attributam  esse  erat  indica- 
turn,  in  P.  Furium,  qui  est  ex  eis  colonis  quos  Faesulas  15 
L.  Sulla  deduxit,  in.Q^Annium  Chilonem,  qui  una17 
cum  hoc  Furio  semper  erat  in  hac  Allobrogum  solli- 
citatione  versatus,  in  P.  Umbrenum,  libertinum  homi- 
nem,  a   quo  primum   Gallos  ad  Gabinium   perductos 
esse  constabat.      Atque  ea  lenitate  senatus  est  usus,  20 
Quirites,  ut  ex  tanta  conjuratione,  tantaque   hac  mul- 
titudine   domesticorum  hostium,  novem  hominum  per- 
ditissimorum  poena  re  publica  conservata,  reliquorum 
mentis   sanari    posse    arbitraretur.       15.    Atque   etiam 
supplicatio  dis  immortalibus  pro  singulari  eorum  me-  25 
rito   meo  nomine  decreta  est,  quod  mihi  primum  post 
hanc  urbem   conditam  togato  contigit.     Et  his  verbis 
decreta  est :  quod  urbem  incendii's,  caede  civis,  Italiam 
bcllo  Iiberassem.\] Quae  supplicatio  si  cum  ceteris  con- 
feratur,  hoc  interest,  quod  ceterae  bene  gesta,  haecuna  3° 
conservata  re  publica  constituta  est.    Atque  illud,  quod 
faciendum  primum  fuit,  factum  atque  transactum  est. 
Nam    P.    Lentulus  —  quamquam    patefactis    indiciis, 
confessionrbus  suis,  judicio   senatus   non   modo  prae- 
toris   jus,  verum  etiam  civis  amiserat  —  tamen  magis-  35 
tratu  se  abdicavit,  ut,  quae  religio  C.  Mario,  claris- 


n6  Conspiracy  of  Catiline,         [Catil.  III. 

simo  viro,  non  fuerat,  quo  minus  C.  Glauciam,  de  quo 
nihil  nominatim  erat  decretum,  praetorem  occideret, 
ea  nos  religione  in  privato  P.  Lentulo  puniendo  libe- 
raremur. 

S  vn.  16.  Nunc  quoniam,  Quirites,  consceleratissimi 
periculosissimique  belli  nefarios  duces  captos  jam  et 
comprehensos  tenetis,  existimare  debetis  omnis  Catili- 
nae  copias,  omnis  spes  atque  opes,  his  depulsis  urbis 
periculis  concidisse.     Quern  quidem  ego  cum  ex  urbe 

10  pellebam,  hoc  providebam  animovQuirites, — remoto 
Catilina,  non  mihi  esse  P.  Lentuli  somnum,  nee  L. 
Cassi  adipes,  nee  C.  Cethegi  furiosam  temeritatem 
pertimescendam.i.  Ille  erat  unus  timendus  ex  istis 
omnibus,  sed  tarn  diu,  dum  urbis  moenibus  contine- 

15  batur.  Omnia  norat,  omnium  aditus  tenebat :  appel- 
lare,  temptare,  sollicitare  poterat,  audebat :  erat  ei 
consilium  ad  facinus  aptum,  consilio  autem  neque 
manus  neque  lingua  deerat.  Jam  ad  certas  res  con- 
ficiendas   certos    homines    delectos  ac    descriptos  ha- 

20  bebat.    Neque  vero,  cum  aliquid  mandarat,  confectum 

putabat :  nihil  erat  quod  non  ipse  obiret,  occurreret, 

vigilaret,   laboraret.     Frigus,  sitim,  famem,  ferre  po- 

V  v     teratAyn'.  Hunc  ego  hominem  tarn  acrem,  tarn  auda- 

cem,    tarn    paratum,    tarn     callidum,    tarn    in    scelere 

25  vigilantem,  tarn  in  perditis  rebus  diligentem,  nisi  ex 
domesticis  insidiis  in  castrense  latrocinium  compulis- 
sem,  —  dicam  id  quod  sentio,  Quirites,  —  non  facile 
hanc  tantam  molem  mali  a  cervicibus  vestris  depulis- 
sem.      Non  ille  nobis  Saturnalia  constituisset,  neque 

3°  tanto  ante  exsili  ac  fati  diem  rei  publicae  denuntiavis- 
set ;  neque  commisisset  ut  signum,  ut  litterae  suae 
testes  manifesti  sceleris  deprehenderentur.  Quae 
nunc  illo  absente  sic  gesta  sunt,  ut  nullum  in  privata 
domo  furtum  umquam  sit  tarn  palam  inverrtum,  quam 

35  haec  tanta  in  re  publica  conjuratio  manifesto  inven- 
ta  atque  deprehensa  est.      Quod  si  Catilina  in  urbe 


viii.  2o.]  The  Deliverance:    Signs  and  Omens.       117 

ad  hanc  diem  remansisset,  quamquam,  quoad  fuit, 
omnibus  ejus  consiliis  occurri  atque  obstiti,  tamen,  ut 
levissime  dicam,  dimicandum  nobis  cum  illo  fuisset ; 
neque  nos  umquam,  cum  ille  in  urbe  hostis  esset, 
tantis  periculis  rem  publicam  tanta  pace,  tanto  otio,  5 
tanto  silentio  liberassemus. 

viii.  18.  Quamquam  haec  omnia,  Quirites,  ita  sunt 
a  me  administrata,  ut  deorum  immortalium  nutu  atque 
consilio  et  gesta  et  provisa  esse  videantur ;  idque 
cum  conjectura  consequi  possumus,  quod  vix  vide-  10 
tur  humani  consili  tantarum  rerum  gubernatio  esse 
potuisse ;  turn  vero  ita  praesentes  his  temporibus  opem 
et  auxilium  nobis  tulerunt,  ut  eos  paene  oculis  videre 
possemus.(^  Nam  ut  ilia  omittam,  —  visas  nocturno 
tempore  ab  occidente  faces,  ardoremque  caeli,  ut  ful-  15 
minum  jactus,  ut  terrae  motus  relinquam,  ut  omittam 
cetera,  quae  tarn  multa  nobis  consulibus  facta  sunt, 
ut  haec,  quae  nunc  hunt,  canere  di  immortales  vide- 
rentur,  —  hoc  certe,  quod  sum  dicturus,  neque  prae- 
termittendum  neque  relinquendum  est.  20 

19.  Nam  profecto  memoria  tenetis,  Cotta  et  Torquato 
consulibus,  compluris  in  Capitolio  res  de  caelo  esse 
percussas,  cum  et  simulacra  deorum  depulsa  sunt, 
et  statuae  veterum  hominum  dejectae,  et  legum  aera 
liquefacta  :  tactus  est  etiam  ille  qui  hanc  urbem  con-  25 
didit  Romulus,  quern  inauratum  in  Capitolio,  parvum 
atque  lactentem,  uberibus  lupinis  inhiantem,  fuisse 
meministis.  Quo  quidem  tempore  cum  haruspices 
ex  tota  Etruria  convenissent,  caedes  atque  incendia  et 
legum  interitum  et  bellum  civile  ac  domesticum,  et  30 
totius  urbis  atque  imperi  occasum  appropinquare 
dixerunt,  nisi  di  immortales,  omni  ratione  placati,  suo 
numine  prope  fata  ipsa  flexissent.  20  Itaque  illorum 
responsis  turn  et  ludi  per  decern  dies  facti  sunt,  neque 
res  ulla  quae  ad  placandos  deos  pertineret  praeter-  35 
missa  est ;  idemque  jusserunt  simulacrum  Jovis  facere 


n8  Conspiracy  of  Catiline,  [Catil.  III. 

majus,  et  in  excelso  conlocare,  et  (contra  atque  antea 
fuerat)  ad  orientem  convertere ;  ac  se  sperare  dix- 
erunt,  si  illud  signum,  quod  videtis,  solis  ortum  et 
forum  curiamque  conspiceret,  fore  ut  ea  consilia,  quae 
5  clam  essent  inita  contra  salutem  urbis  atque  imperi, 
inlustrarentur,  ut  a  senatu  populoque  Romano  perspici 
possent.  l^Atque  [illud  signum]  conlocandum  consules 
illi  locaverunt ;  sed  tanta  fuit  operis  tarditas,  ut  neque 
superioribus  consulibus,  neque  nobis  ante  hodiernum 

10  diem,  conlocaretur.  ^ti 

ix.  21.  Hie  quis  potest  esse  tarn  aversus  a  vero,  tarn 
praeceps,  tarn  mente  captus,  qui  neget  haec  omnia 
quae  videmus,  praecipueque  hanc  urbem,  deorum  im- 
mortalium   nutu    ac  potestate  administrari  ?      Etenim 

15  cum  esset  ita  responsum,  caedes,  incendia,  interitum 
rei  publicae  comparari,  et  ea  per  civis,  —  quae  turn 
propter  magnitudinem  scelerum  non  nullis  incredibilia 
videbantur,  —  ea  non  modo  cogitata  a  nefariis  civibus, 
verum  etiam  suscepta  esse  sensistis.     Illud  vero  nonne 

20  ita  praesens  est,  ut  nutu  Jovis  Optimi  Maximi  factum 

esse  videatur,  ut,  cum   hodierno  die  mane  per  forum 

meo  jussu    et   conjurati   et  eorum   indices   in    aedem 

.Concordiae  ducerentur,  eo  ipso  tempore  signum  sta- 

tueretur?  quo  conlocato  atque  ad  vos  senatumque  con- 

25  verso,  omnia  [et  senatus  et  vos]  quae  erant  cogitata 
contra  salutem  omnium,  inlustrata  et  patefacta  vidistis. 
22.  Quo  etiam  majore  sunt  isti  odio  supplicioque  digni, 
qui  non  solum  vestris  domiciliis  atque  tectis,  sed  etiam 
deorum  templis  atque  delubris  sunt  funestos  ac  nefa- 

30  rios  ignis  inferre  conati.  Quibus  ego  si  me  restitisse 
dicam,  nimium  mihi  sumam,  et  non  sim  ferendus. 
Ille,  ille  Juppiter  restitit :  ille  Capitolium,  ille  haec 
templa,  ille  cunctam  urbem,  ille  vos  omnis  salvos  esse 
voluit.     Dis  ego  immortalibus  ducibus  hanc  m.ntem, 

35  Quirites,  voluntatemque  suscepi,  atque  ad  haec  tanta 
indicia  perveni.\/Jam  vero  [ilia   Allobrogum  sollici- 


x.  25.]  Thanksgiving  to  the   Gods.  119 

tatio]  ab  Lentulo  ceterisque  domesticis  hostibus  tarn 
dementer  tantae  res  creditae  et  ignotis  et  barbaris 
[commissae  litterae]  numquam  essent  profecto,  nisi  ab 
dis  immortalibus  huic  tantae  audaciae  consilium  esset 
ereptum.  Quid  vero?  ut  homines  Galli,  ex  civitate  5 
male  pacata,  quae  gens  una  restat  quae  bellum  populo 
Romano  facere  posse  et  non  nolle  videatur,  spem 
imperi  ac  rerum  maximarum  ultro  sibi  a  patriciis 
hominibus  oblatam  neglegerent,  vestramque  salutem 
suis  opibus  anteponerent,  id  non  divinitus  esse  factum  10 
putatis?  praesertim  qui  nos  non  pugnando,  sed  tacendo 
superare  potuerint? 

x.  23.  Quam  ob  rem,  Quirites,  quoniam  ad  omnia 
pulvinaria  supplicatio  decreta  est,  celebratote  illos  dies 
cum  conjugibus  ac  liberis  vestris.     Nam  multi  saepe  15 
honores  dis  immortalibus  justi   habiti  sunt  ac  debiti, 
sed    profecto  justiores    numquam.     Erepti  enim  estis 
ex    crudelissimo    ac    miserrimo  interitu  ;    erepti    sine 
caede,  sine  sanguine,  sine  exercitu,  sine  dimicatione. 
Togati    me    uno  togato   duce    et    imperatore  vicistis.  20 
24.  Etenim  recordamini,  Quirites,  omnis  civilis  dissen- 
siones :  non   solum   eas   quas   audistis,  sed   eas    quas 
vosmet  ipsi    meministis   atque  vidistis.     L.   Sulla  P. 
Sulpicium    oppressit ;    [ejecit   ex    urbe]    C.    Marium, 
custodem   hujus  urbis,  multosque   fortis  viros   partim  25 
ejecit    ex    civitate,    partim    interemit.       Cn.    Octavius 
consul   armis    expulit  ex  urbe    conlegam  :  omnis  hie 
locus  acervis  corporum  et  civium  sanguine  redundavit.  1/ 
Superavit  postea  Cinna  cum  Mario  :  turn  vero,  claris- 
simis  viris  interfectis,  lumina  civitatis    exstincta  sunt.  30 
Ultus  est  hujus  victoriae    crudelitatem   postea  Sulla  : 
ne  dici  quidem  opus  est  quanta  diminutione  civium, 
et  quanta  calamitate  rei  publicae.     Dissensit  M.  Lepi- 
dus  a  clarissimo  ac  fortissimo  viro  Q^  Catulo  :  attulit 
non   tarn    ipsius   interitus  rei   publicae    luctum    quam  35 
ceterorum.     25.  Atque  illae  tamen  omnes  dissensiones 


120  Conspiracy  of  Catiline.         [Catil.  III. 

erant  ejus  modi,  quae  non  ad  delendam,  sed  ad  com- 
mutandam  rem  publicam  pertinerent.  Non  illi  nullam 
esse  rem  publicam,  sed  in  ea  quae  esset,  se  esse  prin- 
cipes ;  neque  hanc  urbem  conflagrare,  sed  se  in  hac 
5  urbe  florere  voluerunt.  [Atque  illae  tamen  omnes 
dissensiones,  quarum  nulla  exitium  rei  publicae  quae- 
sivit,  ejus  modi  fuerunt,  ut  non  reconciliatione  concor- 
diae,  sed  internecione  civium  dijudicatae  sint.]  In  hoc 
autem  uno  post  hominum  memoriam  maximo  crudelis- 

10  simoque  bello,  quale  bellum  nulla  umquam  barbaria 
cum  sua  gente  gessit,  quo  in  bello  lex  haec  fuit 
a  Lentulo,  Catilina,  Cethego,  Cassio  constituta,  ut 
omnes,  qui  salva  urbe  salvi  esse  possent,  in  hostium 
numero  ducerentur,  ita  me  gessi,   Quirites,   ut  salvi 

15  omnes  conservaremini ;  et  cum  hostes  vestri  tantum 
civium  superfuturum  putassent,  quantum  infinitae 
caedi  restitisset,  tantum  autem  urbis,  quantum  flamma 
obire  non  potuisset,  et  urbem  et  civis  integros  incolu- 

^Vmisque  servavi.N/ 

20  xi.  26.  Quibus  pro  tantis  rebus,  Quirites,  nullum 
ego  a  vobis  praemium  virtutis,  nullum  insigne  honoris, 
nullum  monumentum  laudis  postulo,  praeterquam 
hujus  diei  memoriam  sempiternam.  In  animis  ego 
vestris  omnis  triumphos  meos,  omnia  ornamenta  ho- 

25  noris,  monumenta  gloriae,  laudis  insignia  condi  et 
conlocari  volo.  Nihil  me  mutum  potest  delectare, 
nihil  taciturn,  nihil  denique  ejus  modi,  quod  etiam 
minus  digni  adsequi  possint.  Memoria  vestra,  Qui- 
rites,  res    nostrae   alentur,   sermonibus   crescent,   lit— 

30  terarum  monumentis  inveterascent  et  conroborabun- 
tur;  eandemque  diem  intellego,  quam  spero  aeternam 
fore,  propagatam  esse  et  ad  salutem  urbis  et  ad  me- 
moriam consulatus  mei ;  unoque  tempore  in  hac  re 
publica  duos  civis'  exstitisse,  quorum  alter  finis  vestri 

35  imperi  non  terrae,  sed  caeli  regionibus  terminaret, 
alter  ejusdem  imperi  domicilium  sedisque  servaret. 


xii.  29.]  Appeal  to  the  Citizens.  121 

xii.  27.  Sed  quoniam  earum  rerum  quas  ego  gessi 
non  eadem  est  fortuna'  atque  condicio  quae  illorum 
qui  externa  bella  gesserunt,  —  quod  mihi  cum  eis 
vivendum  est  quos  vici  ac  subegi,  isti  hostis  aut  in- 
terfectos  aut  oppressos  reliquerunt,  —  vestrum  est,  5 
Quirites,  si  ceteris  facta  sua  recte  prosunt,  mihi 
mea  ne  quando  obsint  providere.  Mentes  enim 
hominum  audacissimorum  sceleratae  ac  nefariae  ne 
vobis  nocere  possent  ego  providi ;  ne  mihi  noceant 
vestrum  est  providere.  V"Qiiamcmam>  Quirites,  mihi  10 
quidem  ipsi  nihil  ab  istis  jam  noceri  potest.  Mag- 
num enim  est  in  bonis  praesidium,  quod  mihi  in 
perpetuum  comparatum  est  ;  magna  in  re  publica 
dignitas,  quae  me  semper  tacita  defendet;  magna  vis 
conscientiae,  quam  qui  neglegunt,  cum  me  violare  15 
volent,  se  [ipsi]  indicabunt.  28.  Est  etiam  nobis  is 
animus,  Quirites,  ut  non  modo  nullius  audaciae  ce- 
damus,  sed  etiam  omnis  improbos  ultro  semper  laces- 
samus.  Quod  si  omnis  impetus  domesticorum  hostium, 
depulsus  a  vobis,  se  in  me  unum  convertit,  vobis  20 
erit  videndum,  Quirites,  qua  condicione  posthac  eos 
esse  velitis,  qui  se  pro  salute  vestra  obtulerint  in- 
vidiae  periculisque  omnibus  :  mihi  quidem  ipsi,  quid 
est  quod  jam  ad  vitae  fructum  possit  adquiri,  cum 
praesertim  neque  in  honore  vestro,  neque  in  gloria  vir-  25 
tutis,  quicquam  videam  altius,  quo  mihi  libeat  ascen- 
dere?  29.  Illud  profecto  perficiam,  Quirites,  ut  ea  quae 
gessi  in  consulatu  privatus  tuear  atque  ornem  :  ut  si 
qua  est  invidia  conservanda  re  publica  suscepta,  lae- 
dat  invidos,  mihi  valeat  ad  gloriam.  Denique  ita  me  3° 
in  re  publica  tractabo,  ut  meminerim  semper  quae 
gesserim,  curemque  ut  ea  virtute,  non  casu  gesta  esse 
videantur.  Vos,  Quirites,  quoniam  jam  nox  est,  vene- 
rati  Jovem,  ilium  custodem  hujus  urbis  ac  vestrum, 
in  vestra  tecta  discedite  ;  et  ea,  quamquam  jam  est  35 
periculum    depulsum,  tamen    aeque   ac   priore   nocte 


122  Conspiracy  of  Catiline,  [Catil.  IV. 

custodiis  vigiliisque  defendite.  Id  ne  vobis  diutius 
faciendum  sit,  atque  ut  in  perpetua  pace  esse  pos- 
sitis,  providebo.    >j 

4.  Sentence  of  the  Conspirators. 

In  the  Senate,  Dec.  5. 

Two  days  later  the  Senate  was  convened,  to  determine  what  was 
to  be  done  with  the  prisoners.  It  was  a  fundamental  principle  ot 
the  Roman  Constitution  that  no  citizen  should  be  put  to  death 
without  the  right  of  appeal  to  the  people.  Against  the  view  of 
Caesar,  which  favored  perpetual  confinement,  Cicero  urged  the 
very  lame  argument  that,  by  the  fact  of  taking  up  arms  against  the 
Republic,  they  had  forfeited  their  citizenship,  and  the  law  therefore 
did  not  protect  them.  This  view  prevailed,  and  the  conspirators 
—  Lentulus,  Cethegus,  Statilius,  Gabinius,  and  Caeparius  —  were 
strangled  by  the  public  executioners. 

This  was  one  of  those  acts  of  excessive  vigor  and  severity  which 
a  man  who  feels  himself  deficient  in  decision  of  character  —  as 
Cicero  was,  at  bottom  —  will  sometimes  force  himself  to  commit 
Had  he  had  the  strength  to  maintain  himself  as  a  leader  in  public 
affairs,  it  need  not  have  hurt  him  in  the  end.  As  it  was,  he  was 
soon  pushed  aside  by  men  of  genuine  executive  power,  Pompey 
and  Caesar,  and  was  made  to  suffer  severely  for  his  illegal  act. 

i.  1.  Video,  patres    conscripti,  in  me  omnium  ves- 

5  trum  ora  atque  oculos  esse  conversos.     Video  vos  non 

solum  de  vestro  ac  rei  publicae,  verum  etiam,   si  id 

depulsum  sit,   de  meo   periculo    esse  sollicitos.      Est 

mihi  jucunda  in  malis  et  grata  in  dolore  vestra  erga 

me  voluntas :  sed  earn,  per  deos  immortalis,  deponite  ; 

10  atque  obliti  salutis  meae,  de  vobis  ac  de  vestris  liberis 

cogitate.     Mihi  si  haec  condicio  consulatus  data  est, 

ut  omnis  acerbitates,  omnis   dolores  cruciatusque  per- 

ferrem,  feram  non  solum  fortiter,  verum  etiam  libenter, 

dum   modo  meis  laboribus  vobis  populoque  Romano 

15  dignitas  salusque  pariatur.     2.  Ego  sum  ille  consul, 


n.  3]        Cicero's  Position  and  Responsibility.        123 

patres  conscripti,  cui  non  forum,  in  quo  omnis  aequitas 
continetur,  non  campus  consularibus  auspiciis  conse- 
cratus,  non  curia,  summum  auxilium  omnium  gen- 
tium, non  domus,  commune  perfugium,  non  lectus  ad 
quietem  datus,  non  denique  haec  sedes  honoris  [sella  5 
curulis]  umquam  vacua  mortis  periculo  atque  in- 
sidiis  fuit.  Ego  multa  tacui,  multa  pertuli,  multa 
concessi,  multa  meo  quodam  dolore  in  vestro  timore 
sanavi.  Nunc  si  hunc  exitum  consulatus  mei  di  im- 
mortales  esse  voluerunt,  ut  vos  populumque  Roma-  10 
num  ex  caede  miserrima,  conjuges  liberosque  vestros 
virginesque  Vestalis  ex  acerbissima  vexatione,  templa 
atque  delubra,  hanc  pulcherrimam  patriam  omnium 
nostrum  ex  foedissima  flamma,  totam  Italiam  ex  bello 
etvastitate  eriperem,  quaecumque  mihi  uni  proponetur  15 
fortuna,  subeatur.  Etenim  si  P.  Lentulus  suum  nomen, 
inductus  a  vatibus,  fatale  ad  perniciem  rei  publicae 
fore  putavit,  cur  ego  non  laeter  meum  consulatum  ad 
salutem  populi  Romani  prope  fatalem  exstitisse? 

11.    3.    Qua  re,   patres    conscripti,    consulite    vobis,  20 
prospicite  patriae,  conservate  vos,  conjuges,  liberos  for- 
tunasque  vestras,  populi   Romani   nomen  salutemque 
defendite :  mihi  parcere  ac  de  me  cogitare  desinitt\c 
Nam  primum    debeo    sperare    omnis    deos,    qui  huic 
urbi  praesident,  pro  eo   mihi  ac  mereor  relaturos  esse  25 
.gratiam  ;  deinde,  si  quid  obtigerit,  aequo  animo  para- 
toque    moriar.       Nam   neque    turpis    mors    forti    viro 
potest  accidere,  neque  immatura  consulari,  nee  misera 
sapienti.     Nee  tamen  ego  sum  ille  ferfeus,  qui  fratris 
carissimi  atque  amantissimi    praesentis    maerore  non  3° 
movear,  horumque  omnium  lacrimis,  a  quibus   me  cir- 
cumsessum  videtis.  Neque  meam  mentem  non  domum 
saepe  revocat  exanimata  uxor,  et  abjecta  metu  filia,  et 
parvolus  filius,  quern  mihi  videtur  amplecti  res  publica 
tamquam  obsidem  consulatus  mei,  neque  ille,  qui  ex-  35 
spectans   hujus   exitum   diei   adstat  in  conspectu  meo 


124  Conspiracy  of  Catiline,         [Catil.  IV. 

gener.  Moveor  his  rebus  omnibus,  sed  in  earn  partem, 
uti  salvi  sint  vobiscum  omnes,  etiam.si  me  vis  aliqua 
oppresserit,  potius  quam  et  illi  et  nos  una  rei  publicae 
peste  pereamus. 
5  4.  Qua  re,  patres  conscripti,  incumbite  ad  salutem 
rei  publicae,  circumspicite  omnis  procellas,  quae  im- 
pendent nisi  providetis.  Non  Ti.  Gracchus,  quod  iterum 
tribunus  plebis  fieri  voluit,  non  C.  Gracchus,  quod 
agrarios    concitare    conatus    est,   non   L.    Saturninus, 

io  quod  C.  Memmium  occidit,  in  discrimen  aliquod  atque 
in  vestrae  severitatis  judicium  adducitur :  tenentur  ei 
qui  ad  urbis  incendium,  ad  vestram  omnium  caedem, 
ad  Catilinam  accipiendum,  Romae  restiterunt ;  tenen- 
tur litterae,   signa,    manus,    denique   unius    cujusque 

15  confessio  ;  sollicitantur  Allobroges,  servitia  excitantur, 
Catilina  arcessitur;  id  est  initum  consilium,  ut  inter- 
fectis  omnibus  nemo  ne  ad  deplorandum  quidem  populi 
Romani  nomen  atque  ad  lamentandam  tanti  imperi 
calamitatem  relinquatur. 

20  in.  5.  Haec  omnia  indices  detulerunt,  rei  confessi 
sunt,  vos  multis  jam  judiciis  judicavistis :  primum 
quod  mihi  gratias  egistis  singularibus  verbis,  et  mea 
virtute  atque  diligentia  perditorum  hominum  conjura- 
tionem  patefactam  esse  decrevistis  ;    deinde  quod  P. 

25  Lentulum  se  abdicare  praetura  coegistis ;  turn  quod 
eum  et  ceteros,  de  quibus  judicastis,  in  custodiam 
dandos  censuistis ;  maximeque  quod  meo  nomine 
supplicationem  decrevistis,  qui  honos  togato  habitus 
ante  me  est  nemini ;  postremo  hesterno  die  praemia 

30  legatis  Allobrogum  Titoque  Volturcio  dedistis  amplis- 
sima.  Quae  sunt  omnia  ejus  modi,  ut  ei  qui  in  custo- 
diam nominatim  dati  sunt  sine  ulla  dubitatione  a  vobis 
damnati  esse  videantur. 

6.  Sed  ego  institui  referre   ad  vos,  patres  conscripti, 

35  tamquam  integrum,  et  de  facto  quid  judicetis,  et  de 
poena  quid  censeatis.     Ilia  praedicam  quae  sunt*con- 

• 


iv.  8.]  What  shall  be  the  Sentence?  125 

sulis.     Ego  magnum  in  re  publica  versari  furorem,  et 
nova  quaedam   misceri  et  concitari  mala  jam  pridem 
videbam  ;  sed  hanc  tantam,  tarn  exitiosam  haberi  con- 
jurationem   a  civibus   numquam   putavi.     Nunc  quic- 
quid  est,  quocumque   vestrae   mentes   inclinant   atque    5 
sententiae,  statuendum  vobis  ante  noctem  est.     Quan- 
tum facinus  ad  vos  delatum  sit  videtis.    Huic  si  paucos 
putatis  aclfmis  esse,  vehementer  erratis.     Latius  opin- 
ione  disseminatum  est  hoc  malum  :  manavit  non  solum 
per  Italiam,  verum  etiam  transcendit  Alpis,  et  obscure  10 
serpens  multas  jam  provincias  occupavit.     Id  opprimi 
sustentando  ac  prolatando  nullo  pa'&o  potest.     Qua- 
cumque  ratione  placet,  celeriter  vobis  vindicandum  est. 
iv.  7.  Video  adhuc  duas  esse  sententias  :  unam  D. 
Silani,  qui  censet  eos,   qui  haec   delere  conati  sunt,  15 
morte  esse  multandos  ;  alteram  C.  Caesaris,  qui  mortis 
poenam  removet,  ceterorum  suppliciorum  omnis  acer- 
bitates  amplectitur.     Uterque  et  pro  sua  dignitate  et 
pro  rerum  magnitudine  in  summa  severitate  versatur. 
Alter  eos  qui  nos  omnis,  [qui   populum   Romanum,]  20 
vita  privare    conati    sunt,   qui   delere    imperium,   qui 
populi  Romani  nomen  exstinguere,  punctum  temporis 
frui  vita  et  hoc  communi  spiritu  non  putat  oportere  ; 
atque  hoc  genus  poenae  saepe  in  improbos   civis  in 
hac  re  publica  esse  usurpatum  recordatur.     Alter  in-  25 
tellegit  mortem  ab  dis  immortalibus  non  esse  supplicit 
causa  constitutam,  sed  aut  necessitatem  naturae,  aut 
laborum  ac  miseriarum  quietem<zltaque  earn  sapientes 
numquam  Inviti,  fortes  saepe  etiam  libenter  oppetive- 
runt.     Vincula  vero  et  ea  sempiterna  certe  ad  singu-  30 
larem  poenam  nefarii  sceleris  inventa  sunt.   Municipiis 
dispertiri  jubet.     Habere  videtur  ista  res  iniquitatem  si 
imperare   velis,   difficultatem  si  rogare.      Decernatur 
tamen,  si  placet.    8.  Ego  enim  suscipiam,  et  (ut  spero) 
reperiam  qui  id  quod  salutis  omnium  causa  statueritis-,  35 
non  putent  esse  suae    dignitatis  recusare.      Adjungit 


126  Conspiracy  of  Catiline.  [Catil.  IV. 

gravem  poenam  municipibus,  si  quis  eorum  vincula 
ruperit :  horribilis  custodias  circumdat,  et  dignas  sce- 
lere  hominum  perditorum  ;  sancit  ne  quis  eorum 
poenam  quos  condemnat,  aut  per  senatum  aut  per 
5  populum,  levare  possit ;  eripit  etiarn  spem,  quae  sola 
hominem  in  miseriis  consolari  solet ;  bona  praeterea 
publicari  jubet ;  vitam  solam  relinquit  netariis  ho- 
minibus,  quam  si  eripuisset,  multos  uno  dolores  animi 
atque  corporis  et  omnis    scelerum   poenas  ademisset. 

ic  Itaque,  ut  aliqua  in  vita  formido  improbis  esset  posita, 
apud  inferos  ejus  modi  quaedam  illi  antiqui  supplicia 
impiis  constituta  esse  voluerunt,  quod  videlicet  intelle- 
gebant,  eis  remotis,  non  esse  mortem  ipsam  pertimes- 
cendam.    ^^^*^ 

15  v.  9.  Nunc,  patres  conscripti,  ego  mea  video  quid 
intersit.  Si  eritis  secuti  sententiam  C.  Caesaris,  quo- 
niam  hanc  is  in  re  publica  viam  quae  popularis  habe- 
tur  secutus  est,  fortasse  minus  erunt  —  hoc  auctore  et 
cognitore  hujusce  sententiae  —  mihi  populares  impetus 

20  pertimescendi :  sin  illam  alteram,  nescio  an  amplius  mihi 
negoti  contrahatur.  Sed  tamen  meorum  periculorum 
rationes  utilitas  rei  publicae  vincat.  Habemus  enim  a 
Caesare,  sicut  ipsius  dignitas  et  majorum  ejus  ampli- 
tudo  postulabat,  sententiam  tamquam  obsidem  perpe- 

25  tuae  in  rem  publicam  voluntatis.  Intellectum  est  quid 
interesset  inter  levitatem  contionatorum  et  animum  vere 
popularem,  saluti  populi  consulentem.  10.  Video  de 
istis,  qui  se  popularis  haberi  volunt,  abesse  non  nemi- 
nem,  ne  de   capite  videlicet  civium  Romanorum  sen- 

30  tentiam  ferat.  At  is  et  nudius  tertius  in  custodiam 
civis  Romanos  dedit,  et  supplicationem  mihi  decrevit, 
et  indices  hesterno  die  maximis  praemiis  adfecit.  Jam 
hoc  nemini  dubium  est,  qui  reo  custodiam,  quaesitori 
gratulationem,  indici  praemium  decrevit,  quid  de  tota  re 

35  et  causa  judicarit.  At  vero  C.  Caesar  intellegit  legem 
Semproniam  esse  de  civibus  Romanis  constitutam  ;  qui 


Ax 


vi.  i2.]         They  have  forfeited  Citizenship.  127 

autem  rei  publicae  sit  hostis,  eum  civem  nullo  modo 
esse  posse  ;  denique  ipsum  latorem  Semproniae  legis 
jussu  populi  poenas  rei  publicae  dependisse.  Idem 
ipsum  Lentulum,  largitorem  et  prodigum,  non  putat, 
cum  de  pernicie  populi  Romani,  exitio  hujus  urbis  5 
tarn  acerbe,  tarn  crudeliter  cogitarit,  etiam  appellari 
posse  popularem.  Itaque  homo  mitissimus  atque  lenis- 
simus  non  dubitat  P.  Lentulum  aeternis  tenebris  vincu- 
lisque  mandare,  et  sancit  in  posterum,  ne  quis  hujus 
supplicio  levando  se  jactare,  et  in  perniciem  populi  10 
Romani  posthac  popularis  esse  possit :  adjungit  etiam 
publieationem  bonorum,  ut  omnis  animi  cruciatus  et 
corporis  etiam  egestas  ac  mendicitas  consequatur. 

vi.  11.  Quam  ob  rem,  sive  hoc  statueritis,  dederitis 
mihi  comitem  ad  contionem  populo  carum  atque  ju-  15 
cundum  ;  sive  Silani  sententiam  sequi  malueritis,  facile 
me  [atque  vos]  crudelitatis  vituperatione  exsolveritis, 
atque  obtinebo    earn  multo  leniorem  fuisse.      Quam- " 
quam,  patres  conscripti,  quae  potest  esse  in  tanti  sce- 
leris  immanitate  punienda  crudelitas?     Ego  enim  de  20 
meo  sensu  judico.     Nam  ita  mihi  salva  re  publica  vo- 
biscum  perfrui  liceat,  ut  ego,  quod  in  hac  causa  vehe- 
mentior  sum,  non  atrocitate  animi  moveor — quis  est 
enim  me  mitior?  —  sed  singulari  quadam  humanitate 
et  misericordia.  Videor  enim  mihi  videre  hanc  urbem,  25 
lucem  orbis  terrarum  atque  arcem  omnium  gentium, 
subito  uno  incendio  concidentem.      Cerno  animo  se-       ' 
pulta  in  patria  miseros  atque  insepultos  acervos  civium. 
Versatur  mihi  ante  oculos  aspectus  Cethegi,  et  furor 
in  vestra  caede  bacchantis.     12.    Cum  vero  mihi  pro-  30 
posui  regnantem  Lentulum,  sicut  ipse  ex  fatis  se  spe- 
rasse  confessus  est,  purpuratum  esse  huic  Gabinium, 
cum  exercitu  venisse    Catilinam,  turn   lamentationem 
matrum   familias,  turn   fugam   virginum   atque  puero- 
rum  ac  vexationem  virginum  Vestalium  perhorresco  ;  35 
et  quia  mihi  vehementer  haec  videntur   misera  atque 


128  Conspiracy  of  Catiline,  [Catil.  IV. 

miseranda,  idcirco  in  eos  qui  ea  perficere  voluerunt  me 
severum  vehementemque  praebeo.  Etenim  quaero,  si 
quis  pater  familias,  liberis  suis  a  servo  interfectis,  uxore 
occisa,  incensa  domo,  supplicium  de  servo  non  quam 
5  acerbissimum  sumpserit,  utrum  is  clemens  ac  miseri- 
cors,  an  inhumanissimus  et  crudelissimus  esse  videa- 

-i  tur  F1  Mihi  vero  importunus  ac  ferreus,  qui  non  dolore 
et  cruciatu  nocentis  suum  dolorern  cruciatumque  le- 
nient. *  Sic  nos  in  his  hominibus, — qui  nos,  qui  con- 

10  juges,  qui  liberos  nostros  trucidare  voluerunt  ;  qui 
singulas  unius  cujusque  nostrum  domos  et  hoc  univer- 
sum  rei  publicae  domicilium  delere  conati  sunt;  qui 
id  egerunt,  ut  gentem  Allobrogum  in  vestigiis  hujus 
urbis  atque  in  cinere  deflagrati  imperi  conlocarent,  — 

15  si  vehementissimi  fuerimus,  misericordes  habebimur : 
sin  remissiores  esse  voluerimus,  summae  nobis  crudeli- 
tatis  in  patriae  civiumque  pernicie  fama  subeunda  est. 
13.  Nisi  vero  cuipiam  L.  Caesar,  vir  fortissimus  et  aman- 
tissimus  rei  publicae,  crudelior  nudius  tertius  visus  est, 

20  cum  sororis  suae,  feminae  lectissimae,  virum  praesen- 
tem  et  audientem  vita  privandum  esse  dixit,  cum  avum 
suum  jussu  consulis  interfectum,  filiumque  ejus  impu- 
berem,  legatum  a  patre  missum,  in  carcere  necatum 
esse  dixit.    Quorum  quod  simile  factum  ?  quod  initum 

25  delendae  rei  publicae  consilium  ?  Largitionis  voluntas 
turn  in  re  publica  versata  est,  et  partium  quaedam 
contentio.  Atque  eo  tempore  hujus  avus  Lentuli,  vir 
clarissimus,  armatus  Gracchum  est  persecutus.  Ille 
etiam  grave  turn  volnus  accepit,  ne  quid  de  summa  re 

3°  publica  deminueretur :  hie  ad  evertenda  rei  publicae 
fundamenta  Gallos  arcessit,  servitia  concitat,  Catili- 
nam  vocat,  attribuit  nos  trucidandos  Cethego,  et 
ceteros  civis  interficiendos  Gabinio,  urbem  inflam- 
mandam  Cassio,   totam   Italiam    vastandam    diripien- 

35  damque  Catilinae.  Vereamini,  censeo,  ne  in  hoc 
scelere  tarn  immani  ac  nefando  nimis  aliquid  severe 


vii.  15.]         JVo  Penalty  can  be  too  Severe,  129 

statuisse  videamini  :  multo  magis  est  verendum  ne 
remissione  poenae  crudeles  in  patriam,  quam  ne  se- 
veritate  animadversionis  nimis  vehementes  in  acer- 
bissimos  hostis,  fuisse  videamur. 

vii.  14.  Sed  ea  quae  exaudio,  patres  conscripti,  dis-    5 
simulare  non    possum.      Jaciuntur  enim  voces,  quae 
perveniunt  ad  auris  meas,  eorum  qui  vereri  videntur 
ut  habeam  satis  praesidi    ad  ea  quae  vos    statueritis 
hodierno  die  transigunda.     Omnia  et  provisa  et  parata 
et  constituta  sunt,  patres  conscripti,  cum  mea  summa  10 
cura  atque  diligentia,  turn  multo  etiam  majore  populi 
Romani    ad   summum    imperium   retinendum    et    ad 
communis  fortunas  conservandas  voluntate.      Omnes 
adsunt  omnium  ordinum    homines,   omnium    denique 
aetatum  :  plenum  est  forum,  plena  templa  circum  fo- 15 
rum,  pleni  omnes  aditus  hujus  templi  ac  loci.     Causa 
est  enim  post  urbem   conditam  haec  inventa  sola,  in 
qua  omnes  sentirent  unura   atque   idem,   praeter  eos 
qui,  cum   sibi  viderent  esse   pereundum,  cum  omnibus 
potius   quam    soli    perire   voluerunt.       15.    Hosce   ego  20 
homines  excipio  et  secerno  libenter,  neque   in  impro- 
borum  civium,  sed  in  acerbissimorum  hostium  numero 
habendos  puto.     Ceteri  vero,  di   immortales  !  qua  fre- 
quentia,  quo  studio,  qua  virtute  ad  communem  salutem 
dignitatemque  consentiunt !     Quid  ego  hie  equites  Ro-  25 
manos  commemorem?  qui  vobis  ita  summam  ordinis 
consilique  concedunt,  ut  vobiscum  de  amore  rei  publi- 
cae  certent ;    quos  ex  multorum  annorum  dissensione 
hujus  ordinis  ad  societatem  concordiamque  revocatos 
hodiernus  dies  vobiscum  atque  haec  causa  conjungit :  30 
quam  si  conjunctionem,  in  consulatu  confirmatam  meo, 
perpetuam  in  re   publica    tenuerimus,   confirmo  vobis 
nullum  posthac  malum  civile  ac  domesticum  ad  ullam 
rei  publicae  partem  esse  venturum.    Pari  studio  defen- 
dundae  rei  publicae  convenisse  video  tribunos  aerarios,  35 
fortissimos  viros ;    scribas   item   universos,   quos   cum 

9 


130  Conspiracy  of  Catiline.  [Catil.  IV. 

casu  hie  dies  ad  aerarium  frequentasset,  video  ab  ex- 
spectatione  sortis  ad  salutem  communem  esse  conver- 
ses. 16.  Omnis  ingenuorum  adest  multitudo,  etiam 
tenuissimorum.     Quis  est  enim  cui  non  haec  templa, 

5  aspectus  urbis,  possessio  libertatis,  lux  denique  haec 
ipsa  et  [hoc]  commune  patriae  solum,  cum  sit  carum 
turn  vero  dulce  atque  jucundum  ?        \y 

viii.    Operae  pretium  est,  patres  conscripti,  liberti- 
norum  hominum   studia    cognoscere,  qui,  sua  virtute 

10  fortunam  hujus  civitatis  consecuti,  hanc  suam  patriam 
judicant,  —  quam  quidam  hie  nati,  et  summo  loco  nati, 
non  patriam  suam  sed  urbem  hostium  esse  judicave- 
runt.  Sed  quid  ego  hosce  homines  ordinesque  com- 
memoro,  quos  privatae  fortunae,  quos  communis  res 

15  publica,  quos  denique  libertas,  ea  quae  dulcissima  est, 
ad  salutem  patriae  defendendam  excitavit  ?  Servus 
est  nemo,  qui  modo  tolerabili  condicione  sit  servitutis, 
qui  non  audaciam  civium  perhorrescat,  qui  non  haec 
stare  cupiat,  qui  non  quantum  audet  et  quantum  potest 

20  conferat  ad  salutem  voluntatis.  IT.  Qua  re  si  quern 
vestrum  forte  commovet  hoc,  quod  auditum  est,  leno- 
nem  quendam  Lentuli  concursare  circum  tabernas, 
pretio  sperare  sollicitari  posse  animos  egentium  atque 
imperitorum, — est  id  quidem  coeptum  atque  tempta- 

25  turn  ;  sed  nulli  sunt  inventi  tarn  aut  fortuna  miseri  aut 
voluntate  perditi,  qui  non  ilium  ipsum  sellae  atque 
operis  et  quaestus  cotidiani  locum,  qui  non  cubile  ac 
lectulum  suum,  qui  denique  non  cursum  hunc  otiosum 
vitae  suae  salvum  esse  velint.      Multo  vero  maxima 

30  pars  eorum  qui  in  tabernis  sunt,  immo  vero — id  enim 
potius  est  dicendum  —  genus  hoc  universum,  amantis- 
simum  est  oti.  Etenim  omne  instrumentum,  ornnis 
opera  atque  quaestus  frequentia  civium  sustentatur, 
alitur  otio  :  quorum  si  quaestus  occlusis  tabernis  minui 

35  solet,  quid  tandem  incensis  futurum  fuit  ? 

18.  Quae  cum  ita  sint,  patres  conscripti,  vobis  populi 


x.  2o.]  Importance  of  the  Decision.  131 

Romani  praesidia  non  desunt :  vos  ne  populo  Romano 
deesse  videamini  providete.lLix.  Habetis  consulem  ex 
plurimis  periculis  et  insidiis  atque  ex  media  morte,  non 
ad  vitam  suam,  sed  ad  salutem  vestram  reservatum. 
Omnes  ordines  ad  conservandam  rem  publicam  mente,  5 
voluntate,  voce  consentiunt.  Obsessa  facibus  et  telis 
impiae  conjurationis  vobis  supplex  manus  tendit  patria 
communis  ;  vobis  se,  vobis  vitam  omnium  civium,  vobis 
arcem  et  Capitolium,  vobis  aras  Penatium,  vobis  ilium 
ignem  Vestae  sempiternum,  vobis  omnium  deorum  10 
templa  atque  delubra,  vobis  muros  atque  urbis  tecta 
commendat.  Praeterea  de  vestra  vita,  de  conjugum 
vestrarum  atque  liberorum  anima,  de  fortunis  omnium, 
de  sedibus,  de  focis  vestris,  hodierno  die  vobis  judican- 
dum  est.  19.  Habetis  ducem  memorem  vestri,  oblitum  15 
sui,  quae  non  semper  facultas  datur :  habetis  omnis 
ordines,  omnis  homines,  universum  populum  Roma- 
nura  —  id  quod  in  civili  causa  hodierno  die  primum 
videmus  — unum  atque  idem  sentientem.  Cogitate 
quantis  laboribus  fundatum  imperium,  quanta  virtute  20 
stabilitam  libertatem,  quanta  deorum  benignitate  auc- 
tas  exaggeratasque  fortunas,  una  nox  paene  delerit. 
Id  ne  umquam  posthac  non  modo  non  coniici,  sed  ne 
cogitari  quidem  possit  a  civibus,  hodierno  die  provi- 
dendum  est.  Atque  haec  non  ut  vos,  qui  mihi  studio  25 
paene  praecurritis,  excitarem,  locutus  sum  ;  sed  ut  mea 
vox,  quae  debet  esse  in  re  publica  princeps,  officio 
functa  consulari  videretur. 

x.  20.  Nunc,  ante  quam  ad  sententiam  redeo,  de 
me  pauca  dicam.  Ego,  quanta  manus  est  conjurato-  3° 
rum,  quam  videtis  esse  permagnam,  tantam  me  inimi- 
corum  multitudinem  suscepisse  video :  sed  earn  judico 
esse  turpem  et  infirmam  et  abjectam.  Quod  si  ali- 
quando  alicujus  furore  et  scelere  concitata  manus  ista 
plus  valuerit  quam  vestra  ac  rei  publicae  dignitas,  me  35 
tamen  meorum  factorum  atque  consiliorum  numquam, 


132  Conspiracy  of  Catiline.  [Catil.  IV. 

patres  conscripti,  poenitebit.—  Etenim  mors,  quam  illi 
fortasse  minitantur,  omnibus  est  parata :  vitae  tantam 
laudem,  quanta  vos  me  vestris  decretis  honestastis, 
nemo  est  adsecutus.  Ceteris  enim  semper  bene  gesta, 
5  mihi  uni  conservata  re  publica,  gratulationem  decre- 
vistis.  21.  Sit  Scipio  ille  clarus,  cujus  consilio  atque 
virtute  Hannibal  in  Africam  redire  atque  Italia  dece- 
dere  coactus  est;  ornetur  alter  eximia  laude  Africanus, 
qui  duas  urbis  huic  imperio  infestissimas,  Karthaginem 

10  Numantiamque,  delevit;  habeatur  vir  egregius  Paulus 
ille,  cujus  currum  rex  potentissimus  quondam  et  nobi- 
lissimus  Perses  honestavit ;  sit  aeterna  gloria  Marius, 
qui  bis  Italiam  obsidione  et  metu  servitutis  liberavit ; 
anteponatur  omnibus  Pompeius,  cujus  res  gestae  atque 

15  virtutes  isdem  quibus  solis  cursus  regionibus  ac  ter- 
minis  continentur :  erit  profecto  inter  horum  laudes 
aliquid  loci  nostrae  gloriae,  —  nisi  forte  majus  est  pate- 
facere  nobis  provincias  quo  exire  possimus,  quam 
curare  ut  etiam  illi  qui  absunt  habeant  quo  victores 

20  revertantur^f  22.  Quamquam  est  uno  loco,  condicio 
melior  externae  victoriae  quam  domesticae,  —  quod 
hostes  alienigenae  #ut  oppressi  serviunt,  aut  recepti 
in  amicitiam  beneficio  se  obligates  putant ;  qui  autem 
ex  numero  civium,  dementia  aliqua  depravati,  hostes 

25  patriae  semel  esse  coeperunt,  eos  cum  a  pernicie  rei 
publicae  reppuleris,  nee  vi  coercere  nee  beneficio 
placare  possis.  Qua  re  mihi  cum  perditis  civibus 
aeternum  bellum  susceptum  esse  video.  Id  ego  vestro 
bonorumque  omnium    auxilio,   memoriaque    tantorum 

3°  periculorum,  —  quae  non  modo  in  hoc  populo,  qui 
servatus  est,  sed  in  Gmnium  gentium  sermonibus  ac 
mentibus  semper  haerebit,  —  a  me  atque  a  meis  facile 
propulsari  posse  confido.  Neque  ulla  profecto  tanta 
vis  reperietur,  quae  conjunctionem,  vestram  equitum- 

35  que  Romanorum,  et  tantam  conspirationem  bonorum 
omnium,  confringere  et  labefactare  possit. 


xi.  24-]  Affeal  to  the  Senators.  133 

xr.  23.  Quae  cum  ita  sint,  pro  imperio,  pro  exercitu, 
pro  provincia,  quam  neglexi,  pro  triirmpho  ceteris- 
que  laudis  insignibus,  quae  sunt  a  me  propter  urbis 
vestraeque  salutis  custodiam  repiidiata,  pro  clientelis 
hospitiisque  provincialibus,  quae  tamen  urbanis  opibus  5 
non  minore  labore  tueor  quam  comparo,  pro  his  lgitur 
omnibus  rebus,  pro  meis  in  vos  singularibus  studiis, 
proque  hac  quam  perspicitis  ad  conservandam  rem 
publicam  diligentia,  nihil  a  vobis  nisi  hujus  temporis 
totiusque  mei  consulatus  memoriam  postulo  :  quae  dum  10 
erit  vestris  fixa  mentibus,  tutissimo  me  muro  saeptum 
esse  arbitrabor.  Quod  si  meam  spem  vis  improborum 
fefellerit  atque  superaverit,  commendo  vobis  parvum 
meum  filium,  cui  profecto  satis  erit  praesidi  non  solum 
ad  salutem,  verum  etiam  ad  dignitatem,  si  ejus,  qui  15 
haec  omnia  suo  solius  periculo  conservarit,  ilium  filium 
esse  memineritis.  24.  Quapropter  de  summa  salute 
vestra  populique  Romani,  de  vestris  conjugibus  ac 
liberis,  de  aris  ac  focis,  de  fanis  atque  templis,  de 
totius  urbis  tectis  ac  sedibus,  de  imperio  ac  libertate,  20 
de  salute  Italiae,  de  universa  re  publica,  decernite  dili- 
genter,  ut  instituistis,  ac  fortiter.  9  Habetis  eum  con- 
sulem  qui  et  parere  vestris  decretis  non  dubitet,  et  ea 
quae  statueritis,  quoad  vivet,  defendere  et  per  se  ipsum 
praestare  possit.  25 


THE   CITIZENSHIP   OF  ARCHIAS. 

B.C.  62. 

The  case  of  Archias,  though  not  a  public  one,  yet  had  its  origin 
in  the  politics  of  the  time.  The  aristocratic  faction,  suspecting 
that  much  of  the  strength  of  their  opponents  was  derived  from  the 
fraudulent  votes  of  those  who  were  not  citizens,  procured  in  B.C.  65 
the  passage  of  the  Lex  Papia,  by  which  "  all  the  strangers,  who  pos- 
sessed neither  Roman  nor  Latin  burgess-rights,  were  ejected  from 
the  capital "  (Mommsen).  Archias,  a  native  of  Antioch,  but  for 
many  years  a  Roman  citizen,  a  friend  of  Lucius  Lucullus,  was 
accused  in  B.C.  62,  by  a  certain  Gratius,  under  this  law,  on  the 
ground  that  he  was  not  a  aitizen.  The  case  was  tried  before 
the  praetor  Quintus  Cicero,  brother  of  the  orator. 

It  was  a  very  small  matter  to  disprove  the  charge,  and  com- 
pletely establish  Archias's  claims  to  citizenship.  The  greater  part 
of  the  speech,  therefore,  is  made  up  of  an  eulogy  upon  the  poet, 
and  upon  poetry  and  literature  in  general.  It  is,  for  this  reason, 
one  of  the  most  agreeable  of  Cicero's  orations,  and  perhaps  the 
greatest  favorite  of  them  all. 

*  ..... 

SI  QUID  est  in  me  ingeni,  judices,  quod  sentio 
quam  sit  exiguum,  aut  si  qua  exercitatio  dicendi, 
in  qua  me  non  infitior  mediocriter  esse  versatum,  aut 
si  hujusce  rei  ratio  aliqua  ab  optimarum  artium  studiis 
5  ac  disciplina  profecta,  a  qua  ego  nullum  confiteor  aeta- 
tis  meae  tempus  abhorruisse,  earum  rerum  omnium  vel 
in  primis  hie  A.  Licinius  fructum  a  me  repetere  prope 
suo  jure  debet.  Nam  quoad  longissime  potest  mens 
mea  respicere  spatium  praeteriti  temporis,  et  pueritiae 

10  memoriam  recordari  ultimam,  inde  usque  repetens 
hunc  video  mihi  principem  et  ad  suscipiendam  et  ad 
ingrediendam  rationem  horum  studiorum  exstitisse. 
Quod  si  haec  vox,  hujus  hortatu  praeceptisque  con- 
formata,  non   nullis   aliquando    saluti   fuit,   a  quo  id 

15  accepimus  quo  ceteris  opitulari  et  alios  servare  pos- 
semus,  huic  profecto  ipsi,  quantum  est  situm  in  nobis, 


m.  4-]  Character  of  the  Plea.  135 

et  opem  et  salutem  ferre  debemus.  2.  Ac  ne  quis  a 
nobis  hoc  ita  dici  forte  miretur,  quod  alia  quaedam  in 
hoc  facultas  sit  ingeni,  neque  haec  dicendi  ratio  aut 
disciplina,  ne  nos  quidem  huic  uni  studio  penitus  um- 
quam  dediti  fuimus.  Etenim  omnes  artes,  quae  ad  5 
humanitatem  pertinent,  habent  quoddam  commune 
vinculum,  et  quasi  cognatione  quadam  inter  se  con- 
tinentur. 

11.  3.  Sed  ne  cui  vestrum  mirum  esse  videatur  me 
in  quaestione  legitima  et  in  judicio  publico  —  cum  res  10 
agatur  apud  praetorem  populi  Romani,  lectissimum 
virum,  et  apud  severissimos  judices,  tanto  conventu 
hominum  ac  frequentia  —  hoc  uti  genere  dicendi, 
quod  non  modo  a  consuetudine  judiciorum,  verum 
etiam  a  forensi  sermone  abhorreat ;  quaeso  a  vobis,  15 
ut  in  hac  causa  mihi  detis  hanc  veniam,  adcommo- 
datam  huic  reo,  vobis  (quern  ad  modum  spero)  non 
molestam,  ut  me  pro  summo  poeta  atque  eruditissimo 
homine  dicentem,  hoc  concursu  hominum  literatissi- 
morum,  hac  vestra  humanitate,  hoc  denique  praetore  20 
exercente  judicium,  patiamini  de  studiis  humanitatis 
ac  litterarum  paulo  loqui  liberius,  et  in  ejus  modi  per- 
sona, quae  propter  otium  ac  studium  minime  in  judi- 
ciis  periculisque  tractata  est,  uti  prope  novo  quodam 
et  inusitato  genere  dicendi.  4.  Quod  si  mihi  a  vobis  25 
tribui  concedique  sentiam,  perficiam  profecto  ut  hunc 
A.  Licinium  non  modo  non  segregandum,  cum  sit 
civis,  a  numero  civium,  verum  etiam  si  non  esset, 
putetis  asciscendum  fuisse.  * 

in.  Nam  ut  primum  ex  pueris  excessit  Archias,  30 
atque  ab  eis  artibus  quibus  aetas  puerilis  ad  humanita- 
tem informari  solet  se  ad  scribendi  studium  contulit, 
primum  Antiochiae  —  nam  ibi  natus  est  loco  nobili  — 
celebri  quondam  urbe  et  copiosa,  atque  eruditissimis 
hominibus  liberalissimisque  studiis  adfluenti,  celeriter  35 
antecellere  omnibus  ingeni  gloria  contigit.      Post  in 


136  Citizenship  of  Archias.  [Arch. 

ceteris  Asiae  partibus  cunctaeque  Graeciae  sic  ejus 
adventus  celebrabantur,  ut  famam  ingeni  exspectatio 
hominis,  exspectationem  ipsius  adventus  admiratioque 
superaret.  5.  Erat  Italia  tunc  plena  Graecarum  artium 
5  ac  disciplinarum,  studiaque  haec  et  in  Latio  vehemen- 
tius  turn  colebantur  quam  nunc  eisdem  in  oppidis,  et 
hie  Romae  propter  tranquillitatem  rei  publicae  non 
neglegebantur.  Itaque  hunc  et  Tarentini  et  Regini 
et  Neapolitani  civitate  ceterisque  praemiis  donarunt ; 

10  et  omnes,  qui  aliquid  de  ingeniis  poterant  ju-dicare, 
cognitione  atque  hospitio  dignum  existimarunt.  Hac 
tanta  celebritate  famae  cum  esset  jam  absentibus  notus, 
Romam  venit  Mario  consule  et  Catulo.  Nactus  est 
primum   consules  eos,  quorum   alter  res  ad  scriben- 

15  dum  maximas,  alter  cum  res  gestas  turn  etiam  studium 
atque  auris  adhibere  posset.  Statim  Luculli,  cum 
praetextatus  etiam  turn  Archias  esset,  eum  domum 
suam  receperunt.  Sic  etiam  hoc  non  solum  ingeni 
ac  litterarum,  verum  etiam  naturae  atque  virtutis,  ut 

20  domus,  quae  hujus  adulescentiae  prima  fuit,  eadem 
esset  familiarissima  senectuti.  6.  Erat  temporibus 
illis  jucundus  Metello  illi  Numidico  et  ejus  Pio  filio ; 
audiebatur  a  M.  Aemilio ;  vivebat  cum  Q^  Catulo  et 
patre  et  filio  ;  a  L.  Crasso  colebatur ;  Lucullos  vero  et 

25  Drusum  et  Octavios  et  Catonem  et  totam  Hortensiorum 
domum  devinctam  consuetudine  cum  teneret,  adficie- 
batur  summo  honore,  quod  eum  non  solum  colebant 
qui  aliquid  percipere  atque  audire  studebant,  verum 
etiam  si  qui  forte  simulabant.     iv.  Interim  satis  longo 

30  intervallo,  cum  esset  cum  M.  Lucullo  in  Siciliam  pro- 
fectus,  et  cum  ex  ea  provincia  cum  eodem  Lucullo 
decederet,  venit  Heracliam  :  quae  cum  esset  civitas 
aequissimo  jure  ac  foedere,  ascribi  se  in  earn  civita- 
tem  voluit ;  idque,  cum  ipse  per  se  dignus  putaretur, 

35  turn  auctoritate  et  gratia  Luculli  ab  Heracliensibus 
impetravit.  , 


v.  9-1  His   Technical  Right  cn>   Citizen.  137 

7.  Data  est  civitas  Silvani  lege  et  Carbonis  :  Si  qui 
foederatis  civitatibus  dscripti  fuissent ;  si  turn,  cum 
lex  ferebatur,  in  Italia  domicilium  habuissent ;  et 
si  sexaginta  diebus  apud  -praetor em  ess en t  professi. 
Cum  hie  domicilium  Romae  multos  jam  annos  habe-  5 
ret,  professus  est  apud  praetorem  Q^  Metellum  fami- 
liarissimum  suum.  8.  Si  nihil  aliud  nisi  de  civitate 
ac  lege  dicimus,  nihil  dico  amplius  :  causa  dicta  est. 
Quid  enim  horum  infirmari,  Grati,  potest  ?  Hera- 
cliaene  esse  turn  ascriptum  negabis?  Adest  vir  summa  10 
auctoritate  et  religione  et  fide,  M.  Lucullus,  qui  se  non 
opinari  sed  scire,  non  audisse  sed  vidisse,  non  inter- 
fuisse  sed  egisse  dicit.  Adsunt  Heraclienses  legati, 
nobilissimi  homines  :  hujus  judici  causa  cum  mandatis 
et  cum  publico  testimonio  [venerunt]  ;  qui  hunc  ascrip-  15 
turn  Heracliensem  dicunt.  Hie  tu  tabulas  desideras 
Heracliensium  publicas  :  quas  Italico  bello  incenso  ta- 
bulario  interisse  scimus  omnis.  Est  ridiculum  ad  ea 
quae  habemus  nihil  dicere,  quaerere  quae  habere  non 
possumus ;  et  de  hominum  memoria  tacere,  litterarum  20 
memoriam  flagitare ;  et,  cum  habeas  amplissimi  viri 
religionem,  integerrimi  municipi  jus  jurandum  fidem- 
que,  ea  quae  depravari  nullo  modo  possunt  repudiare, 
tabulas,  quas  idem  dicis  solere  corrumpi,  desiderare. 

9.  An  domicilium  Romae  non  habuit  is,  qui  tot  annis  25 
ante  civitatem  datam  sedem  omnium  rerum  ac  fortu- 
narum  suarum  Romae  conlocavit  ?     At  non  est  pro- 
fessus.    Immo  vero  eis  tabulis  professus,  quae  solae 
ex  ilia  professione  conlegioque  praetorum  obtinent  pub- 
licarum  tabularum  auctoritatem.    v.  Nam — -cum  Appi  30 
tabulae  neglegentius   adservatae   dicerentur ;    Gabini, 
quam  diu   incolumis    fuit,  levitas,  post   damnationem 
calamitas  omnem  tabularum  fidem  resignasset  —  Me- 
tellus,  homo  sanctissimus  modestissimusque  omnium, 
tanta  diligentia  fuit,  ut  ad  L.  Lentulum  praetorem  et  35 
ad  judices  venerit,  et  unius  nominis  litura  se  commo- 


138  Citizenship  of  Archias.  [Arch. 

turn  esse  dixerit.     In  his  igitur  tabulis  nullam  lituram 
in  nomine  A.  Licini  videtis. 

10.  Quae  cum  ita  sint,  quid  est  quod  de  ejus  civitate 
dubitetis,  praesertim  cum  aliis  quoque  in  civitatibus 
5  fuerit  ascriptus  ?  Etenim  cum  mediocribus  multis  et 
aut  nulla  aut  humili  aliqua  arte  praeditis  gratuito  civi- 
tatem  in  Graecia  homines  impertiebant,  Reginos  credo 
aut  Locrensis  aut  Neapolitanos  aut  Tarentinos,  quod 
scenicis   artiiicibus   largiri    solebant,  id    huic    summa 

10  ingeni  praedito  gloria  noluisse  !  Quid  ?  cum  ceteri 
non  modo  post  civitatem  datam,  sed  etiam  post  legem 
Papiam  aliquo  modo  in  eorum  municipiorum  tabulas 
inrepserunt,  hie,  qui  ne  utitur  quidem  illis  in  quibus 
est  scriptus,  quod  semper  se  Heracliensem  esse  voluit, 

15  reicietur  ?  11.  Census  nostros  requiris  scilicet.  Est 
enim  obscurum  proximis  censoribus  hunc  cum  claris- 
simo  imperatore  L.  Lucullo  apud  exercitum  fuisse ; 
superioribus,  cum  eodem  quaestore  fuisse  in  Asia ; 
primis  Julio  et  Crasso  nullam  populi  partem  esse  cen- 

20  sam.  Sed  —  quoniam  census  non  jus  civitatis  confir- 
mat,  ac  tantum  modo  indicat  eum  qui  sit  census  [ita]  se 
jam  turn  gessisse  pro  cive  —  eis  temporibus  quibus  tu 
criminaris  ne  ipsius  quidem  judicio  in  civium  Roma- 
norum   jure  esse  versatum,  et  testamentum  saepe  fecit 

25  nostris  legibus,  et  adiit  hereditates  civium  Roma- 
norum,  et  in  beneficiis  ad  aerarium  delatus  est  a  L. 
Lucullo  pro  consule.  vi.  Quaere  argumenta,  si  qua 
potes :  numquam  enim  hie  neque  suo  neque  amicorum 
judicio  revincetur. 

3°  12.  Quaeres  a  nobis,  Grati,  cur  tanto  opere  hoc 
homine  delectemur.  Quia  suppeditat  nobis  ubi  et 
animus  ex  hoc  forensi  strepitu  reficiatur,  et  aures  con- 
vitio  defessae  conquiescant.  An  tu  existimas  aut  sup- 
petere   nobis    posse    quod    cotidie    dicamus   in    tanta 

35  varietate  rerum,  nisi  animos  nostros  doctrina  excola- 
mus;    aut   ferre  animos  tantam  posse  contentionem, 


vi.  I4-]  The   Utility  of  Letters.  139 

nisi  eos  doctrina  eadem  relaxemus  ?  Ego  vero  fateor 
me  his  studiis  esse  deditum  :  ceteros  pudeat,  si  qui  se 
ita  litteris  abdiderunt  ut  nihil  possint  ex  eis  neque  ad 
communem  adferre  fructum,  neque  in  aspectum  lu- 
cemque  proferre  :  me  autem  quid  pudeat,  qui  tot  annos  5 
ita  vivo,  judices,  ut  a  nullius  umquam  me  tempore  aut 
commodo  aut  otium  meum  abstraxerit,  aut  voluptas 
avocarit,  aut  denique  somnus  retardarit  ?  13.  Qua  re 
quis  tandem  me  reprehendat,  aut  quis  mihi  jure  sus- 
censeat,  si,  quantum  ceteris  ad  suas  res  obeundas,  10 
quantum  ad  festos  dies  ludorum  celebrandos,  quantum 
ad  alias  voluptates  et  ad  ipsam  requiem  animi  et  cor- 
poris conceditur  temporum,  quantum  alii  tribuunt  tem- 
pestivis  conviviis,  quantum  denique  alveolo,  quantum 
pilae,  tantum  mihi  egomet  ad  haec  studia  recolenda  15 
sumpsero  ?  Atque  hoc  ideo  mihi  concedendum  est 
magis,  quod  ex  his  studiis  haec  quoque  crescit  oratio 
et  facultas ;  quae,  quantacumque  in  me  est,  numquam 
amicorum  periculis  defuit.  Quae  si  cui  levior  videtur, 
ilia  quidem  certe,  quae  summa  sunt,  ex  quo  fonte  20 
hauriam  sentio.  14.  Nam  nisi  multorum  praeceptis 
multisque  litteris  mihi  ab  adulescentia  suasissem,  nihil 
esse  in  vita  magno  opere  expetendum  nisi  laudem 
atque  honestatem,  in  ea  autem  persequenda  omnis 
cruciatus  corporis,  omnia  pericula  mortis  atque  exsili  25 
parvi  esse  ducenda,  numquam  me  pro  salute  vestra  in 
tot  ac  tantas  dimicationes  atque  in  hos  profligatorum 
hominum  cotidianos  impetus  objecissem.  Sed  pleni 
omnes  sunt  libri,  plenae  sapientium  voces,  plena  ex- 
emplorum  vetustas  :  quae  jacerent  in  tenebris  omnia,  30 
nisi  litterarum  lumen  accederet.  Quam  multas  nobis 
imagines  —  non  solum  ad  intuendum,  verum  etiam  ad 
imitandum  —  fortissimorum  virorum  expressas  scrip- 
tores  et  Graeci  et  Latini  reliquerunt  ?  Quas  ego  mihi 
semper  in  administranda  re  publica  proponens,  ani-  35 
mum  et  mentem  meam  ipsa  cogitatione  hominum  ex- 
cellentium  conformabam. 


140  Citizenship  of  Archias.  [Arch. 

vii.  15.  Quaeret  quispiam  :  'Quid?  illi  ipsi  sum  mi 
viri,  quorum  virtutes  litteris  proditae  sunt,  istane  doc- 
trina,  quam  tu  efters  laudibus,  eruditi  fuerunt?'  Dif- 
ficile est  hoc  de  omnibus  confirmare,  sed  tamen  est 
5  certe  quod  respondeam.  Ego  multos  homines  excel- 
lenti  animo  ac  virtute  fuisse,  et  sine  doctrina  naturae 
ipsius  habitu  prope  divino  per  se  ipsos  et  moderatos  et 
gravis  exstitisse,  fateor :  etiam  illud  adjungo,  saepius 
ad  laudem  atque  virtutem  naturam  sine  doctrina  quam 

10  sine  natura  valuisse  doctrinam.  Atque  idem  ego  con- 
tendo,  cum  ad  naturam  eximiam  atque  inlustrem  acces- 
serit  ratio  quaedam  conformatioque  doctrinae,  turn  illud 
nescio  quid  praeclarum  ac  singulare  solere  exsistere. 
16.  Ex  hoc  esse  hunc  numero,  quern  patres  nostri  vide- 

15  runt,  divinum  hominem  Africanurrt  ;  ex  hoc  C.  Laelium, 
L.  Furium,  moderatissimos  homines  et  continentissi- 
mos  ;  ex  hoc  fortissimum  virum  et  illis  temporibus  doc- 
tissimum,  M.  Catonem  ilium  senem  :  qui  profecto  si 
nihil  ad  percipiendam  [colendam]  virtutem  litteris  adju- 

20  varentur,  numquam  se  ad  earum  studium  contulissent. 
Quod  si  non  hie  tantus  fructus  ostenderetur,  et  si  ex 
his  studiis  delectatio  sola  peteretur,  tamen  (ut  opinor) 
hancanimi  adversionem  humanissimam  ac  liberalissi- 
mam  judicaretis.     Nam  ceterae  neque  temporum  sunt 

25  neque  aetatum  omnium  neque  locorum  :  haec  studia 
adulescentiam  alunt,  senectutem  oblectant,  secundas 
res  ornant,  adversis  perfugium  ac  solacium  praebent, 
delectant  domi,  non  impediunt  foris,  pernoctant  nobis- 
cum,  peregrinantur,  rusticantur. 

30  17.  Quod  si  ipsi  haec  neque  attingere  neque  sensu 
nostro  gustare  possemus,  tamen  ea  mirari  deberemus, 
etiam  cum  in  aliis  videremus.  viii.  Quis  nostrum  tarn 
animo  agresti  ac  duro  fuit,  ut  Rosci  morte  nuper  non 
commoveretur?  qui  cum  esset  senex  mortuus,  tamen 

35  propter  excellentem  artem  ac  venustatem  videbatur 
omnino  mori  non  debuisse.     Ergo  ille  corporis  motu 


ix.  19]  The  Poefs  Claim  to  Honor,  141 

tantum  amorem  sibi  conciliarat  a  nobis  omnibus  :  nos 
animorum  incredibilis  rhotus  celeritatemque  ingenio- 
rum  neglegemus  ?  18.  Quotiens  ego  hunc  Archiam 
vidi,  judices,  —  utar  enim  vestra  benignitate,  quoniam 
me  in  hoc  novo  genere  dicendi  tarn  diligenter  atten-  5 
ditis,  —  quotiens  ego  hunc  vidi,  cum  litteram  scripsis- 
set  nullam,  magnum  numerum  optimorum  versuum  de 
eis  ipsis  rebus  quae  turn  agerentur  dicere  ex  tempore  ! 
Quotiens  revocatum  eandem  rem  dicere,  commutatis 
verbis  atque  sententiis  !  Quae  vero  adcurate  cogita-  10 
teque  scripsisset,  ea  sic  vidi  probari,  ut  ad  veterum 
scriptorum  laudem  perveniret.  Hunc  ego  non  dili- 
gam?  non  admirer?  non  omni  ratione  defendendum 
putem? 

Atque  sic  a  summis  hominibus  eruditissimisque  ac-  15 
cepimus,  ceterarum  rerum  studia  et  doctrjna  et  prae- 
ceptis  et  arte  constare  :  poetam  natura  ipsa  valere,  et 
mentis  viribus  excitari,  et  quasi  divino  quodam  spiritu 
inflari.     Qua  re  suo  jure  noster  ille  Ennius  sanctos 
appellat  poetas,  quod  quasi  deorum  aliquo  dono  atque  20 
munere    commendati    nobis    esse   videantur.      19.    Sit 
igitur,  judices,  sanctum  apud  vos,   humanissimos  ho- 
mines, hoc  poetae  nomen,  quod  nulla  umquam  bar- 
baria  violavit.      Saxa  et  solitudines  voci  respondent, 
bestiae  saepe  immanes  cantu  flectuntur  atque  consis-  25 
tunt :  nos,  instituti  rebus  optimis,  non  poetarum  voce 
moveamur?     Homerum  Colophonii  civem  esse  dicunt 
suum,  Chii  suum  vindicant,  Salaminii  repetunt,  Smyr- 
naei  vero  suum  esse  confirmant,  itaque  etiam  delubrum 
ejus  in  oppido  dedicaverunt :    permulti  alii  praeterea  30 
pugnant   inter   se    atque    contendunt.      ix.    Ergo    illi 
alienum,  quia  poeta  fuit,  post  mortem  etiam  expetunt : 
nos  hunc  vivum,  qui  et  voluntate  et  legibus  noster  est, 
repudiabimus  ?    praesertim    cum    omne  olim  studium 
atque  omne    ingenium    contulerit  Archias   ad    populi  35 
Romani  gloriam  laudemque  celebrandam  ?     Nam  et 


142  Citizenship  of  Archias.  [Arch. 

Cimbricas  res  adulescens  attigit,  et  ipsi  illi  C.  Mario, 
qui  durior  ad  haec  studia  videbatur,  jucundus  fuit. 

20.  Neque  enim  quisquam  est  tarn  aversus  a  Musis, 
qui  non  mandari  versibus  aeternum  suorum  laborum 
5  facile  praeconium  patiatur.  Themistoclem  ilium,  sum- 
mum  Athenis  virum,  dixisse  aiunt,  cum  ex  eo  quae- 
reretur,  quod  acroama  aut  cujus  vocem  libentissime 
audiret  :  Ejus,  a  quo  sua  virtus  of  time  -praedicare- 
tur.   Itaque  ille  Marius  item  eximie  L.  Plotium  dilexit, 

10  cujus  ingenio  putabat  ea  quae  gesserat  posse  celebrari. 
21.  Mithridaticum  vero  bellum,  magnum  atque  difficile 
et  in  multa  varietate  terra  marique  versatum,  totum  ab 
hoc  expressum  est :  qui  libri  non  modo  L.  Lucullum, 
fortissimum  et  clarissimum  virum,  verum  etiam  populi 

15  Romani  nomen  inlustrant.  Populus  enim  Romanus 
aperuit  Lucullo  imperante  Pontum,  et  regiis  quondam 
opibus  et  ipsa  natura  et  regione  vallatum  :  populi  Ro- 
mani exercitus,  eodem  duce,  non  maxima  manu  innu- 
merabilis  Armeniorum    copias  fudit :    populi  Romani 

20  laus  est  urbem  amicissimam  Cyzicenorum  ejusdem 
consilio  ex  omni  impetu  regio  atque  totius  belli  ore  ac 
faucibus  ereptam  esse  atque  servatam :  nostra  semper 
feretur  et  praedicabitur,  L.  Lucullo  dimicante,  cum 
interfectis  ducibus  depressa  hostium  classis,  et  incredi- 

25  bilis  apud  Tenedum  pugna  ilia  navalis  :  nostra  sunt 
tropaea,  nostra  monimenta,  nostri  triumphi.  Quae 
quorum  ingeniis  efferuntur,  ab  eis  populi  Romani  fama 
celebratur.  22,  Carus  fuit  Africano  superiori  noster 
Ennius,  itaque  etiam  in  sepulcro  Scipionum  putatur  is 

30  esse  constitutus  ex  marmore.  At  eis  laudibus  certe 
non  solum  ipse  qui  laudatur,  sed  etiam  populi  Romani 
nomen  ornatur.  In  caelum  hujus  proavus  Cato  tollitur  : 
magnus  honos  populi  Romani  rebus  adjungitur.  0m- 
nes   denique  illi   Maximi,   Marcelli,   Fulvii,  non   sine 

35  communi  omnium  nostrum  laude  decorantur.  x.  Ergo 
ilium,  qui  haec  fecerat,  Rudinum  hominem,  majores 


x.  25-J  Fame  is  conveyed  by  Letters.  143 

nostri  in  civitatem  receperunt :  nos  hunc  Heraclien- 
sem,  multis  civitatibus  expetitum,  in  hac  autem  legibus 
constitutum,  de  nostra  civitate  eiciemus? 

23.  Nam  si  quis  minorem  gloriae  fructum  putat  ex 
Graecis  versibus  percipi  quam  ex  Latinis,  vehementer    5 
errat :    propterea   quod    Graeca    leguntur  in  omnibus 
fere  gentibus,  Latina  suis  finibus,  exiguis  sane,  con- 
tinentur.      Qua   re    si    res    eae    quas   gessimus    orbis 
terrae   regionibus   definiuntur,   cupere    debemus,  quo 
manuum  nostrarum  tela   pervenerint,  eodem   gloriam  10 
famamque  penetrare ;  quod  cum  ipsis  populis  de  quo- 
rum rebus  scribitur,  haec  ampla    sunt,  turn  eis  certe, 
qui  de  vita  gloriae  causa  dimicant,  hoc  maximum  et 
periculorum  incitamentum  est  et  laborum.     24.  Quam 
multos  scriptores  rerum  suarum  magnus  ille  Alexander  15 
secum    habuisse    dicitur!      Atque    is   tamen,  curri   in 
Sigeo  ad  Achillis  tumulum    astitisset  :     O  fortunate 
inquit  adutescens,  qui  tuae  virtutis  Homcru?n  frae- 
conem  tnveneris/     Et  vere.     Nam  nisi  Ilias  ilia  exsti- 
tisset,    idem    tumulus,    qui    corpus    ejus    contexerat,  20 
nomen  etiam  obruisset.     Quid?   noster  hie  Magnus, 
qui  cum  virtute  fortunam  adaequavit,  nonne  Theopha- 
nem  Mytilenaeum,  scriptorem  rerum  suarum,  in  con- 
tione  militum  civitate  donavit;  et  nostri  illi  fortes  viri, 
sed  rustici  ac  milites,  dulcedine  quadam  gloriae  com-  25 
moti,  quasi    participes    ejusdem   laudis,  magno   illud 
clamore  approbaverunt  ? 

25.  Itaque,  credo,  si  civis  Romanus  Archias  legibus 
non  esset,  ut  ab  aliquo  imperatore  civitate  donaretur 
perficere  non  potuit.  Sulla  cum  Hispanos  donaret  et  30 
Gallos,  credo  hunc  petentem  repudiasset :  quern  nos 
in  contione  vidimus,  cum  ei  libellum  malus  poeta  de 
populo  subjecisset,  quod  epigramma  in  eum  fecisset, 
tantummodo  alternis  versibus  longiusculis,  statim  ex 
eis  rebus  quas  tunc  vendebat  jubere  ei  praemium  35 
tribui,  sed  ea  condicione,  ne  quid  postea   scriberet. 


144  Citizenship  of  Archias.  [Arch. 

Qui  sedulitatem  mali  poetae  duxerit  aliquo  tamen 
praemio  dignam,  hujus  ingenium  et  virtutem  in  scri- 
bendo  et  copiam  non  expetisset?  26.  Quid?  a  Q^ 
Metello  Pio,  familiarissimo  suo,  qui  civitate  multos 
5  donavit,  neque  per  se  neque  per  Lucullos  impetravis- 
set?  qui  praesertim  usque  eo  de  suis  rebus  scribi 
cuperet,  ut  etiam  Cordubae  natis  poetis,  pingue  quid- 
dam  sonantibus  atque  peregrinum,  tamen  auris  suas 
dederet. 

io  xi.  Neque  enim  est  hoc  dissimulandum  (quod  ob- 
scurar:  non  potest)  sed  prae  nobis  ferendum  :  trahi- 
mur  omnes  studio  laudis,  et  optimus  quisque  maxime 
gloria  ducitur.  Ipsi  illi  philosophi,  etiam  in  eis  libellis 
quos   de    contemnenda  gloria  scribunt,   nomen  suum 

15  inscribunt :  in  eo  ipso,  in  quo  praedicationem  nobilita- 
temque  despiciunt,  praedicari  de  se  ac  nominari  vo- 
lunt.  27.  Decimus  quidem  Brutus,  summus  vir  et 
imperator,  Acci,  amicissimi  sui,  carminibus  templorum 
ac   monumentorum    aditus    exornavit    suorum.      Jam 

20  vero  ille,  qui  cum  Aetolis  Ennio  comite  bellavit,  Ful- 
vius,  non  dubitavit  Martis  manubias  Musis  consecrare. 
Qua  re  in  qua  urbe  imperatores  prope  armati  poeta- 
rum  nomen  et  Musarum  delubra  coluerunt,  in  ea  non 
debent  togati  judices  a  Musarum  honore  et  a  poetarum 

25  salute  abhorrere. 

28.  Atque  ut  id  libentius  faciatis,  jam  me  vobis,  judi- 
ces, indicabo,  et  de  meo  quodam  amore  gloriae,  nimis 
acri  fortasse  verum  tamen  honesto  vobis,  confitebor. 
Nam  quas  res  nos  in  consulatu  nostro  vobiscum  simul 

30  pro  salute  hujusce  imperi  et  pro  vita  civium  proque 
universa  re  publica  gessimus,  attigit  hie  versibus 
atque  inchoavit :  quibus  auditis,  quod  mihi  magna 
res  et  jucunda  visa  est,  hunc  ad  perficiendum  ador- 
navi.     Nullam  enim  virtus  aliam  mercedem  laborum 

35  periculorumque  desiderat,  praeter  hanc  laudis  et  glo- 
riae :  qua  quidem  detracta,  judices,  quid  est  quod  in 


xii.  3i.]  Fame  the  Motive  of  Virtue,  145 

hoc  tarn  exiguo  vitae  curriculo  [et  tarn  brevi]  tantis 
nos  in  laboribus  exerceamus?  29.  Certe  si  nihil  ani- 
mus praesentiret  in  posterum,  et  si  quibus  regionibus 
vitae  spatium  circumscriptum  est,  eisdem  omnis  cogi- 
tationes  terminaret  suas  ;  nee  tantis  se  laboribus  fran-  5 
geret,  neque  tot  curis  vigiliisque  angeretur,  nee  totiens 
de  ipsa  vita  dimicaret.  Nunc  insidet  quaedam  in 
Optimo  quoque  virtus,  quae  noctis  ac  dies  animum 
gloriae  stimulis  concitat,  atque  admonet  non  cum  vitae 
tempore  esse  dimittendam  commemorationem  nominis  10 
nostri,  sed  cum  omni  posteritate  adaequandam. 

xii.  30.  An  vero  tarn  parvi  animi  videamur  esse 
omnes,  qui  in  re  publica  atque  in  his  vitae  periculis 
laboribusque  versamur,  ut,  cum  usque  ad  extremum 
spatium  nullum  tranquillum  atque  otiosum  spiritum  15 
duxerimus,  nobiscum  simul  moritura  omnia  arbitre- 
mur?  An  statuas  et  imagines,  non  animorum  simu- 
lacra sed  corporum,  studiose  multi  summi  homines 
reliquerunt ;  consiliorum  relinquere  ac  virtutum  nos- 
trarum  effigiem  nonne  multo  malle  debemus,  summis  20 
ingeniis  expressam  et  politam?  Ego  vero  omnia  quae 
gerebam,  jam  turn  in  gerendo  spargere  me  ac  dissemi- 
nare  arbitrabar  in  orbis  terrae  memoriam  sempiternam. 
Haec  vero  sive  a  meo  sensu  post  mortem  afutura  est, 
sive  —  ut  sapientissimi  homines  putaverunt — ad  ali-  25 
quam  mei  partem  pertinebit,  nunc  quidem  certe  cogH 
tatione  quadam  speque  delector. 

31.  Qua  re  conservate,  judices,  hominem  pudore 
eo,  quern  amicorum  videtis  comprobari  cum  dignitate 
turn  etiam  vetustate ;  ingenio  autem  tanto,  quantum  id  30 
convenit  existimari,  quod  summorum  hominum  inge- 
niis expetitum  esse  videatis ;  causa  vero  ejus  modi, 
quae  beneficio  legis,  auctoritate  municipi,  testimonio 
Luculli,  tabulis  Metelli  comprobetur.  Quae  cum  ita 
sint,  petimus  a  vobis,  judices,  si  qua  non  modo  hu-  35 
mana,  verum   etiam   divina   in   tantis    ingeniis   com- 

10 


146  Citizenship  of  Archias. 

mendatio  debet  esse,  ut  eum  qui  vos,  qui  vestros 
imperatores,  qui  populi  Romani  res  gestas  semper 
ornavit,  qui  etiam  his  recentibus  nostris  vestrisque 
domesticis   periculis    aeternum  se  testimonium  laudis 

5  daturum  esse  profitetur,  estque  ex  eo  numero  qui 
semper  apud  omnis  sancti  sunt  habiti  itaque  dicti, 
sic  in  vestram  accipiatis  fidem,  ut  humanitate  vestra 
levatus  potius  quam  acerbitate  violatus  esse  videatur. 
32.    Quae   de   causa   pro   mea   consuetudine   breviter 

10  simpliciterque  dixi,  judices,  ea  confido  probata  esse 
omnibus.  Quae  autem  remota  a  mea  judicialique 
consuetudine,  et  de  hominis  ingenio  et  communiter  de 
ipsius  studio  loeutus  sum,  ea,  judices,  a  vobis  spero 
esse  in  bonam  partem    accepta;  ab  eo  qui  judicium 

15  exercet,  certo  scio. 


CICERO'S  EXILE  AND  RETURN. 

(Extract  from  the  Defence  of  Sestius.) 
b.c.  56. 

The  year  B.  c.  60  is  marked  by  the  coalition  between  Caesar, 
Pompey,  and  Crassus,  —  sometimes  called  the  First  Triumvirate,  — 
of  which  the  immediate  result  was  the  election  of  Caesar  to  the 
consulship  for  the  following  year.  During  the  existence  of  this 
coalition,  the  Senate  was  almost  wholly  stripped  of  power.  The 
chief  act  of  Caesar's  administration  was  his  iniquitous  law  for 
dividing  the  fertile  and  populous  territory  of  Campania  among 
needy  citizens  of  Rome ;  which  was  carried  with  such  a1  degree  of 
mob  violence,  that  Bibulus,  Caesar's  colleague,  after  vainly  resist- 
ing it,  shut  himself  up  in  his  house,  leaving  affairs  of  state  to  their 
own  course.  Cicero  had  refused  to  serve  as  one  of  the  Board  {viginti 
viri)  for  executing  this  law,  and  thus  brought  upon  himself  the  re- 
sentment of  the  party  in  power  ;  whose  leaders,  while  claiming  to  be 
his  personal  friends,  gave  him  no  support  in  the  attacks  which 
were  presently  made  upon  him.  His  most  active  enemy  was  Publius 
Clodius,  a  man  of  patrician  birth  (of  the  great  Claudian  house, 
whence  his  name  Clodius),  who,  in  order  to  hold  the  plebeian 
office  of  Tribune,  caused  himself  to  be  adopted  as  son  into  a 
plebeian  family.  As  Tribune,  early  in  b.  C.  58,  he  introduced  a  bill 
(apparently  never  passed)  aimed  at  Cicero,  making  it  penal  to  put 
to  death  a  Roman  citizen  without  trial.  Upon  this,  Cicero  and  his 
friends  — as  many,  it  is  said,  as  20,000  —  went  into  mourning.  The 
consuls,  Gabinius  and  Piso,  refused  to  interfere.  Pompey  would 
not  meet  or  see  his  eloquent  advocate.  Caesar,  just  departing  for 
his  campaigns  in  Gaul,  waited  till  he  should  be  assured  of  Clodius's 
triumph.  As  the  affair  was  just  coming  to  blows,  Cicero  withdrew 
into  voluntary  exile,  which  was  followed,  the  next  day,  by  a  decree 
{privilegiu7ti)  forbidding  him  by  name  the  use  of  fire  or  water 
—  the  regular  formula  for  a  sentence  of  banishment  —  anywhere 
\vithin  four  hundred  miles  of  Rome. 

The  year  of  his  exile  Cicero  spent  mostly  in  Thessalonica,  with 
his  friend  Plancius,  quaestor  of  Macedonia,  the  same  whom  he 
afterwards  defended  on  a  charge  of  bribery.  In  the  summer  of  the 
following   year  he  was  restored,  "  by  the  late  but  earnest  efforts 


148  Cicero's  Exile  and  Return,  [Sestius, 

of  Pompey,  by  the  vows  of  Italy,  by  the  resolutions  of  the  Senate,, 
by  the  courage  and  energy  of  the  tribune  Annius  Milo  "  (Veil. 
Paterc.).  The  consuls  of  this  year,  Lentulus  and  Metellus,  with 
eight  of  the  tribunes,  actively  favored  Cicero's  recall.  But  it  was 
violently  resisted  by  Clodius,  who  attempted  to  prevent  it  by  an 
appeal  to  terror ;  and  the  disorders  which  followed  led  the  way  to 
that  period  of  party  passion  and  mob  rule,  which  culminated  in  the 
civil  war  and  the  dictatorship  of  Julius  Caesar.  The  most  full  and 
authentic  account  of  these  disorders  is  contained  in  Cicero's  de- 
fence of  Publius  Sestius,  a  colleague  of  Milo  in  the  tribuneship, 
who  was  brought  to  trial  on  a  charge  of  assault  (de  vi).  The  fol- 
lowing extracts  include  nearly  a  third  of  this  great  speech. 

I^UERAT  ille  annus  jam  in  re  publica,  judices,  cum 
*■  in  magno  motu  et  multorum  timore  intentus  est 
arcus  in  me  unum,  sicut  volgo  ignari  rerum  loqueban- 
tur;  re  quidem  vera  in  universam  rem  publicam,  tra- 
ductione  ad  plebem  furibundi  hominis  ac  perditi,  mihi 
irati,  sed  multo  acrius  oti  et  communis  salutis  inimici. 
Hunc  vir  clarissimus  mihique  multis  repugnantibus 
amicissimus,  Cn.  Pompeius,  omni  cautione,  foedere, 
exsecratione  devinxerat  nihil  in  tribunatu  contra  me 
esse  facturum.  Quod  ille  nefarius,  ex  omnium  sce- 
lerum  colluvione  natus,  parum  se  foedus  violaturum 
arbitratus  est,  nisi  ipsum  cautorem  alieni  periculi  suis 
propriis  periculis  terruisset.  2.  Sed  fuit  profecto  quae- 
dam  ilia  rei  publicae  fortuna  fatalis,  ut  ille  caecus  atque 
amens  tribunus  plebis  nancisceretur,  —  quid  dicam? 
consules  ?  hocine  ut  ego  nomine  appellem  eversores 
hujus  imperi,  proditores  vestrae  dignitatis,  hostis  bo- 
norum  omnium?  —  qui  ad  delendum  senatum,  adfli- 
gendum  equestrem  ordinem,  exstinguenda  omnia  jura 
atque  instituta  majorum  se  illis  fascibus  ceterisque 
insignibus  summi  honoris  atque  imperi  ornatos  esse 
arbitrabantur.  Quorum  (per  deos  immortalis !)  si 
nondum  scelera  volneraque  inusta  rei  publicae  voltis 
recordari,  voltum  atque  incessum  animis  intuemini. 
Facilius  eorum  facta  occurrent  mentibus  vestris,  si  ora 
ipsa  oculis  proposueritis. 


ix.  20.]         The  Consuls  Gabinius  and  Piso.  149 

3.  Alter  unguentis  adfluens,  calamistrata  coma,  de- 
spiciens  conscios  stuprorum  ac  veteres  vexatores  aeta- 
tulae  suae,  puteali  et  faeneratorum  gregibus  inflatus, — 
a  quibus  compulsus  olim,  ne  in  Scyllaeo  illo  aeris 
alieni  tamquam  [in]  fretu  ad  columnam  adhaeresceret, 
in  tribunatus  portum  perfugerat, —  contemnebat  equites 
Romanos,  minitabatur  senatui,  venditabat  se  operis, 
atque  ab  eis  se  ereptum,  ne  de  ambitu  causam  diceret, 
praedicabat,  ab  isdemque  se  etiam  invito  senatu  pro- 
vinciam  sperare  dicebat :  eamque  nisi  adeptus  esset, 
se  incolumem  nullo  modo  fore  arbitrabatur. 

4.  Alter,  O  di  boni !  quam  taeter  incedebat !  quam 
truculentus  !  quam  terribilis  aspectu  !  —  unum  aliquem 
te  ex  barbatis  illis,  exemplum  imperi  veteris,  imagi- 
nem  antiquitatis,  columen  rei  publicae  diceres  intueri : 
vestitus  aspere  nostra  hac  purpura  plebeia  ac  paene 
fusca  ;  capillo  ita  horrido,  ut  Capua,  in  qua  ipsa  turn 
imaginis  ornandae  causa  duumviratum  gerebat,  Se- 
plasiam  sublaturus  videretur.  Nam  quid  ego  de  super- 
cilio  dicam,  quod  turn  hominibus  non  supercilium,  sed 
pignus  rei  publicae  videbatur?  [Tanta  erat  gravitas  in 
oculo,  tanta  contractio  frontis,  ut  illo  supercilio  annus 
ille  niti  tamquam  vade  videretur] .  5.  Erat  hie  omnium 
sermo  :  *  Est  tamen  rei  publicae  magnum  firmumque 
subsidium  ;  habeo  quern  opponam  labi  illi  atque  caeno  ; 
voltu,  me  dius  fidius,  conlegae  sui  libidinem  levitatem- 
que  franget ;  habebit  senatus  in  hunc  annum  quern 
sequatur  ;  non  deerit  auctor  et  dux  bonis.'  Mihi  deni- 
que  homines  praecipue  gratulabantur,  quod  habiturus 
essem,  contra  tribunum  plebis  furiosum  et  audacem, 
cum  amicum  et  adfinem,  turn  etiam  fortem  et  gravem 
consulem. 

6.  Atque  eorum  alter  fefellit  neminem.  Quis  enim 
clavum  tanti  imperi  tenere,  et  gubernacula  rei  publicae 
tractare  in  maximo  cursu  ac  fluctibus,  posse  arbitra- 
retur  hominem  emersum   subito  ex  diuturnis  tenebris 


150  Cicero's  Exile  and  Return,         [Sestius, 

lustrorum  ac  stuprorum,  vino,  ganeis,  lenociniis  adul- 
teriisque  confectum?  cum  is  praeter  spem  in  altissimo 
gradu  alienis  opibus  positus  esset,  qui  non  modo  tem- 
pestatem  impendentem  intueri  temulentus,  sed  ne  lu- 
cem  quidem  insolitam  aspicere  posset?  7.  Alter  multos 
plane  in  omnis  partis  fefellit.  Erat  enim  hominum 
opinioni  nobilitate  ipsa,  blanda  conciliatricula,  com- 
mendatus.  Omnes  boni  semper  nobilitati  favemus,  et 
quia  utile  est  rei  publicae  nobilis  homines  esse  dignos 
majoribus  suis,  et  quia  valet  apud  nos  clarorum  homi- 
num et  bene  de  re  publica  meritorum  memoria  etiam 
mortuorum.  Quia  tristem  semper,  quia  taciturnum, 
quia  subhorridum  atque  incultum  videbant,  et  quod 
erat  eo  nomine,  ut  ingenerata  familiae  frugalitas  vide- 
retur,  favebant,  gaudebant,  et  ad  integritatem  majo- 
rum  spe  sua  hominem  vocabant,  materni  generis  obliti. 
8.  Ego  autem  —  vere  dicam,  judices  —  tantum  esse  in 
homine  sceleris,  audaciae,  crudelitatis,  quantum  ipse 
cum  re  publica  sensi,  numquam  putavi.  Nequam  esse 
hominem  et  levem  et  [falsa  opinione]  errore  hominum 
ab  adulescentia  commendatum  sciebam.  Etenim  ani- 
mus ejus  voltu,  flagitia  parietibus  tegebantur ;  sed  haec 
obstructio  nee  diuturna  est,  neque  obducta  ita  ut  curi- 
osis  oculis  perspici  non  possit. 

9.  Videbamus  genus  vitae,  desidiam,  inertiam  :  in- 
clusas  ejus  libidines  qui  paulo  propius  accesserant  in- 
tuebantur :  denique  etiam  sermones  ansas  dabant,  qui- 
bus  reconditos  ejus  sensus  tenere  possemus*  Laudabat 
homo  doctus  philosophos  nescio  quos,  neque  eorum 
tamen  nomina  poterat  dicere  :  sed  tamen  eos  laudabat 
maxime  qui  dicuntur  praeter  ceteros  esse  auctores  et 
laudatores  voluptatis  —  cujus  et  quo  tempore  et  quo 
modo  non  quaerebat ;  verbum  ipsum  omnibus  animi 
et  corporis  sensibus  devorabat :  eosdemque  praeclare 
dicere  aiebat,  sapientis  omnia  sua  causa  facere  ;  rem 
publicam  capessere  hominem  bene  sanum  non  opor- 


xiv.  32.]   The  Crime:    the  General  Mourning.         151 

tere ;  nihil  esse  praestabilius  otiosa  vita,  plena  et  con- 
ferta  voluptatibus  ;  eos  autem,  qui  dicerent  dignitati 
esse  serviendum,  rei  publicae  consulendum,  offici  ra- 
tionem  in  omni  vita,  non  commodi  esse  ducendam, 
adeunda  pro  patria  pericula,  volnera  excipienda,  mor- 
tem oppetendam,  vaticinari  atque  insanire  dicebat. 
10.  Ex  his  adsiduis  ejus  cotidianisque  sermonibus,  et 
quod  videbam  quibuscum  hominibus  in  interiore  parte 
aedium  viveret,  et  quod  ita  domus  ipsa  fumabat  ut  mul- 
ta  ejus  sermonis  indicia  redolerent,  statuebam  sic,  boni 
nihil  ab  illis  nugis  esse  exspectandum,  mali  quidem 
certe  nihil  pertimescendum.  Sed  ita  est,  judices,  ut, 
si  gladium  parvo  puero  aut  si  imbecillo  seni  aut  debili 
dederis,  ipse  impetu  suo  nemini  noceat,  sin  ad  nudum 
vel  fortissimi  viri  corpus  accesserit,  possit  acie  ipsa  et 
ferri  viribus  volnerare  ;  sic  cum  hominibus  enervatis 
atque  exsanguibus  consulatus  tamquam  gladius  esset 
datus,  qui  perse  pungere  neminem  umquam  potuissent, 
ei  summi  imperi  nomine  armati  totam  rem  publicam 
contrucidaverunt.  Foedus  fecerunt  cum  tribuno  plebis 
palam,  ut  ab  eo  provincias  acciperent  quas  ipsi  vel- 
lent ;  exercitum  et  pecuniam  quantam  vellent  ea  lege, 
si  ipsi  prius  tribuno  plebis  adflictam  et  constrictam 
rem  publicam  tradidissent  :  id  autem  foedus  meo 
sanguine  ici  posse  dicebant.  Qua  re  patefacta  — 
neque  enim  dissimulari  tantum  scelus  poterat  nee 
latere — promulgantur  uno  eodemque  tempore  roga- 
tiones  ab  eodem  tribuno  de  mea  pernicie  et  de  provin- 
ces consulum  nominatim.  .  .  . 

11.  Erat  igitur  in  luctu  senatus  ;  squalebat  civitas, 
publico  consilio  veste  mutata  ;  nullum  erat  Italiae 
municipium,  nulla  colonia,  nulla  praefectura,  nulla 
Romae  societas  vectigalium,  nullum  conlegium  aut 
concilium  aut  omnino  aliquod  commune  consilium, 
quod  turn  non  honorificentissime  de  mea  salute  decre- 
visset :  cum  subito  edicunt  duo  consules,  ut  ad  suum 


152  Cicero  s  Exile  and  Return.         [Sestius, 

vestitum  senatores  redirent.  Quis  umquam  consul 
senatum  ipsius  decretis  parere  prohibuit  ?  Quis  tyran- 
nus  Nniiseros  lugere  vetuit  ?  Parumne  est,  Piso  —  ut 
omittam  Gabinium  —  quod  tantum  homines  fefellisti, 
ut  neglegeres  auctoritatem  senatus,  optimi  cujusque 
consilia  contemneres,  rem  publicam  proderes,  con- 
sulare  nomen  adfligeres  ?  Etiamne  edicere  audebas, 
ne  maererent  homines  meam,  suam,  rei  publicae  ca- 
lamitatem?  ne  hunc  suum  dolorem  veste  significarent? 
Sive  ilia  vestis  mutatio  ad  luctum  ipsorum,  sive  ad 
deprecandum  valebat,  quis  umquam  tarn  crudelis  fuit 
qui  prohiberet  quemquam  aut  sibi  maerere  aut  ceteris 
supplicare  ?  12.  Quid  ?  sua  sponte  homines  in  ami- 
corum  periculis  vestitum  mutare  non  solent  ?  Pro  te 
ipso,  Piso,  nemone  mutabit  ?  ne  isti  quidem,  quos 
[legatos]  non  modo  nullo  senatus  consulto,  sed  etiam 
repugnante  senatu  tibi  tute  legasti  ?  Ergo  hominis 
desperati  et  proditoris  rei  publicae  casum  lugebunt 
fortasse  qui  volent  :  civis  florentissimi  benevolentia 
bonorum  et  optime  de  salute  patriae  meriti  periculum 
conjunctum  cum  periculo  civitatis  lugere  senatui  non 
licebit  ?  Eidemque  consules  (si  appellandi  sunt  con- 
sules,  quos  nemo  est  quin  non  modo  ex  memoria,  sed 
etiam  ex  fastis  evellendos  putet),  pacto  jam  foedere 
provinciarum,  producti  in  circo  Flaminio  in  contionem 
ab  ilia  furia  ac  peste  patriae,  maximo  cum  gemitu  ves- 
tro  ilia  omnia  voce  ac  sententia  sua  comprobaverunt. 
Isdem  consulibus  sedentibus  atque  inspectantibus  lata 
lex  est,  JVe  auspicia  valerent,  ne  quis  obnuntiaret,  ne 
quis  legi  inter ceder et :  ut  omnibus  fastis  diebus  legem 
fcrri  liceret:  ut  lex  Aelia,  lex  Fufia  ne  valeret:  qua 
una  rogatione  quis  est  qui  non  intellegat  universam  rem 
publicam  esse  deletam  ?  13.  Isdemque  consulibus  in- 
spectantibus, servorum  dilectus  habebantur  pro  tribu- 
nali  Aurelio  nomine  conlegiorum,  cum  vicatim  homines 
conscriberentur,  decuriarentur,  ad  vim,  ad  manus,  ad 


xvii.  38.]     Affcal  to    Violence  and  Terror.  153 

caedem,  ad  direptionem  incitarentur.  Isdemque  consu- 
libus  arma  in  templum  Castoris  palam  comportabantur  ; 
gradus  ejusdem  templi  tollebantur ;  armati  homines 
forum  et  contiones  tenebant ;  caedes  lapidationesque 
fiebant.  Nullus  erat  senatus,  nihil  reliqui  magistra- 
tes ;  unus  omnem  omnium  potestatem  armis  et  latro- 
ciniis  possidebat,  non  aliqua  vi  sua,  sed  cum  duo  con- 
sules  a  re  publica  provinciarum  foedere  retraxisset, 
insultabat,  dominabatur,  [aliis  pollicebatur,]  terrore  ac 
metu  multos,  pluris  etiam  spe  et  promissis  tenebat. 

14.  Quae  cum  essent  ejus  modi,  judices,  —  cum  sena- 
tus duces  nullos  ac  pro  ducibus  proditores  aut  potius 
apertos  hostis  haberet,  equester  ordo  reus  a  consuli- 
bus  citaretur,  Italiae  totius  auctoritas  repudiaretur,  alii 
nominatim  relegarentur,  alii  metu  et  periculo  terre- 
rentur,  arma  essent  in  templis,  armati  in  foro,  eaque 
non  silentio  consulum  dissimularentur,  sed  et  voce  et 
sententia  comprobarentur,  cum  omnes  urbem  nondum 
excisam  et  eversam,  sed  jam  captam  atque  oppres- 
sam  videremus,  —  tamen  his  tantis  malis  tanto  bono- 
rum  studio,  judices,  restitissemus  :  sed  me  alii  metus 
atque  aliae  curae  suspitionesque  moverunt.  15.  Ex- 
ponam  enim  hodierno  die,  judices,  omnem  rationem 
facti  et  consili  mei,  neque  huic  vestro  tanto  studio 
audiendi  nee  vero  huic  tantae  multitudini,  quanta  mea 
memoria  numquam  ullo  in  judicio  fuit,  deero.  Nam 
si  ego  —  in  causa  tarn  bona,  tanto  studio  senatus,  con- 
sensu tarn  incredibili  bonorum  omnium,  tarn  parato, 
tota  denique  Italia  ad  omnem  contentionem  expedita 
—  cessi  tribuni  plebis,  despicatissimi  hominis,  furori, 
contemptissimorum  consulum  levitatem  audaciamque 
pertimui,  nimium  me  timidum,  nullius  animi,  nullius 
consili  fuisse  confiteor. 

16.  Erat  autem  mihi  contentio  non  cum  victore  exer- 
citu,  sed  cum  operis  conductis  et  ad  diripiendam  urbem 
concitatis.     Habebam  inimicum  non  C.  Marium,  ter- 


154  Cicero's  Exile  and  Return.         [Sestius, 

rorem  hostium,  spem  subsidiumque  patriae,  sed  duo 
importuna  prodigia,  quos  egestas,  quos  aeris  alieni 
magnitudo,  quos  levitas,  quos  improbitas  tribuno  ple- 
bis  constrictos  addixerat.  Quos  homines  si  —  id  quod 
facile  factu  fuit,  et  quod  fieri  debuit,  quodque  a  me 
optimi  et  fortissimi  cives  flagitabant  —  vi  armisque 
superassem,  non  verebar  ne  quis  aut  vim  vi  depui- 
sam  reprehenderet,  aut  perditorum  civium  [vel  potius 
domesticorum  hostium]  mortem  maereret.  1T»  Sed  me 
ilia  moverunt.  Omnibus  in  contionibus  ilia  furia  cla- 
mabat  se  quae  faceret  contra  salutem  meam  facere 
auctore  Cn.  Pompeio,  clarissimo  viro  mihique  et  nunc 
et  quoad  licuit  amicissimo.  M.  Crassus,  quocum 
mihi  omnes  erant  amicitiae  necessitudines,  vir  fortissi- 
mus,  ab  eadem  ilia  peste  infestissimus  esse  meis  for- 
tunis  praedicabatur.  C.  Caesar,  qui  a  me  nullo  meo 
merito  alienus  esse  debebat,  inimicissimus  esse  meae 
saluti  ab  eodem  cotidianis  contionibus  dicebatur.  His 
se  tribus  auctoribus  in  consiliis  capiendis,  adjutoribus 
in  re  gerenda  esse  usurum  dicebat :  ex  quibus  unum 
habere  exercitum  in  Italia  maximum  ;  duo,  qui  privati 
turn  essent,  et  praesto  esse  et  parare,  si  vellent,  exerci- 
tum posse,  idque  facturos  esse  dicebat.  18.  Nee  mihi  ille 
judicium  populi,  nee  legitimam  aliquam  contentionem, 
necdisceptationem  aut  causae  dictionem,  sed  vim,  arma, 
exercitus,  imperatores,  castra  denuntiabat.  Quid  ergo? 
inimici  oratio,  vana  praesertim,  tarn  improbe  in  claris- 
simos  viros  conjecta  me  movit  ?  Me  vero  non  illius 
oratio,  sed  eorum  taciturnitas,  in  quos  ilia  oratio  tarn 
improba  conferebatur :  qui  turn,  quamquam  ob  alias 
causas  tacebant,  tamen  hominibus  omnia  timentibus 
tacendo  loqui,  non  infitiando  confiteri  videbantur.  Illi 
autem  alio  turn  timore  perterriti  [quod  acta  ilia  atque 
omnis  res  anni  superioris  labefactari  a  praetoribus,  in- 
firmari  a  senatu  atque  principibus  civitatis  putabant], 
tribunum   popularem  a  se  alienare  nolebant,  suaque 


xx.  46.]     Why  he  shuns  an  Affeal  to  Force,         155 

sibi  propiora  esse  pericula  quam  mea  loquebantur. 
19.  Sed  tamen  et  Crassus  a  consulibus  meam  causam 
suscipiendam  esse  dicebat,  et  eorum  fidem  Pompeius 
implorabat,  neque  se  privatum  publice  susceptae  cau- 
sae defuturum  esse  dicebat.  Quern  virum  studiosum 
mei,  cupidissimum  rei  publicae  conservandae  [domi 
meae],  certi  homines  [ad  earn  rem  positi]  monuerunt, 
ut  esset  cautior,  ejusque  vitae  a  me  insidias  apud  me 
domi  positas  esse  dixerunt ;  atque  hanc  ejus  suspitio- 
nem  alii  litteris  mittendis,  alii  nuntiis,  alii  coram  ipsi 
excitaverunt,  ut  ille,  cum  a  me  certe  nihil  timeret,  ab 
illis  ne  quid  meo  nomine  molirentur  sibi  cavendum 
putaret.  Ipse  autem  Caesar,  quern  maxime  homines 
ignari  veritatis  mihi  esse  iratum  putabant,  erat  ad 
portas,  erat  cum  imperio ;  erat  in  Italia  ejus  exercitus, 
inque  eo  exercitu  ipsius  tribuni  plebis,  inimici  mei, 
fratrem  praefecerat. 

20.  Unum  enim  mihi  restabat  illud,  quod  forsitan  non 
nemo  vir  fortis  et  acris  animi  magnique  dixerit :  *  Re- 
stitisses,  repugnasses,  mortem  pugnans  oppetisses.'  De 
quo  te,  te,  inquam,  patria,  testor,  et  vos,  penates  patrii- 
que  dei,  me  vestrarum  sedum  templorumque  causa,  me 
propter  salutem  meorum  civium,  quae  mihi  semper 
fuit  mea  carior  vita,  dimicationem  caedemque  fugisse. 
Etenim  si  mihi  in  aliqua  nave  cum  meis  amicis  navi- 
ganti  hoc,  judices,  accidisset,  ut  multi  ex  multis  locis 
praedones  classibus  earn  navem  se  oppressuros  mini- 
tarentur,  nisi  me  unum  sibi  dedidissent,  si  id  vectores 
negarent,  ac  mecum  simul  interire  quam  me  tradere 
hostibus  mallent,  jecissem  ipse  me  potius  in  profun- 
dum,  ut  ceteros  conservarem,  quam  illos  mei  tarn  cupi- 
dos  non  modo  ad  certam  mortem,  sed  in  magnum  vitae 
discrimen  adducerem.  21.  Cum  vero  in  hanc  rei  pub- 
licae navem,  ereptis  senatui,  gubernaculis,  fluitantem  in 
alto  tempestatibus  seditionum  ac  discordiarum,  armatae 
tot   classes,  nisi  ego  essem  unus  deditus,  incursurae 


156  Cicero's  Exile  and  Return.  [Sestius, 

viderentur,  —  cum  proscriptio,  caedes,  direptio  denun- 
tiaretur;  cum  alii  me  suspitione  periculi  sui  non 
defenderent,  alii  vetere  odio  bonorum  incitarentur,  alii 
inviderent,  alii  obstare  sibi  me  arbitrarentur,  alii  ul- 
cisci  dolorem  aliquem  suum  vellent,  alii  rem  ipsam 
publicam  atque  hunc  bonorum  statum  otiumque  odis- 
sent,  et  ob  hasce  causas  tot  tamque  varias  me  unum 
deposcerent, — depugnarem  potius  cum  summo  non 
dicam  exitio,  sed  periculo  certe  vestro  liberorumque 
vestrorum  quam  [non]  id,  quod  omnibus  impendebat, 
unus  pro  omnibus  susciperem  ac  subirem? 

22.  i  Victi  essent  improbi.'  At  cives,  at  ab  eo  pri- 
vato,  qui  sine  armis  etiam  consul  rem  publicam  conser- 
varat.  Sin  victi  essent  boni,  qui  superessent?  nonne 
ad  servos  videtis  rem  publicam  venturam  fuisse?  An 
mihi  ipsi,  ut  quidam  putant,  fuit  mors  aequo  animo 
oppetenda?  Quid?  turn  mortemne  fugiebam?  an  erat 
res  ulla  quam  mihi  magis  optandam  putarem?  aut  ego 
illas  res  tantas  in  tanta  improborum  multitudine  cum 
gerebam,  non  mihi  mors,  non  exitium  ob  oculos  ver- 
sabatur?  non  haec  denique  a  me  turn  tamquam  fata 
in  ipsa  re  gerenda  canebantur?  23.  An  erat  mihi  in 
tanto  luctu  meorum,  tanta  dijunctione,  tanta  acerbi- 
tate,  tanta  spoliatione  omnium  rerum,  quas  mihi  aut 
natura  aut  fortuna  dederat,  vita  retinenda?  Tarn 
eram  rudis,  tarn  ignarus  rerum,  tam  expers  consili  aut 
ingeni?  nihil  audieram?  nihil  videram?  nihil  ipse 
legendo  quaerendoque  cognoveram?  Nesciebam  vitae 
brevem  esse  cursum,  gloriae  sempiternum?  cum  esset 
omnibus  definita  mors,  optandum  esse  ut  vita,  quae 
necessitati  deberetur,  patriae  potius  donata  quam 
reservata  naturae  videretur?  Nesciebam  inter  sapi- 
entissimos  homines  hanc  contentionem  fuisse,  ut  alii 
dicerent  animos  hominum  sensusque  morte  restingui, 
alii  autem  turn  mentis  maxime  sapientium  ac  fortium 
virorum,  cum  ex  corpore  excessissent,  sentire  ac  vi- 


xxii.  so.]       His  Exile  has  saved  the  State.  157 

gere?  Quorum  alterum  fugiendum  non  esse,  carere 
sensu  :  alterum  etiam  optandum,  meliore  esse  sensu. 

24.  Haec  ego  et  multa  alia  cogitans  hoc  videbam,  si 
causam  publicam  mea  mors  peremisset,  neminem  um- 
quam  fore  qui  auderet  suscipere  contra  improbos  civis 
salutem  rei  publicae.  Itaque  non  solum  si  vi  interis- 
sem,  sed  etiam  si  morbo  exstinctus  essem,  fore  puta- 
bam  ut  exemplum  rei  publicae  conservandae  mecum 
simul  internet.  Quis  enim  umquam  —  me  a  senatu 
populoque  Romano  tanto  omnium  bonorum  studio  non 
restituto,  quod  certe,  si  essem  interfectus,  accidere  non 
potuisset  —  ullam  rei  publicae  partem  cum  sua  minima 
invidia  auderet  attingere?  Servavi  igitur  rem  publi- 
cam discessu  meo,  judices  :  caedem  a  vobis  liberisque 
vestris,  vastitatem,  incendia,  rapinas  meo  dolore  luctu- 
que  depuli,  et  unus  bis  rem  publicam  servavi,  semel  glo- 
ria, iterum  aerumna  mea.  25.  Neque  enim  in  hoc  me 
hominem  esse  infitiabor  umquam,  ut  me  optimo  fratre, 
carissimis  liberis,  fidissima  conjuge,  vestro  conspectu, 
patria,  hoc  honoris  gradu,  sine  dolore  caruisse  glorier. 
Quod  si  fecissem,  quod  a  me  beneficium  haberetis, 
cum  pro  vobis  ea,  quae  mihi  essent  vilia,  reliquissem? 
Hoc  meo  quidem  animo  summi  in  patriam  amoris  mei 
signum  esse  debet  certissimum,  quod,  cum  abesse  ab 
ea  sine  summo  dolore  non  possem,  hunc  me  perpeti 
quam  illam  labefactari  ab  improbis  malui. 

26.  Memineram,  judices,  divinum  ilium  virum,  at- 
que  ex  isdem  quibus  nos  radicibus  natum  ad  salutem 
hujus  imperi,  C.  Marium,  sum  ma  senectute,  cum  vi 
prope  justorum  armorum  profugisset,  primo  senile 
corpus  paludibus  occultasse  demersum,  deinde  ad 
infimorum  ac  tenuissimorum  hominum  [Minturnis]  mi- 
sericordiam  confugisse  ;  inde  navigio  perparvo,  cum 
omnis  portus  terrasque  fugeret,  in  oras  Africae  deser- 
tissimas  pervenisse.  27.  Atque  ille  vitam  suam,  ne 
inultus  esset,  ad  incertissimam  spem  et  ad  rei  publicae 


IS 8  Cicero's  Exile  and  Return.  [Sestius, 

fatum  reservavit :  ego,  qui  (quern  ad  modum  multi 
in  senatu  me  absente  dixerunt)  periculo  rei  publicae 
vivebam,  quique  ob  earn  causam  consularibus  litteris 
de  senatus  sententia  exteris  nationibus  commendabar, 
nonne,  si  meam  vitam  deseruissem,  rem  publicam 
prodidissem?  in  qua  quidem  nunc  me  restituto  vivit 
mecum  simul  exemplum  fidei  publicae.  Quod  si 
immortale  retinetur,  quis  non  intellegit  immortalem 
banc  civitatem  futuram?  28.  Nam  externa  bella 
regum,  gentium,  nationum  jam  pridem  ita  exstincta 
sunt,  ut  praeclare  cum  eis  agamus,  quos  pacatos 
esse  patiamur.  Denique  ex  bellica  victoria  non  fere 
quemquam  est  invidia  civium  consecuta.  Domes- 
ticis  malis  et  audacium  civium  consiliis  saepe  est  re- 
sistendum,  eorumque  periculorum  est  in  re  publica 
retinenda  medicina  :  quam  omnem,  judices,  perdidis- 
setis,  si  meo  interitu  senatui  populoque  Romano  dolo- 
ris  sui  de  me  declarandi  potestas  esset  erepta.  Qua 
re  moneo  vos,  adulescentes,  atque  hoc  meo  jure  prae- 
cipio,  qui  dignitatem,  qui  rem  publicam,  qui  glonam 
spectatis,  ne,  si  quae  vos  aliquando  necessitas  ad  rem 
publicam  contra  improbos  civis  defendendam  vocabit, 
segniores  sitis,  et  recordatione  mei  casus  a  consiliis 
fortibus  refugiatis.  29.  Primum,  non  est  periculum  ne 
quis  umquam  incidat  in  ejus  modi  consules,  praesertim 
si  erit  eis  id  quod  debetur  persolutum.  Deinde  num- 
quam  jam,  ut  spero,  quisquam  improbus  consilio  et 
auxilio  bonorum  se  oppugnare  rem  publicam  dicet  illis 
tacentibus,  nee  armati  exercitus  terrorem  opponet  to- 
gatis  ;  neque  erit  justa  causa  ad  portas  sedenti  impera- 
tori,  qua  re  suum  terrorem  falso  jactari  opponique  pati- 
atur.  Numquam  denique  erit  tarn  oppressus  senatus, 
ut  ei  ne  supplicandi  quidem  ac  lugendi  sit  potestas  ; 
tarn  captus  equester  ordo,  ut  equites  Romani  a  consule 
relegentur.  Quae  cum  omnia  atque  etiam  multo  alia 
majora,  quae   consulto  praetereo,  accidissent,  videtis 


xxiv.  54]      The   Consuls  have  their  Reward*  159 

me  tamen  in  meam  pristinam  dignitatem,  brevi  tem- 
pore doloris  interjecto,  rei  publicae  voce  esse  re- 
vocatum. 

30.  Sed  (ut  revertar  ad  illud  quod  mihi  in  hac  omni 
est  oratione  propositum,  omnibus  malis  illo  anno  sce- 
lere  consulum  rem  publicam  esse  confectam)  primum 
illo  ipso  die,  qui  mihi  funestus  fuit,  omnibus  bonis 
luctuosus,  —  cum  ego  me  e  complexu  patriae  con- 
spectuque  vestro  eripuissem,  et  metu  vestri  periculi, 
non  mei,  furori  hominis,  sceleri,  perfidiae,  telis  minis- 
que  cessissem,  patriamque,  quae  mihi  erat  carissima, 
propter  ipsius  patriae  caritatem  reliquissem ;  cum 
meum  ilium  casum  tarn  horribilem,  tarn  gravem,  tarn 
repentinum  non  solum  homines,  sed  tecta  urbis  ac  tem- 
pla  lugerent,  nemo  vestrum  forum,  nemo  curiam,  nemo 
lucem  aspicere  vellet,  —  illo,  inquam,  ipso  die,  die 
dico?  immo  hora  atque  etiam  puncto  temporis  eodem, 
mihi  reique  publicae  pernicies,  Gabinio  et  Pisoni  pro- 
vincia  rogata  est.  31.  Pro  dei  immortales,  custodes  et 
conservatores  hujus  urbis  atque  imperi !  quaenam  ilia 
in  re  publica  monstra,  quae  scelera  vidistis  !  Civis  erat 
expulsus  is,  qui  rem  publicam  ex  senatus  auctoritate 
cum  omnibus  bonis  defenderat,  et  expulsus  non  alio 
aliquo,  sed  eo  ipso  crimine.  Erat  autem  expulsus 
sine  judicio,  vi,  lapidibus,  ferro,  servitio  denique  con- 
citato  :  lex  erat  lata  vasto  ac  relicto  foro  et  sicariis  ser- 
visque  tradito  ;  et  ea  lex,  quae  ut  ne  ferretur,  senatus 
fuerat  veste  mutata.  32.  Hac  tanta  perturbatione  civi- 
tatis  ne  noctem  quidem  consules  inter  meum  interitum 
et  suam  praedam  interesse  passi  sunt :  statim  me  per- 
culso  ad  meum  sanguinem  hauriendum,  et  spirante 
etiam  re  publica  ad  ejus  spolia  detrahenda  advolave- 
runt.  Omitto  gratulationes,  epulas,  partitionem  aerari, 
beneficia,  spem,  promissa,  praedam,  laetitiam  pauco- 
rum  in  luctu  omnium.  Vexabatur  uxor  mea  :  liberi 
ad  necem  quaerebantur :    gener,  et  Piso  gener  a  Pi- 


160  Cicero's  Exile  and  Return.  [Sestius, 

sonis  consulis  pedibus  supplex  reiciebatur :  bona  di- 
ripiebantur,  eaque  ad  consules  deferebantur :  domus 
ardebat  in  Palatio :  consules  epulabantur.  Quod  si 
meis  incommodis  laetabantur,  urbis  tamen  periculo 
commoverentur.   .   .   . 

33.  Hie  aliquando,  serius  quam  ipse  vellet,  Cn. 
Pompeius,  invitissimis  eis  qui  mentem  optimi  ac  fortis- 
simi  viri  suis  consiliis  fictisque  terroribus  a  defensione 
meae  salutis  averterant,  excitavit  illam  suam  non  sopi- 
tam,  sed  suspitione  aliqua  retardatam  consuetudinem 
reipublicae  bene  gerendae.  Non  est  passus  ille  vir  — 
qui  sceleratissimos  civis,  qui  acerrimos  hostis,  qui  maxi- 
mas  nationes,  qui  reges,  qui  gentis  feras  atque  inaudi- 
tas,  qui  praedonum  infinitam  manum,  qui  etiam  servitia 
virtute  victoriaque  domuisset,  qui  omnibus  bellis  terra 
marique  compressis  imperium  populi  Romani  orbis 
terrarum  terminis  definisset  —  rem  publicam  everti 
scelere  paucorum,  quam  ipse  non  solum  consiliis,  sed 
etiam  sanguine  suo  saepe  servasset.  34.  Accessit  ad 
causam  publicam  :  restitit  auctoritate  sua  reliquis  re- 
bus :  questus  est  de  praeteritis.  Fieri  quaedam  ad 
meliorem  spem  inclinatio  visa  est.  Decrevit  senatus 
frequens  de  meo  reditu  Kalendis  Juniis,  dissentiente 
nullo,  referente  L.  Ninnio,  cujus  in  mea  causa  num- 
quam  fides  virtusque  contremuit.  De  meo  reditu  octo 
tribuni  promulgaverunt.  Ex  quo  intellectum  est  non 
mihi  absenti  cfecrevisse  amicos,  in  ea  praesertim  for- 
tuna,  in  qua  non  nulli  etiam,  quos  esse  putaveram,  non 
erant,  sed  eos  voluntatem  semper  eandem,  libertatem 
non  eandem  semper  habuisse.  Nam  ex  novem  tribu- 
nis,  quos  tamen  habueram,  unus  me  absente  defluxit, 
qui  cognomen  sibi  ex  Aeliorum  imaginibus  adripuit, 
quo  magis  nationis  ejus  esse  quam  generis  videretur. 

35.  Abiit  ille  annus  :  veniunt  Kalendae  Januariae. 
Vos  haec  melius  scire  potestis ;  equidem  audita  dico : 
quae  turn  frequentia  senatus,  quae  exspectatio  populi, 


xxxiv.  74-]  Cotia  moves  his  Recall.  161 

qui  concursus  legator  urn  ex  Italia  cuncta,  quae  virtus, 
actio,  gravitas  P.  Lentuli  consulis  fuerit,  quae  etiam 
conlegae  ejus  moderatio  de  me ;  qui  cum  inimicitias 
sibi  mecum  ex  rei  publicae  dissensione  susceptas  esse 
dixisset,  eas  se  patribus  conscriptis  dixit  et  temporibus 
rei  publicae  permissurum.  36.  Turn  princeps  rogatus 
sententiam  L.  Cotta  dixit  —  id  quod  dignissimum  re 
publica  fuit — nihil  de  me  actum  esse  jure,  nihil  more 
majorum,  nihil  legibus  ;  non  posse  quemquam  de  civi- 
tate  tolli  sine  judicio  ;  de  capite  non  modo  ferri  sed 
ne  judicari  quidem  posse  nisi  comitiis  centuriatis ;  vim 
fuisse  illam,  flammam  quassatae  rei  publicae  pertur- 
batorumque  temporum  jure  judiciisque  sublatis  ;  magna 
rerum  permutatione  impendente,  declinasse  me  pau- 
lum,  et  spe  reliquae  tranquillitatis  praesentis  fluctus 
tempestatemque  fugisse  :  qua  re,  cum  absens  rem  pub- 
licam  non  minus  magnis  periculis  quam  quodam  tem- 
pore praesens  liberassem,  non  restitui  me  solum,  sed 
etiam  ornari  a  senatu  decere.  Disputavit  etiam  multa 
prudenter,  ita  de  me  ilium  amentissimum  et  profliga- 
tissimum  hostem  pudoris  et  pudicitiae  scripsisse  quae 
scripsisset,  eis  verbis,  rebus,  sententiis,  ut,  etiam  si 
jure  esset  rogatum,  tamen  vim  habere  non  posset: 
qua  re  me,  qui  nulla  lege  abessem,  non  restitui  lege, 
sed  revocari  senatus  auctoritate  oportere.  37.  Hunc 
nemo  erat  quin  verissime  sentire  diceret.  Sed  post 
eum  rogatus  Cn.  Pompeius,  approbata  laudataque 
Cottae  sententia,  dixit  sese  oti  mei  causa,  ut  omni 
populari  concitatione  defungerer,  censere  ut  ad  se- 
natus auctoritatem  populi  quoque  Romani  beneficium 
erga  me  adjungeretur.  Cum  omnes  certatim,  aliusque 
alio  gravius  atque  ornatius  de  mea  salute  dixisset, 
fieretque  sine  ulla  varietate  discessio,  surrexit  (ut  sci- 
tis)  Atilius  hie  Gavianus,  nee  ausus  est,  cum  esset 
emptus,  intercedere :  noctem  sibi  ad  deliberandum 
postulavit.     Clamor  senatus  :   querellae,  preces,  socer 


1 62  Cicero's  Exile  and  Return.         [Sestius, 

ad  pedes  abjectus.  Ille  se  adfirmare  postero  die  mo- 
ram  nullam  esse  facturum.  Creditum  est :  discessum 
est.  Illi  interea  deliberatori  merces,  longa  interposita 
nocte,  duplicata  est.  Consecuti  dies  pauci  omnino 
Januario  mense  per  quos  senatum  haberi  liceret :  sed 
tamen  actum  nihil  nisi  de  me. 

38.  Cum  omni  mora,  ludifkatione,  calumnia  senatus 
auctoritas  impediretur,  venit  tandem  concilio  de  me 
agencii  dies  vin.  Kalendas  Februarias.  Princeps  ro- 
gationis,  vir  mihi  amicissimus,  Q^  Fabricius,  templum 
aliquanto  ante  lucem  occupavit.  Quietus  eo  die  Ses- 
tius, is  qui  est  de  vi  reus  :  actor  hie  defensorque  causae 
meae  nihil  progreditur ;  consilia  exspectat  inimicorum 
meorum.  Quid  illi,  quorum  consilio  P.  Sestius  in 
judicium  vocatur,  quo  se  pacto  gerunt?  Cum  forum, 
comitium,  curiam  multa  de  nocte  armatis  hominibus 
ac  servis  plerisque  occupavissent,  impetum  faciunt  in 
Fabricium  ;  manus  adferunt,  occidunt  non  nullos,  vol- 
nerant  multos.  39.  Venientem  in  forum,  virum  opti- 
mum et  constantissimum,  M.  Cispium,  tribunum  plebis, 
vi  depellunt :  caedem  in  foro  maximam  faciunt :  uni- 
versique,  destrictis  gladiis  et  cruentis,  in  omnibus  fori 
partibus  fratrem  meum  [virum  optimum,  fortissimum 
meique  amantissimum]  oculis  quaerebant,  voce  posce- 
bant.  Quorum  ille  telis  libenter  in  tanto  luctu  ac  desi- 
derio  mei  [non  repugnandi,  sed  moriendi  causa]  corpus 
obtulisset  suum,  nisi  suam  vitam  ad  spem  mei  reditus 
reservasset.  Subiit  tamen  vim  illam  nefariam  conscele- 
ratorum  latronum,  et,  cum  acTfratris  salutem  a  populo 
Romano  deprecandam  venisset,  pulsus  e  rostris  in  co- 
mitio  jacuit,  seque  servorum  et  libertorum  corporibus 
obtexit,  vitamque  turn  suam  noctis  et  fugae  praesidio, 
non  juris  judiciorumque  defendit.  40.  Meministis  turn, 
judices,  corporibus  civium  Tiberim  compleri,  cloacas 
refarciri,  e  foro  spongiis  effingi  sanguinem,  ut  omnes 
tantam   illam   copiam  et  tarn  magnificum  apparatum 


xxxvi.  73.]      Bloody  Fight  in  the  Forum.  163 

non  privatum  aut  plebeium,  sed  patricium  et  praetorium 
esse  arbitrarentur. 

Nihil  neque  ante  hoc  tempus  neque  hoc  ipso  turbu- 
lentissimo  die  criminamini  Sestium.  '  Atqui  vis  in 
foro  versata  est.'  Certe  :  quando  enim  major?  La- 
pidationes  persaepe  vidimus  :  non  ita  saepe,  sed  nim- 
ium  tamen  saepe  gladios.  Caedem  vero  tantam,  tantos 
acervos  corporum  exstructos,  nisi  forte  illo  Cinnano 
atque  Octaviano  die,  quis  umquam  in  foro  vidit?  qua 
ex  concitatione  animorum?  Nam  ex  pertinacia  aut 
constantia  intercessoris  oritur  saepe  seditio,  culpa  at- 
que improbitate  latoris  oblato  commodo  aliquo  imperi- 
tis  aut  largitione ;  oritur  ex  concertatione  magistra- 
tuum  ;  oritur  sensim  ex  clamore  primum,  deinde  aliqua 
discessione  contionis  :  vix,  sero  et  raro  ad  manus  per- 
venitur.  Nullo  vero  verbo  facto,  nulla  condone  advo- 
cata,  nulla  lata  lege,  concitatam  nocturnam  seditionem 
quis  audivit?  41.  An  veri  simile  est,  ut  civis  Romanus 
aut  homo  liber  quisquam  cum  gladio  in  forum  descen- 
derit  ante  lucem,  ne  de  me  ferri  pateretur,  praeter  eos 
qui  ab  illo  pestifero  ac  perdito  civi  jam  pridem  rei  pub- 
licae  sanguine  saginantur?  Hie  jam  de  ipso  accusa- 
tore  quaero,  qui  P.  Sestium  queritur  cum  multitudine 
in  tribunatu  et  cum  praesidio  magno  fuisse,  num  illo 
die  merit?  Certe  non  fuit.  Victa  igitur  est  causa  rei 
publicae,  et  victa  non  auspiciis,  non  intercessione,  non 
suffragiis,  sed  vi,  manu,  ferro.  Nam  si  obnuntiasset 
[Fabricio]  is  praetor  qui  se  servasse  de  caelo  dixerat, 
accepisset  res  publica  plagam,  sed  earn  quam  accep- 
tam  gemere  posset :  si  intercessisset  conlega  Fabricio, 
laesisset  rem  publicam,  sed  [rem  publicam]  jure  laesis- 
set.  Gladiatores  tu  novicios,  pro  exspectata  aedilitate 
suppositos,  cum  sicariis  e  carcere  emissis  ante  lucem 
immittas?  magistratus  templo  deicias?  caedem  maxi- 
mam  facias?  forum  spurces?  et,  cum  omnia  vi  et  armis 
egeris,  accuses  eum  qui  se  praesidio  munierit,  non  ut 
te  oppugnaret,  sed  ut  vitam  suam  posset  defendere? 


164  Cicero's  Exile  and  Return.         [Sestius, 

42.  Atqui  ne  ex  eo  quidem  tempore  id  egit  Sestius, 
ut  a  suis  munitus  tuto  in  foro  magistratum  gereret,  rem 
publicam  administraret.  Itaque  fretus  sanctitate  tribu- 
natus,  cum  se  non  modo  contra  vim  et  ferrum,  sed 
etiam  contra  verba  atque  interfationem  legibus  sacratis 
esse  armatum  putaret,  venit  in  templum  Castoris,  ob- 
nuntiavit  consuli :  cum  subito  manus  ilia  Clodiana,  in 
caede  civium  saepe  jam  victrix,  exclamat,  incitatur, 
invadit;  inermem  atque  imparatum  tribunum  alii  gla- 
diis  adoriuntur,  alii  fragmentis  saeptorum  et  fustibus  : 
a  quibus  hie,  multis  volneribus  acceptis,  [ac]  debilitato 
corpore  et  contrucidato,  se  abjecit  exanimatus  ;  neque 
ulla  alia  re  ab  se  mortem  nisi  opinione  mortis  depulit. 
Quern  cum  jacentem  et  concisum  plurimis  volneribus, 
extremo  spiritu  exsanguem  et  confectum  viderent,  de- 
fetigatione  magis  et  errore  quam  niisericordia  et  modo 
aliquando  caedere  destiterunt. 

43.  Adiit  ad  rem  publicam  [tribunus  plebis]  Milo, — 
de  cujus  laude  plura  dicam,  non  quo  aut  ipse  haec  dici 
quam  existimari  malit,  aut  ego  hunc  laudis  fructum 
praesenti  libenter  impertiam,  praesertim  cum  verbis 
consequi  non  possim  ;  sed  quod  existimo,  si  Milonis 
causam  accusatoris  voce  conlaudatam  probaro,  vos  in 
hoc  crimine  parem  Sesti  causam  existimaturos.  Adiit 
igitur  T.  Annius  ad  causam  rei  publicae  sic,  ut  civem 
patriae  recuperare  vellet  ereptum.  Simplex  causa, 
constans  ratio,  plena  consensionis  omnium,  plena  con- 
cordiae.  Conlegas  adjutores  habebat :  consulis  alterius 
summum  studium,  alterius  animus  paene  placatus ; 
de  praetoribus  unus  alienus  ;  senatus  incredibilis  vo- 
luntas, equitum  Romanorum  animi  ad  causam  excitati, 
erecta  Italia.  Duo  soli  erant  empti  ad  impediendum  : 
qui  si  homines  despecti  et  contempti  tantam  rem  sus- 
tinere  non  potuissent,  se  causam  quam  susceperat 
nullo  labore  peracturum  videbat.  Agebat  auctoritate, 
agebat  consilio,  agebat  per  summum  ordinem,  agebat 


xlii.  90.]  Milo  and  Clodius.  165 

exemplo  bonorum  et  fortium  civium.  Quid  republica, 
quid  se  dignum  esset,  quis  ipse  esset,  quid  sperare, 
quid  majoribus  suis  reddere  deberet,  diligentissime 
cogitabat.  44.  Huic  gravitati  hominis  videbat  ille 
gladiator  se,  si  moribus  ageret,  parem  esse  non 
posse.  Ad  cotidianam  caedem,  incendia,  rapinas  se 
cum  exercitu  suo  contulit :  domum  oppugnare,  itine- 
ribus  occurrere,  vi  lacessere  et  terrere  coepit.  Non 
movit  hominem  summa  gravitate  summaque  constantia. 
Sed  —  quamquam  dolor  animi,  innata  libertas,  prompta 
excellensque  virtus  fortissimum  virum  hortabatur,  vi 
vim  oblatam,  praesertim  saepius,  ut  frangeret  et  refu- 
taret — tanta  moderatio  fuit  hominis,  tantum  consilium, 
ut  contineret  dolorem,  neque  eadem  se  re  ulcisceretur 
qua  esset  lacessitus  ;  sed  ilium,  tot  jam  in  funeribus  rei 
publicae  exsultantem  ac  tripudiantem,  legum,  si  posset, 
laqueis  constringeret.  45.  Descendit  ad  accusandum. 
Quis  umquam  tarn  proprie  rei  publicae  causa?  nullis 
inimicitiis,  nullis  praemiis,  nulla  hominum  postulatione 
aut  etiam  opinione  id  eum  umquam  esse  facturum. 
Fracti  erant  animi  hominis  :  hoc  enim  accusante,  pris- 
tini  illius  sui  judici  turpitudinem  desperabat.  Ecce 
tibi  consul,  praetor,  tribunus  plebis  nova  novi  generis 
edicta  proponunt :  Ne  reus  adsit,  ne  citetur,  ne  quae- 
ratur,  ne  mentionem  omnino  cuiquam  fudicum  aut 
judiciorum  facere  liceat.  Quid  ageret  vir  ad  vir- 
tutem,  dignitatem,  gloriam  natus,  vi  sceleratorum 
hominum  conroborata,  legibus  judiciisque  sublatis? 
Cervices  tribunus  plebis  privato,  praestantissimus  vir 
profligatissimo  homini  daret?  an  causam  susceptam 
adfligeret?  an  se  domi  contineret?  Et  vinci  turpe  puta- 
vit,  et  deterreri,  et  latere.  Perfecit  ut,  quoniam  sibi  in 
ilium  legibus  uti  non  liceret,  illius  vim  neque  in  suo 
neque  in  rei  publicae  periculo  pertimesceret. 

46.  Quo  modo  igitur  hoc  in  genere  [praesidi  com- 
parati]  accusas  Sestium,  cum  idem  laudes  Milonem? 


1 66  Cicero's  Exile  and  Return,         [Sestius, 

An  qui  sua  tecta  defendit,  qui  ab  aris,  focis,  ferrum 
flammamque  depellit,  qui  sibi  licere  volt  tuto  esse  in 
foro,  in  templo,  in  curia,  jure  praesidium  comparat ; 
qui  volneribus,  quae  cernit  cotidie  toto  corpore,  mone- 
tur  ut  aliquo  praesidio  caput  et  cervices  et  jugulum 
ac  latera  tutetur,  —  hunc  de  vi  accusandum  putas? 

47.  Quis  enim  nostrum,  judices,  ignorat  ita  naturam 
rerum  tulisse,  ut  quodam  tempore  homines,  nondum 
neque  naturali  neque  civili  jure  descripto,  fusi  per 
agros  ac  dispersi  vagarentur,  tantumque  haberent 
quantum  manu  ac  viribus  per  caedem  ac  volnera  aut 
eripere  aut  retinere  potuissent?  Qui  igitur  primi  vir- 
tute  et  consilio  praestanti  exstiterunt,  ei,  perspecto 
genere  humanae  docilitatis  atque  ingeni,  dissipatos 
unum  in  locum  congregarunt,  eosque  ex  feritate  ilia 
ad  justitiam  atque  ad  mansuetudinem  transduxerunt. 
Turn  res  ad  communem  utilitatem  quas  publicas  ap- 
pellamus ;  turn  conventicula  hominum,  quae  postea 
civitates  nominatae  sunt;  turn  domicilia  conjuncta, 
quas  urbis  dicimus,  invento  et  divino  jure  et  humano  ut 
moenibus  saepserunt.  48.  Atque  inter  hanc  vitam  per- 
politam  humanitate  et  illam  immanem  nihil  tarn  inter- 
est quam  jus  atque  vis.  Horum  utro  uti  nolumus, 
altero  est  utendum.  Vim  volumus  exstingui :  jus 
valeat  necesse  est,  —  id  est,  judicia,  quibus  omne  jus 
continetur.  Judicia  displicent  aut  nulla  sunt :  vis  do- 
minetur  necesse  est.  Hoc  vident  omnes.  Milo  etvidit 
et  fecit  [ut  jus  experiretur,  vim  depelleret].  Altero 
uti  voluit,  ut  virtus  audaciam  vinceret ;  altero  usus 
necessario  est,  ne  virtus  ab  audacia  vinceretur.  Eadem- 
que  ratio  fuit  Sesti,  si  minus  in  accusando  —  neque 
enim  per  omnis  fuit  idem  fieri  necesse  —  at  certe  in 
necessitate  defendendae  salutis  suae,  praesidioque  con- 
tra vim  et  manum  comparando.  .  .  . 

49.  Reditus  vero  meus  qui  fuerit  quis  ignorat?  quern 
ad  modum  mihi  advenienti  tamquam  totius  Italiae  at- 


lxix.  144.]        His    Welcome  back  to  Italy,  167 

que  ipsius  patriae  dextram  porrexerint  Brundisini,  — 
cum  ipsis  Nonis  Sextilibus  idem  dies  adventus  mei  luis- 
set  redhusgue,  qui  natalis  idem  carissimae  filiae,  quam 
ex  gravissimo  turn  primum  desiderio  luctuque  conspexi ; 
idem  etiam  ipsius  coloniae  Brundisinae ;  idem  (ut  sci- 
tis)  aedls  Salutls:  cumque  me  domus  eadem  optimo- 
rum  et  doctissimorum  virorum,  M.  Laeni  Flacci  et 
patris  et  fratris  ejus,  laetissima  accepisset,  quae  proxi- 
mo anno  maerens  receperat  et  suo  praesidio  periculo- 
que  defenderat ;  cumque  itinere  toto  urbes  Italiae  festos 
dies  agere  adventus  mei  videbantur ;  viae  multitudine 
legatorum  undique  missorum  celebrabantur  ;  ad  urbem 
accessus  incredibili  hominum  multitudine  et  gratula- 
tione  florebat ;  iter  a  porta,  in  Capitolium  ascensus, 
domum  reditus  erat  ejus  modi,  ut  summa  in  laetitia 
illud  dolerem,  civitatem  tarn  gratam  tarn  miseram 
atque  oppressam  fuisse. 

50.  Sed  me  repente,  judices,  de  fortissimorum  et 
clarissimorum  civium  dignitate  et  gloria  dicentem  et 
plura  etiam  dicere  parantem,  horum  aspectus  in  ipso 
cursu  orationis  repressit.  Video  P.  Sestium  —  meae 
salutis,  vestrae  auctoritatis,  publicae  causae  defenso- 
rem,  propugnatorem,  actorem  —  reum.  Video  hunc 
praetextatum  ejus  filium  oculis  lacrimantibus  me  intu- 
entem.  Video  Milonem,  vindicem  vestrae  libertatis, 
custodem  salutis  meae,  subsidium  adflictae  rei  publi- 
cae, exstinctorem  domestici  latrocini,  repressorem 
caedis  cotidianae,  defensorem  templorum  atque  tecto- 
rum,  praesidium  curiae,  sordidatum  et  reum.  Video 
P.  Lentulum,  cujus  ego  patrem  deum  ac  parentem 
statuo  fortunae  ac  nominis  mei  et  fratris  rerumque 
nostrarum,  in  hoc  misero  squalore  et  sordibus :  cui 
superior  annus  idem  et  virilem  patris  et  praetextam 
populi  judicio  togam  dederit,  hunc  hoc  anno  in  hac 
toga  rogationis  injustissimae  subitam  acerbitatem 
pro  patre  fortissimo  et  clarissimo  cive  deprecantem. 


168  Cicero's  Exile  and  Return,  [Sestius. 

51.  Atque  hie  tot  et  talium  civium  squalor,  hie  luctus, 
hae  sordes  susceptae  sunt  propter  unum  me  :  quia  me 
defenderunt,  quia  meum  casum  luctumque  doluerunt, 
quia  me  lugenti  patriae,  flagitanti  senatui,  poscenti 
Italiae,  vobis  omnibus  orantibus  reddiderunt.  Quod 
tantum  est  in  me  scelus?  Quid  tanto  opere  deliqui  illo 
die,  cum  ad  vos  indicia,  litteras,  confessiones  commu- 
nis exiti  detuli,  cum  parui  vobis?  Ac  si  scelestum  est 
amare  patriam,  pertuli  poenarum  satis.  Eversa  domus 
est,  fortunae  vexatae,  dissipati  liberi,  raptata  conjux, 
frater  optimus,  incredibili  pietate,  amore  inaudito, 
maximo  in  squalore  volutatus  est  ad  pedes  inimicis- 
simorum.  Ego  pulsus  aris,  focis,  dis  penatibus, 
distractus  a  meis,  carui  patria,  quam,  ut  levissime 
dicam,  certe  dilexeram  :  pertuli  crudelitatem  inimico- 
rum,  scelus  infidelium,  fraudem  invidorum. 

52.  Si  hoc  non  est  satis,  quod  haec  omnia  deleta  vi- 
dentur  reditu  meo,  multo  mihi,  multo  (inquam),  judi- 
ces,  praestat  in  eandem  illam  recidere  fortunam,  quam 
tantam  importare  meis  defensoribus  et  conservatoribus 
calamitatem.  An  ego  in  hac  urbe  esse  possim,  his 
pulsis  qui  me  hujus  urbis  compotem  fecerunt?  Non 
ero,  non  potero  esse,  judices.  Neque  hie  umquam 
puer,  qui  his  lacrimis  qua  sit  pietate  declarat,  amisso 
patre  suo  propter  me,  me  ipsum  incolumem  videbit; 
nee  quotienscumque  me  viderit,  ingemescet  ac  pestem 
suam  ac  patris  sui  se  dicet  videre.  Ego  vero  hos  in 
omni  fortuna,  quaecumque  erit  oblata,  complectar; 
nee  me  ab  eis  quos  meo  nomine  sordidatos  videtis 
umquam  ulla  fortuna  divellet;  neque  eae  nationes, 
quibus  me  senatus  commendavit,  quibus  de  me  gratias 
egit,  hunc  exsulem  propter  me  sine  me  videbunt. 


DEFENCE    OF  MILO. 

B.C.   52. 

During  the  absence  of  Caesar  in  Gaul,  and  after  the  disastrous 
campaign  of  Crassus  in  the  East  (b.  c.  54),  Pompey  remained  in 
Rome,  with  an  influence  which  would  have  amounted  to  absolute 
power,  if  he  had  been  a  man  of  more  political  sagacity,  and  had 
known  his  own  mind  better.  The  real  leader  of  the  popular  party 
at  this  time  was  Clodius,  a  man  of  versatile  and  brilliant  gifts,  of 
high  birth  but  infamous  life,  a  bitter  and  unscrupulous  partisan  in 
politics  ;  while,  after  the  death  of  Crassus,  the  unnatural  coalition 
was  dissolved,  and  Pompey  drifted  easily  into  the  ranks  of  the  oli- 
garchy, where  his  real  sympathies  attached  him.  The  strife  of  par- 
ties, which  had  broken  out  at  the  time  of  Cicero's  recall,  soon  raged 
with  more  violence  than  ever.  The  organized  mob,  headed  by  Clo- 
dius, was  resisted  by  a  troop  of  professional  bullies  and  prize-fight- 
ers {gladiatores),  purchased  and  led  by  Milo.  This  was  greatly 
praised  in  him  as  a  mark  of  public  spirit.  (De  Off.  ii.  17.)  His 
hearty  partisanship,  his  lavish  use  of  money,  his  personal  courage, 
his  headstrong  temper,  and  his  friendly  relations  with  many  mem- 
bers of  the  aristocracy,  made  him  a  recognized  leader ;  while  Cicero 
himself  was  personally  grateful  to  him  for  his  bold  and  unhesitating 
defence  at  the  time  of  his  darkest  fortunes. 

Under  the  auspices  of  these  two  leaders,  the  old  political  strife 
was  turned  into  a  contest  of  bludgeons.  The  disorders  were  so 
great,  that  the  year  B.  c.  53  was  half  over  before  consuls  were 
elected  —  who  should  have  been  chosen  six  months  before  the  be- 
ginning of  the  year.  The  next  year  began  with  the  same  disorder, 
and  with  no  consuls.  Milo  was  a  candidate  for  the  consulship,  but 
his  election  had  been  successfully  resisted  by  Clodius.  On  the  18th 
of  January,  the  quarrel  came  to  a  bloody  crisis.  Milo  had  set  out 
from  Rome,  towards  nightfall,  with  a  large  retinue,  including  his 
troop  of  armed  guards  or  dependants,  for  Lanuvium,  a  village  about 
twenty  miles  S.E.  of  Rome,  where  he  held  an  office  of  some  local 
dignity.  He  was  met  on  the  Appian  Way,  a  few  miles  out,  by  Clo- 
dius, returning  on  horseback,  with  thirty  armed  attendants,  from  one 
of  his  estates.  As  they  passed  each  other,  their  mob  of  followers 
came  to  blows.     Clodius  was  wounded,  and  driven  into  a  shop  or 


170  Defence  of  Milo.  [Milo, 

tavern  by  the  wayside.  Here  Milo,  not  to  leave  so  dangerous  an 
enemy  alive,  followed  him  up ;  and  Clodius  with  a  dozen  others, 
including  the  owner  of  the  tavern,  was  killed.  The  meeting  was 
probably  accidental  on  both  sides.  But  each  had  openly  threatened 
the  other's  life  :  each  party  violently  charged  the  other  with  pre- 
meditated assault,  and  actual  or  intended  murder.  Anarchy  broke 
loose  in  Rome.  The  funeral  of  Clodius  was  an  occasion  of  riot 
and  conflagration.  Other  disorders  followed.  Quiet  was  only  re- 
stored at  last  by  the  appointment  of  Pompey  as  "  consul  without 
colleague,"  who  for  about  six  months  held  the  city  under  a  sort  of 
martial  law. 

A  special  court  was  organized  early  in  the  year,  to  try  all  cases 
arising  out  of  the  brawl  in  the  Appian  Way.  The  trial  of  Milo, 
before  this  court,  on  the  charge  of  assault  and  homicide,  took  place 
about  the  10th  of  April.  Cicero  undertook  his  defence  both  from 
political  motives  and  from  personal  regard.  The  court  was  guarded 
by  armed  troops  —  a  strange  sight  then  in  Rome  —  from  the  vio- 
lence of  the  mob  which  raged  outside.  Cicero,  whose  nerves  were 
shaken  by  the  uproar,  lost  his  self-command,  and  spoke  "  not  with 
his  usual  firmness."  Milo  was  condemned  by  thirty-eight  votes 
out  of  fifty-one,  and  went  into  exile  at  Marseilles.  Cicero,  dissatis- 
fied with  the  speech  actually  delivered,  as  taken  down  by  short-hand, 
wrote  out  at  his  leisure  the  master-piece  of  eloquence  and  specious 
argument  which  follows. 

ETSI  vereor,  judices,  ne  turpe  sit  pro  fortissimo 
viro  dicere  incipientem  timere,  minimeque  de- 
ceat,  cum  T.  Annius  ipse  magis  de  rei  publicae  salute 
quam  de  sua  perturbetur,  me  ad  ejus  causam  parem 
animi  magnitudinem  adferre  non  posse,  tamen  haec 
novi  judici  nova  forma  terret  oculos,  qui,  quocumque 
inciderunt,  consuetudinem  fori  et  pristinum  morem 
judiciorum  requirunt.  Non  enim  corona  consessus 
vester  cinctus  est,  ut  solebat;  non  usitata  frequentia 
stipati  sumus :  2.  non  ilia  praesidia,  quae  pro  templis 
omnibus  cernitis,  etsi  contra  vim  conlocata  sunt,  non 
adferunt  tamen  [oratori]  aliquid,  ut  in  foro  et  in  judi- 
cio,  quamquam  praesidiis  salutaribus  et  necessariis 
saepti  sumus,  tamen  ne  non  timere  quidem  sine  aliquo 


n»  4-]  The  Crowd  t    the  Military  Guard,  171 

timore  possimus.  Quae  si  opposita  Miloni  putarem, 
cederem  tempori,  judices,  nee  inter  tantam  vim  armo- 
rum  existimarem  esse  pratori  locum.  Sed  me  recreat 
et  reficit  Cn.  Pompei,  sapientissimi  et  justissimi  viri, 
consilium,  qui  profecto  nee  justitiae  suae  putaret  esse, 
quern  reum  sententiis  judicum  tradidisset,  eundem  telis 
militum  dedere,  nee  sapientiae,  temeritatem  concita- 
tae  multitudinis  auctoritate  publica  armare.  3.  Quam 
ob  rem  ilia  arma,  centuriones,  cohortes  non  periculum 
nobis,  sed  praesidium  denuntiant ;  neque  solum  ut 
quieto,  sed  etiam  ut  magno  animo  simus  hortantur ; 
neque  auxilium  modo  defensioni  meae,  verum  etiam 
silentium  pollicentur.  Reliqua  vero  multitudo,  quae 
quidem  est  civium,  tota  nostra  est;  neque  eorum  quis- 
quam,  quos  undique  intuentis,  unde  aliqua  fori  pars 
aspici  potest,  et  hujus  exitum  judici  exspectantis 
videtis,  non  cum  virtuti  Milonis  favet,  turn  de  se, 
de  liberis  suis,  de  patria,  de  fortunis  hodierno  die 
decertari  putat. 

11.  Unum  genus  est  adversum  infestumque  nobis, 
eorum  quos  P.  Clodi  furor  rapinis  et  incendiis  et  omni- 
bus exitiis  publicis  pavit :  qui  hesterna  etiam  condone 
incitati  sunt,  ut  vobis  voce  praeirent  quid  judicaretis. 
Quorum  clamor  si  qui  forte  fuerit,  admonere  vos  debe- 
bit,  ut  eum  civem  retineatis,  qui  semper  genus  illud 
hominum  clamoresque  maximos  prae  vestra  salute  ne- 
glexit.  4.  Quam  ob  rem  adeste  animis,  judices,  et 
timorem  si  quern  habetis  deponite.  Nam  —  si  umquam 
de  bonis  et  fortibus  viris,  si  umquam  de  bene  mentis  civi- 
bus  potestas  [vobis]  judicandi  fuit,  si  denique  umquam 
locus  amplissimorum  ordinum  delectis  viris  datus  est, 
ut  sua  studia  erga  fortis  et  bonos  civis,  quae  voltu  et 
verbis  saepe  significassent,  re  et  sententiis  declararent 
—  hoc  profecto  tempore  earn  potestatem  omnem  vos 
habetis,  ut  statuatis  utrum  nos,  qui  semper  vestrae 
auctoritati  dediti  fuimus,  semper  miseri  lugeamus,  an, 


172  Defence  of  Milo.  [Milo, 

diu  vexati  a  perditissimis  civibus,  aliquando  per 
vos  ac  per  vestram  fidem,  virtutem,  sapientiamque 
recreemur.  5.  Quid  enim  nobis  duobus,  judices, 
laboriosius,  quid  magis  sollicitum,  magis  exercitum 
dici  aut  fingi  potest,  qui,  spe  amplissimorum  praemi- 
orum  ad  rem  publicam  adducti,  metu  crudelissimorum 
suppliciorum  carere  non  possumus  ?  Equidem  ceteras 
tempestates  et  procellas  in  illis  dum  taxat  fluctibus 
contionum  semper  putavi  Miloni  esse  subeundas,  quia 
semper  pro  bonis  contra  improbos  senserat ;  in  judicio 
vero,  et  in  eo  consilio  in  quo  ex  cunctis  ordinibus 
amplissimi  viri  judicarent,  numquam  existimavi  spem 
ullam  esse  habituros  Milonis  inimicos,  ad  ejus  non 
modo  salutem  exstinguendam,  sed  etiam  gloriam  per 
talis  viros  infringendam.  6.  Quamquam  in  hac  causa, 
judices,  T.  Anni  tribunatu,  rebusque  omnibus  pro  sa- 
lute rei  publicae  gestis  ad  hujus  criminis  defensionem 
non  abutemur.  Nisi  oculis  videritis  insidias  Miloni  a 
Clodio  factas,  nee  deprecaturi  sumus  ut  crimen  hoc 
nobis  propter  multa  praeclara  in  rem  publicam  merita 
condonetis,  nee  postulaturi,  ut  si  mors  P.  Clodi  salus 
vestra  fuerit,  idcirco  earn  virtuti  Milonis  potius  quam 
populi  Romani  felicitati  adsignetis.  Sed  si  illius  in- 
sidiae  clariores  hac  luce  fuerint,  turn  denique  obse- 
crabo  obtestaborque  vos,  judices,  si  cetera  amisimus, 
hoc  saltern  nobis  ut  relinquatur,  ab  inimicorum  audacia 
telisque  vitam  ut  impune  liceat  defendere. 

in.  7.  Sed  ante  quam  ad  earn  orationem  venio  quae 
est  propria  vestrae  quaestionis,  videntur  ea  esse  re- 
futanda,  quae  et  in  senatu  ab  inimicis  saepe  jactata 
sunt,  et  in  contione  ab  improbis,  et  paulo  ante  ab  ac- 
cusatoribus,  ut  omni  errore  sublato,  rem  plane  quae 
veniat  in  judicium  videre  possitis.  Negant  intueri 
lucem  esse  fas  ei  qui  a  se  hominem  occisum  esse  fate- 
atur.  In  qua  tandem  urbe  hoc  homines  stultissimi 
disputant  ?    nempe  in  ea  quae  primum  judicium  de 


iv.  io.]       Death  of  Public  Enemies  LazvfuL  173 

capite  vidit  M.  Horati,  fortissimi  viri,  qui  nondum  li- 
bera civitate,  tamen  populi  Romani  comitiis  liberatus 
est,  cum  sua  manu  sororem  esse  interfectam  fateretur. 
8.  An  est  quisquam  qui  hoc  ignoret,  cum  de  homine 
occiso  quaeratur,  aut  negari  solere  omnino  esse  factum 
aut  recte  et  jure  factum  esse  defendi  ?  Nisi  vero  ex- 
istimatis  dementem  P.  Africanum  fuisse,  qui  cum  a 
C.  Carbone  [tribuno  plebis  seditiose]  in  contione  in- 
terrogaretur  quid  de  Ti.  Gracchi  morte  sentiret,  re- 
spondent jure  caesum  videri.  Neque  enim  posset  aut 
Ahala  ille  Servilius,  aut  P.  Nasica,  aut  L.  Opimius, 
aut  C.  Marius,  aut  me  consule  senatus,  non  nefarius 
haberi,  si  sceleratos  civis  interfici  nefas  esset.  Itaque 
hoc,  judices,  non  sine  causa  etiam  fictis  fabulis  doc- 
tissimi  homines  memoriae  prodiderunt,  eum  qui  patris 
ulciscendi  causa  matrem  necavisset,  variatis  hominum 
sententiis,  non  solum  divina,  sed  etiam  sapientissimae 
deae  sententia  liberatum.  9.  Quod  si  duodecim  tabulae 
nocturnum  furem  quoquo  modo,  diurnum  autem,  si  se 
telo  defenderet,  interfici  impune  voluerunt,  quis  est 
qui,  quoquo  modo  quis  interfectus  sit,  puniendum  pu- 
tet,  cum  videat  aliquando  gladium  nobis  ad  hominem 
occidendum  ab  ipsis  porrigi  legibus. 

iv.  Atqursi  tempus  est  ullum  jure  hominis  necandi, 
quae  multa  sunt,  certe  illud  est  non  modo  justum,  ve- 
rum  etiam  necessarium,  cum  vi  vis  inlata  defenditur. 
Pudicitiam  cum  eriperet  mlliti  tribunus  militaris  in 
exercitu  C.  Mari,  propinquus  ejus  imperatoris,  inter- 
fectus ab  eo  est,  cui  vim  adferebat.  Facere  enim  pro- 
bus  adulescens  periculose  quam  perpeti  turpiter  maluit. 
Atque  hunc  ille  summus  vir  scelere  solutum  periculo 
liberavit.  10.  Insidiatori  vero  et  latroni  quae  potest 
inferri  injusta  nex  ?  Quid  comitatus  nostri,  quid  gla- 
dii  volunt  ?  quos  habere  certe  non  liceret,  si  uti  illis 
nullo  pacto  liceret.  Est  igitur  haec,  judices,  non  scrip- 
ta,  sed  nata  lex;    quam    non    didicimus,  accepimus, 


174  Defence  of  Milo.  [Milo, 

legimus,  verum  ex  natura  ipsa  adripuimus,  hausimus, 
expressimus  ;  ad  quam  non  docti  sed  facti,  non  insti- 
tuti  sed  imbuti  sumus, — ut,  si  vita  nostra  in  aliquas 
insidias,  si  in  vim  et  in  tela  aut  latronum  aut  inimi- 
corum  incidisset,  omnis  honesta  ratio  esset  expedi- 
endae  salutis.  11.  Silent  enim  leges  inter  arma ;  nee 
se  exspectari  jubent,  cum  ei  qui  exspectare  velit, 
ante  injusta  poena  luenda  sit,  quam  justa  repetenda. 
Etsi  persapienter  et  quodam  modo  tacite  dat  ipsa  lex 
potestatem  defendendi,  quae  non  hominem  occidi, 
sed  esse  cum  telo  hominis  occidendi  causa  vetat ;  ut, 
cum  causa  non  telum  quaereretur,  qui  sui  defendendi 
causa  telo  esset  usus  non  hominis  occidendi  causa 
habuisse  telum  judicaretur.  Qiiapropter  hoc  maneat 
in  causa,  judices :  non  enim  dubito  quin  probaturus 
sim  vobis  defensionem  meam,  si  id  memineritis  quod 
oblivisci  non  potestis,  insidiatorem  jure  interflci  posse. 
v.  12.  Sequitur  illud,  quod  a  Milonis  inimicis  sae- 
pissime  dicitur,  caedem  in  qua  P.  Clodius  occisus 
est  senatum  judicasse  contra  rem  publicam  esse 
factam.  Illam  vero  senatus  non  sententiis  suis  so- 
lum, sed  etiam  studiis  comprobavit.  Quotiens  enim 
est  ilia  causa  a  nobis  acta  in  senatu  !  quibus  adsensi- 
onibus  universi  ordinis,  quam  nee  tacitis  nee  occultis  ! 
Quando  enim  frequentissimo  senatu  quattuor  aut  sum- 
mum  quinque  sunt  inventi  qui  Milonis  causam  non 
probarent?  Declarant  hujus  ambusti  tribuni  plebis 
illae  intermortuae  contiones,  quibus  cotidie  meam  po- 
tentiam  invidiose  criminabatur,  cum  diceret  senatum 
non  quod  sentiret,  sed  quod  ego  vellem  decernere. 
Quae  quidem  si  potentia  est  appellanda — potius  quam 
aut  propter  magna  in  rem  publicam  merita  mediocris 
in  bonis  causis  auctoritas,  aut  propter  hos  officiosos 
labores  meos  non  nulla  apud  bonos  gratia,  —  appel- 
letur  ita  sane,  dum  modo  ea  nos  utamur  pro  salute 
bonorum  contra  amentiam  perditorum. 


vi.  is]        Motive  and  Nature  of  the   Trial.  175 

13.  Hanc  vero  quaestionem,  etsi  non  est  iniqua,  num- 
quam  tamen  senatus  constituendam  putavit.  Erant 
enim  leges,  erant  quaestiones  vel  de  caede  vel  de  vi ; 
nee  tantum  maerorem  ac  luctum  senatui  mors  P.  Clodi 
adferebat,  ut  nova  quaestio  constitueretur.  Cujus  enim 
de  illo  incesto  stupro  judicium  decernendi  senatui  po- 
testas  esset  erepta,  de  ejus  interitu  quis  potest  credere 
senatum  judicium  novum  constituendum  putasse?  Cur 
igitur  incendium  curiae,  oppugnationem  aedium  M. 
Lepidi,  caedem  hanc  ipsam  contra  rem  publicam  se- 
natus factam  esse  decrevit?  quia  nulla  vis  umquam  est 
in  libera  civitate  suscepta  inter  civis  non  contra  rem 
publicam.  14.  Non  enim  est  ilia  defensio  contra  vim 
umquam  optanda,  sed  non  numquam  est  necessaria. 
Nisi  vero  aut  ille  dies  quo  Ti.  Gracchus  est  caesus,  aut 
ille  quo  Gaius,  aut  quo  arma  Saturnini  oj)-pressa  sunt, 
etiam  si  e  re  publica  oppressa  sunt,  rem  publicam  ta- 
men non  volnerarunt.  vi.  Itaque  ego  ipse  decrevi, 
cum  caedem  in  Appia  factam  esse  constaret,  non 
eum  qui  se  defendisset  contra  rem  publicam  fecisse, 
sed,  cum  inesset  in  re  vis  et  insidiae,  crimen  judicio 
reservavi,  rem  notavi.  Quod  si  per  furiosum  ilium 
tribunum  senatui  quod  sentietyat  perficere  licuisset, 
novam  quaestionem  nullam  haberemus.  Decernebat 
enim,  ut  veteribus  legibus,  tantum  modo  extra  ordi- 
nem,  quaereretur.  Divisa  sententia  est,  postulante 
nescio  quo  :  nihil  enim  necesse  est  omnium  me  flagitia 
proferre.  Sic  reliqua  auctoritas  senatus  empta  inter- 
cessione  sublata  est. 

15.  At  enim  Cn.  Pompeius  rogatione  sua  et  de  re  et 
de  causa  judicavit :  tulit  enim  de  caede  quae  in  Appia 
via  facta  esset,  in  qua  P.  Clodius  occisus  esset.  Quid 
ergo  tulit?  nempe  ut  quaereretur.  Quid  porro  quaeren- 
dum  est?  Factumne  sit?  at  constat.  A  quo?  at  paret. 
Vidit  igitur,  etiam  in  confessione  facti,  juris  tamen 
delensionem  suscipi  posse.     Quod  nisi  vidisset  posse 


176  Defence  of  Milo.  [Milo, 

absolvi  eum  qui  fateretur,  cum  videret  nos  fateri, 
neque  quaeri  umquam  jussisset,  nee  vobis  tam  hanc 
salutarem  in  judicando  litteram  quam  illam  tristem 
dedisset.  Mihi  vero  Cn.  Pompeius  non  modo  nihil 
gravius  contra  Milonem  judicasse,  sed  etiam  statuisse 
videtur  quid  vos  in  judicando  spectare  oporteret.  Nam 
qui  non  poenam  confessioni,  sed  defensionem  dedit,  is 
causam  interitus  quaerendam,  non  interitum  putavit. 
16.  Jam  illud  ipse  dicet  profecto,  quod  sua  sponte  fecit, 
Publione  Clodio  tribuendum  putarit  an  tempori. 

vii.  Domi  suae  nobilissimus  vir,  senatus  propug- 
nator,  atque  illis  quidem  temporibus  paene  patronus, 
avunculus  hujus  judicis  nostri,  fortissimi  viri,  M.  Cato- 
nis,  tribunus  plebis  M.  Drusus  occisus  est.  Nihil  de 
ejus  morte  populus  consultus,  nulla  quaestio  decreta  a 
senatu  est.  Quantum  luctum  in  hac  urbe  fuisse  a  nos- 
tris  patribus  accepimus,  cum  P.  Africano  domi  suae 
quiescenti  ilia  nocturna  vis  esset  inlata?  Quis  turn 
non  gemuit?  Quis  non  arsit  dolore,  quern  immor- 
talem,  si  fieri  posset,  omnes  esse  cuperent,  ejus  ne 
necessariam  quidem  exspectatam  esse  mortem  !  Num 
igitur  ulla  quaestio  de  Africani  morte  lata  est?  certe 
nulla.  17.  Quid  ita?  quia  non  alio  facinore  clari  ho- 
mines, alio  obscuri  necantur.  Intersit  inter  vitae  digni- 
tatem summorum  atque  infimorum  :  mors  quidem  inlata 
per  scelus  isdem  et  poenis  teneatur  et  legibus.  Nisi 
forte  magis  erit  parricida,  si  qui  consularem  patrem 
quam  si  quis  humilem  necarit :  aut  eo  mors  atrocior 
erit  P.  Clodi,  quod  is  in  monumentis  majorum  suorum 
sit  interfectus  —  hoc  enim  ab  istis  saepe  dicitur ;  pro- 
inde  quasi  Appius  ille  Caecus  viam  muniverit,  non  qua 
populus  uteretur,  sed  ubi  impune  sui  posteri  latroci- 
narentur  ! 

18.  Itaque  in  eadem  ista  Appia  via  cum  ornatissi- 
mum  equitem  Romanum  P.  Clodius  M.  Papirium 
occidisset,   non   fuit   illud   facinus  puniendum,   homo 


viii.  2i.]         Plots  and  Crimes  of  Clodius.  177 

enim  nobilis  in  suis  monumentis  equitem  Romanum 
occiderat :  nunc  ejusdem  Appiae  nomen  quantas  tra- 
goedias  excitat !  Quae  cruentata  antea  caede  honesti 
atque  innocentis  viri  silebatur,  eadem  nunc  crebro 
usurpatur,  postea  quam  latronis  et  parricidae  sanguine 
imbuta  est.  Sed  quid  ego  ilia  commemoro?  Com- 
prehensus  est  in  templo  Castoris  servus  P.  Clodi,  quern 
ille  ad  Cn.  Pompeium  interficiendum  collocarat :  ex- 
torta  est  ei  conlitenti  sica  de  manibus :  caruit  foro 
postea  Pompeius,  caruit  senatu,  caruit  publico  :  janua 
se  ac  parietibus,  non  jure  legum  judiciorumque 
texit.  19«  Num  quae  rogatio  lata,  num  quae  nova 
quaestio  decreta  est?  Atqui  si  res,  si  vir,  si  tempus 
ullum  dignum  fuit,  certe  haec  in  ilia  causa  summa 
omnia  fuerunt.  Insidiator  erat  in  foro  conlocatus, 
atque  in  vestibulo  ipso  senatus  ;  ei  viro  autem  mors 
parabatur,  cujus  in  vita  nitebatur  salus  civitatis ;  eo 
porro  rei  publicae  tempore,  quo,  si  unus  ille  occidi^set, 
non  haec  solum  civitas,  sed  gentes  omnes  concidissent. 
Nisi  vero  quia  perfecta  res  non  est,  non  fuit  poenienda  : 
proinde  quasi  exitus  rerum,  non  hominum  consilia 
legibus  vindicentur.  Minus  dolendum  fuit  re  non  per- 
fecta, sed  poeniendum  certe  nihilo  minus.  20.  Quo- 
tiens  ego  ipse,  judices,  ex  P.  Clodi  telis  et  ex  cruentis 
ejus  manibus  effugi !  ex  quibus  si  me  non  vel  mea  vel 
rei  publicae  fortuna  servasset,  quis  tandem  de  interim 
meo  quaestionem  tulisset? 

viii.  Sed  stulti  sumus  qui  Drusum,  qui  Africanum, 
Pompeium,  nosmet  ipsos  cum  P.  Clodio  conferre  aude- 
amus.  Tolerabilia  fuerunt  ilia :  P.  Clodi  mortem 
aequo  animo  ferre  nemo  potest.  Luget  senatus,  mae- 
ret  equester  ordo,  tota  civitas  confecta  senio  est,  squa- 
lent  municipia,  adflictantur  coloniae,  agri  denique  ipsi 
tarn  beneficum,  tarn  salutarem,  tarn  mansuetum  civem 
desiderant.  21.  Non  fuit  ea  causa,  judices,  profecto, 
non  fuit,  cur  sibi  censeret  Pompeius  quaestionem  feren- 


178  Defence  of  Milo.  [Milo, 

dam  ;  sed  homo  sapiens  atque  alta  et  divina  quadam 
mente  praeditus  multa  vidit :  fuisse  ilium  sibi  inimicum, 
familiarem  Milonem ;  in  communi  omnium  laetitia,  si 
etiam  ipse  gauderet,  timuit  ne  videretur  infirmior  fides 
reconciliatae  gratiae ;  multa  etiam  alia  vidit,  sed  iliud 
maxime,  quamvis  atrociter  ipse  tulisset,  vos  tamen 
fortiter  judicaturos.  Itaque  delegit  ex  florentissimis 
ordinibus  ipsa  lumina  :  neque  vero,  quod  non  nulli  dio 
titant,  secrevit  in  judicibus  legendis  amicos  meos.  Ne- 
que enim  hoc  cogitavit  vir  justissimus  ;  neque  in  bonis 
viris  legendis  id  adsequi  potuisset,  etiam  si  cupisset. 
Non  enim  mea  gratia  familiaritatibus  continetur,  quae 
late  patere  non  possunt,  propterea  quod  consuetudines 
victus  non  possunt  esse  cum  multis  ;  sed,  si  quid  possu- 
mus,  ex  eo  possumus,  quod  res  publica  nos  conjunxit 
cum  bonis  :  ex  quibus  ille  cum  optimos  viros  legeret, 
idque  maxime  ad  fidem  suam  pertinere  arbitraretur, 
non  potuit  legere  non  studiosos  mei.  22.  Quod  vero 
te,  L.  Domiti,  huic  quaestioni  praeesse  maxime  voluit, 
nihil  quaesivit  [aliud]  nisi  justitiam,  gravitatem,  hu- 
manitatem,  fidem.  Tulit  ut  consularem  necesse  esset : 
credo,  quod  principum  munus  esse  ducebat  resistere 
et  levitati  multitudinis  et  perditorum  temeritati.  Ex 
consularibus  te  creavit  potissimum :  dederas  enim 
quam  contemneres  popularis  insanias  jam  ab  adu- 
lescentia  documenta  maxima. 

ix.  23.  Quam  ob  rem,  judices,  ut  aliquando  ad  cau- 
sam  crimenque  veniamus,  —  si  neque  omnis  confessio 
facti  est  inusitata,  neque  de  causa  nostra  quicquam 
aliter  ac  nos  vellemus  a  senatu  judicatum  est,  et  lator 
ipse  legis,  cum  esset  controversia  nulla  facti,  juris 
tamen  disceptationem  esse  voluit,  et  ei  lecti  judices 
isque  praepositus  est  quaestioni,  qui  haec  juste  sapien- 
terque  disceptet,  —  reliquum  est,  judices,  ut  nihil  jam 
quaerere  aliud  debeatis,  nisi  uter  utri  insidias  fecerit. 
Qiiod  quo  facilius  argu mentis  perspicere  pqssitis,  rem 


ix.  26.]  Clodius  resolves  to  kill  him,  179 

gestam  vobis  dum  breviter  expono,  quaeso,  diligenter 
attendite. 

24.  P.  Clodius  cum  statuisset  omni  scelere  in  prae- 
tura  vexare  rem  publicam,  videretque  ita  tracta  esse 
comitia  anno  superiore,  ut  non  multos  mensis  praetu- 
ram  gerere  posset,  —  qui  non  honoris  gradum  specta- 
ret,  ut  ceteri,  sed  et  L.  Paulum  conlegam  effugere 
vellet,  singulari  virtute  civem,  et  annum  integrum  ad 
dilacerandam  rem  publicam  quaereret,  —  subito  reliquit 
annum  suum,  seseque  in  annum  proximum  transtulit : 
non  (ut  fit)  religione  aliqua,  sed  ut  haberet,  quod  ipse 
dicebat,  ad  praeturam  gerendam,  hoc  est,  ad  ever- 
tendam  rem  publicam,  plenum  annum  atque  integrum. 
25.  Occurrebat  ei  mancam  ac  debilem  praeturam  futu- 
ram  suam  consule  Milone  :  eum  porro  summo  consensu 
populi  Romani  consulem  fieri  videbat.  Contulit  se 
ad  ejus  competitores,  sed  ita,  totam  ut  petitionem  ipse 
solus  etiam  invitis  illis  gubernaret,  tota  ut  comitia  suis, 
ut  dictitabat,  umeris  sustineret.  Convocabat  tribus,  se 
interponebat,  Collinam  novam  dilectu  perditissimorum 
civium  conscribebat.  Quanto  ille  plura  miscebat,  tan- 
to  hie  magis  in  dies  convalescebat.  Ubi  vidit  homo 
ad  omne  facinus  paratissimus  fortissimum  virum,  in- 
imicissimum  suum,  certissimum  consulem,  idque  intel- 
lexit  non  solum  sermonibus,  sed  etiam  sufFragiis  pop- 
uli Romani  saepe  esse  declaratum,  palam  agere  coepit, 
et  aperte  dicere  occidendum  Milonem.  26.  Servos 
agrestis  et  barbaros,  quibus  silvas  publicas  depopula- 
te erat  Etruriamque  vexarat,  ex  Apennino  dedux- 
erat,  quos  videbatis.  Res  erat  minime  obscura.  Ete- 
nim  palam  dictitabat  consulatum  Miloni  eripi  non 
posse,  vitam  posse.  Significavit  hoc  saepe  in  senatu, 
dixit  in  condone.  Quin  etiam  M.  Favonio,  fortissimo 
viro,  quaerenti  ex  eo  qua  spe  fureret  Milone  vivo,  re- 
spondit  triduo  ilium  aut  summum  quadriduo  esse  peri- 
turum  :  quam  vocem  ejus  ad  hunc  M.  Catonem  statim 
Favonius  detulit. 


i8o  Defence  of  Milo.  [Milo, 

x.  27.  Interim  cum  sciret  Clodius  —  neque  enim  erat 
difficile  scire  —  iter  sollemne,  legitimum,  necessarium 
ante  diem  xin.  Kalendas  Februarias  Miloni  esse  Lanu- 
vium  ad  flaminem  prodendum,  [quod  erat  dictator 
Lanuvi  Milo,]  Roma  subito  ipse  profectus  pridie  est,  ut 
ante  suum  fundum,  quod  re  intellectum  est,  Miloni  in- 
sidias  conlocaret.  Atque  ita  profectus  est,  ut  contionem 
turbulentam,  in  qua  ejus  furor  desideratus  est,  [quae 
illo  ipso  die  habita  est,]  relinqueret,  quam  nisi  obire 
facinoris  locum  tempusque  voluisset,  numquam  reli- 
quisset.  28.  Milo  autem  cum  in  senatu  fuisset  eo  die, 
quoad  senatus  est  dimissus,  domum  venit ;  calceos  et 
vestimenta  mutavit ;  paulisper,  dum  se  uxor  (ut  fit) 
comparat,  commoratus  est ;  dein  profectus  id  tem- 
poris  cum  jam  Clodius,  si  quidem  eo  die  Romam 
venturus  erat,  redire  potuisset.  Ob  viam  fit  ei  Clodius, 
expeditus,  in  equo,  nulla  raeda,  nullis  impedimentis ; 
nullis  Graecis  comitibus,  ut  solebat;  sine  uxore,  quod 
numquam  fere  :  cum  hie  insidiator,  qui  iter  illud  ad 
caedem  faciendam  apparasset,  cum  uxore  veheretur  in 
raeda,  paenulatus,  magno  et  impedito  et  muliebri  ac 
delicato  ancillarum  puerorumque  comitatu.  29.  Fit  ob 
viam  Clodio  ante  fundum  ejus  hora  fere  undecima,  aut 
non  multo  secus.  Statim  complures  cum  telis  in  hunc 
faciunt  de  loco  superiore  impetum  :  adversi  raedarium 
occidunt.  Cum  autem  hie  de  raeda  rejecta  paenula  de- 
siluisset,  seque  acri  animo  defenderet,  illi  qui  erant  cum 
Clodio,  gladiis  eductis,  partim  recurrere  ad  raedam, 
ut  a  tergo  Milonem  adorirentur;  partim,  quod  hunc 
jam  interfectum  putarent,  caedere  incipiunt  ejus  servos, 
qui  post  erant :  ex  quibus  qui  animo  fideli  in  dominum 
et  praesenti  fuerunt,  partim  occisi  sunt,  partim,  cum 
ad  raedam  pugnari  viderent,  domino  succurrere  pro- 
hiberentur,  Milonem  occisum  et  ex  ipso  Clodio  audi- 
rent  et  re  vera  putarent,  fecerunt  id  servi  Milonis  — 
dicam  enim  aperte,  non  derivandi  criminis  causa,  sed 


xi.  32-]       He  kills   Clodius  in  Self-defence.  181 

lit  factum  est  —  nee  imperante  nee  sciente  nee  prae- 
sente  domino,  quod  suos  quisque  servos  in  tali  re 
facere  voluisset. 

xi.  30.  Haec,  sicuti  exposui,  ita  gesta  sunt,  judices. 
Insidiator  superatus  est,  vi  victa  vis,  vel  potius  oppressa 
virtute  audacia  est.  Nihil  dico  quid  res  publica  con- 
secuta  sit,  nihil  quid  vos,  nihil  quid  omnes  boni :  nihil 
sane  id  prosit  Miloni,  qui  hoc  fato  natus  est,  ut  ne  se 
quidem  servare  potuerit,  quin  una  rem  publicam  vosque 
servaret.  Si  id  jure  fieri  non  potuit,  nihil  habeo 
quod  defendam.  Sin  hoc  et  ratio  doctis,  et  necessi- 
tas  barbaris,  et  mos  gentibus,  et  feris  etiam  beluis 
natura  ipsa  praescripsit,  —  ut  omnem  semper  vim, 
quacumque  ope  possent,  a  corpore,  a  capite,  a  vita 
sua  propulsarent,  —  non  potestis  hoc  facinus  impro- 
bum  judicare,  quin  simul  judicetis  omnibus,  qui  in 
latrones  incidermt,  aut  illorum  telis  aut  vestris  sen- 
tentiis  esse  pereundum.  31.  Quod  si  ita  putasset,  certe 
optabilius  Miloni  fuit  dare  jugulum  P.  Ciodio,  non 
semel  ab  illo  neque  turn  primum  petitum,  quam  jugu- 
lari  a  vobis,  quia  se  non  jugulandum  ilii  tradidisset. 
Sin  hoc  nemo  vestrum  ita  sentit,  non  illud  jam  in  ju- 
dicium venit,  occisusne  sit  (quod  fatemur),  sed  jure 
an  injuria,  quod  multis  in  causis  saepe  quaesitum  est. 
Insidias  factas  esse  constat,  et  id  est  quod  senatus  con- 
tra rem  publicam  factum  judicavit :  ab  utro  factae  sint 
incertum  est.  De  hoc  igitur  latum  est  ut  quaereretur. 
Ita  et  senatus  rem  non  hominem  notavit,  et  Pompeius 
de  jure  non  de  facto  quaestionem  tulit.  xn.  Num  quid 
igitur  aliud  in  judicium  venit,  nisi  uter  utri  insidias 
fecerit?  Profecto  nihil:  si  hie  illi,  ut  ne  sit  impune ; 
si  ille  huic,  ut  scelere  solvamur. 

32.  Quonam  igitur  pacto  probari  potest  insidias  Mi- 
loni fecisse  Clodium?  Satis  est  in  ilia  quidem  tarn 
audaci,  tarn  nefaria  belua,  docere  magnam  ei  causam, 
magnam  spem  in  Milonis  morte  propositam,  magnas 


182  Defence  pf  Milo,  [Milo, 

utilitates  fuisse.  Itaque  illud  Cassianum  cut  bono  fue- 
rit in  his  personis  valeat ;  etsi  boni  nullo  emolumento 
impelluntur  in  fraudem,  improbi  saepe  parvo.  Atqui 
Milone  interfecto  Clodius  haec  adsequebatur,  non  modo 
ut  praetor  esset  non  eo  consule  quo  sceleris  nihil  facere 
posset ;  sed  etiam  ut  eis  consulibus  praetor  esset,  qui- 
bus  si  non  adjuvantibus  at  coniventibus  certe,  speraret 
posse  se  eludere  in  illis  suis  cogitatis  furoribus :  cujus 
illi  conatus,  ut  ipse  ratiocinabatur,  nee  cuperent  re- 
primere  si  pqssent,  cum  tantum  beneficium  ei  se  debere 
arbitrarentur ;  et,  si  vellent,  fortasse  vix  possent  fran- 
gere  hominis  sceleratissimi  conroboratam  jam  vetustate 
audaciam. 

33.  An  vero,  judices,  vos  soli  ignoratis?  vos  hospites 
in  hac  urbe  versamini?  vestrae  peregrinantur  aures, 
neque  in  hoc  pervagato  civitatis  sermone  versantur, 
quas  ille  leges  —  si  leges  nominandae  sunt  ac  non 
faces  urbis,  pestes  rei  publicae  —  fuerit  impositurus 
nobis  omnibus  atque  inusturus?  Exhibe,  quaeso,  Sexte 
Ciodi,  exhibe  librarium  illud  legum  vestrarum,  quod 
te  aiunt  eripuisse  e  domo  et  ex  mediis  armis  turbaque 
nocturna  tamquam  Palladium  sustulisse,  ut  praeclarum 
videlicet  munus  atque  instrumentum  tribunatus  ad 
aliquem,  si  nactus  esses,  qui  tuo  arbitrio  tribunatum 
gereret,  deferre  posses.  Atque  per  ...  an  hujus  ille 
legis  quam  Clodius  a  se  inventam  gloriatur,  mentio- 
nem  facere  ausus  esset  vivo  Milone,  non  dicam  consule? 
De  nostrum  enim  omnium  —  non  audeo  totum  dicere. 
Videte  quid  ea  viti  lex  habitura  fuerit,  cujus  periculosa 
etiam  reprehensio  est.  Et  aspexit  me  illis  quidem 
oculis,  quibus  turn  solebat  cum  omnibus  omnia  mina- 
batur.  Movet  me  quippe  lumen  curiae  !  xiii.  Quid? 
tu  me  tibi  iratum,  Sexte,  putas,  cujus  inimicissimum 
multo  crudelius  etiam  poenitus  es,  quam  erat  humani- 
tatis  meae  postulare?  Tu  P.  Clodi  cruentum  cadaver 
ejecisti  domo ;  tu  in  publicum  abjecisti ;  tu  spoliatum 


xiii.  35-]    He  loses  by  the  Death  of  Clodius.  183 

imaginibus,  exsequiis,  pompa,  laudatione,  infelicissi- 
mis  lignis  semiustilatum,  nocturnis  canibus  dilani- 
andum  reliquisti.  Qua  re,  etsi  nefarie  fecisti,  tamen 
quoniam  in  meo  inimico  crudelitatem  exprompsisti 
tuam,  laudare  non  possum,  irasci  certe  non  debeo. 

34.  Audistis,  judiees,  quantum  Clodi  interfuerit  00 
cidi  Milonem :  convertite  animos  nunc  vicissim  ad 
Milonem.  Quid  Milonis  intererat  interfici  Clodi- 
um?  Quid  erat  cur  Milo  non  dicam  admitteret,  sed 
optaret?  'Obstabat  in  spe  consulatus  Miloni  Clo- 
dius.'  At  eo  repugnante  fiebat,  immo  vero  eo  fiebat 
magis ;  nee  me  sufFragatore  meliore  utebatur  quam 
Clodio.  Valebat  apud  vos,  judices,  Milonis  erga  me 
remque  publicam  meritorum  memoria  ;  valebant  pre- 
ces  et  lacrimae  nostrae,  quibus  ego  turn  vos  mirifice 
moveri  sentiebam  ;  sed  plus  multo  valebat  periculorum 
impendentium  timor.  Quis  enim  erat  civium  qui  sibi 
solutam  P.  Clodi  praeturam  sine  maximo  rerum  no- 
varum  metu  proponeret?  Solutam  autem  fore  vide- 
batis,  nisi  esset  is  consul,  qui  earn  auderet  possetque 
constringere.  Eum  Milonem  unum  esse  cum  sentiret 
universus  populus  Romanus,  quis  dubitaret  sufFragio 
suo  se  metu,  periculo  rem  publicam  liberare?  At 
nunc,  Clodio  remoto,  usitatis  jam  rebus  enitendum  est 
Miloni,  ut  tueatur  dignitatem  suam  :  singularis  ilia  et 
huic  uni  concessa  gloria,  quae  cotidie  augebatur  fran- 
gendis  furoribus  Clodianis,  jam  Clodi  morte  cecidit. 
Vos  adepti  estis,  ne  quern  civem  metueretis  :  hie  exer- 
citationem  virtutis,  suffragationem  consulatus,  fontem 
perennem  gloriae  suae  perdidit.  Itaque  Milonis  con- 
sulatus, qui  vivo  Clodio  labefactari  non  poterat,  mor- 
tuo  denique  temptari  coeptus  est.  Non  modo  igitur 
nihil  prodest,  sed  obest  etiam  Clodi  mors  Miloni. 

35.  'At  valuit  odium,  fecit  iratus,  fecit  inimicus,  fuit 
ultor  injuriae,  poenitor  doloris  sui.'  Quid?  si  haec 
non  dico  majora  fuerunt  in  Clodio  quam  in  Milone, 


184  Defence  of  Milo.  [Milo, 

sed  in  illo  maxima,  nulla  in  hoc?  quid  voltis  amplius? 
Quid  enim  odisset  Clodium  Milo,  segetem  ac  mate- 
riem  suae  gloriae,  praeter  hoc  civile  odium,  quo  omnis 
improbos  odimus?  Ille  erat  ut  odisset,  primum  defen- 
sorem  salutis  meae,  deinde  vexatorem  furoris,  domito- 
rem  armorum  suorum,  postremo  etiam  accusatorem 
suum :  reus  enim  Milonis  lege  Plotia  fuit  Clodius, 
quoad  vixit.  Quo  tandem  animo  hoc  tyrannum  ilium 
tulisse  creditis?  quantum  odium  illius,  et  in  nomine 
injusto  quam  etiam  justum  fuisse? 

xiv.  36.  Reliquum  est  ut  jam  ilium  natura  ipsius 
consuetudoque  defendat,  hunc  autem  haec  eadem 
coarguat.  Nihil  per  vim  umquam  Clodius,  omnia  per 
vim  Milo.  Quid?  ego,  judices,  cum  maerentibus  vobis 
urbe  cessi,  judiciumne  timui?  non  servos,  non  arma, 
non  vim?  Quae  fuisset  igitur  justa  causa  restituendi 
mei,  nisi  fuisset  injusta  eiciendi?  Diem  mihi,  credo, 
dixerat,  multam  inrogarat,  actionem  perduellionis  in- 
tenderat :  et  mihi  videlicet  in  causa  aut  mala  aut  mea, 
non  et  praeclarissima  et  vestra,  judicium  timendum  fuit. 
Servorum  et  egentium  civium  et  facinorosorum  armis 
meos  civis,  meis  consiliis  periculisque  servatos,  pro  me 
obici  nolui.  37.  Vidi  enim,  vidi  hunc  ipsum  Q^  Hor- 
tensium,  lumen  et  ornamentum  rei  publicae,  paene 
interfici  servorum  manu,  cum  mihi  adesset :  qua  in 
turba  C.  Vibienus  senator,  vir  optimus,  cum  hoc  cum 
esset  una,  ita  est  mulcatus,  ut  vitam  amiserit.  Itaque 
quando  illius  postea  sica  ilia,  quam  a  Catilina  acce- 
perat,  conquievit?  Haec  intentata  nobis  est ;  huic  ego 
vos  obici  pro  me  non  sum  passus ;  haec  insidiata 
Pompeio  est;  haec  istam  Appiam,  monimentum  sui 
nominis,  nece  Papiri  cruentavit ;  haec  eadem  longo 
intervallo  con  versa  rursus  est  in  me:  nuper  quidem, 
ut  scitis,  me  ad  regiam  paene  confecit. 

38.  Quid  simile  Milonis?  cujus  vis  omnis  haec  sem- 
per fuit,  ne  P.  Clodius,  cum  in  judicium  detrahi  non 


xv.  4o.]    He  had  often  scared  Clodius's  Life.         185 

posset,  vi  oppressam  civitatem  teneret.  Quem  si 
interficere  voluisset,  quantae  quotiens  occasiones,  quam 
praeclarae  fuerunt ! .  Potuitne,  cum  domum  ac  deos 
penatis  suos  illo  oppugnante  defenderet,  jure  se 
ulcisci?  Potuitne,  civi  egregio  et  viro  fortissimo,  P. 
Sestio,  conlega  suo,  volnerato?  Potuitne,  Q^  Fabricio, 
viro  optimo,  cum  de  reditu  meo  legem  ferret,  pulso, 
crudelissima  in  foro  caede  facta?  Potuitne,  L.  Caecili, 
justissimi  fortissimique  praetoris,  oppugnata  domo? 
Potuitne  illo  die,  cum  est  lata  lex  de  me ;  cum  totius 
Italiae  concursus,  quem  mea  salus  concitarat,  facti 
illius  gloriam  libens  agnovisset,  ut,  etiam  si  id  Milo 
fecisset,  cuncta  civitas  earn  laudem  pro  sua  vindicaret? 
xv.  39.  At  quod  erat  tern  pus?  Clarissimus  et  for- 
tissimus  consul,  inimicus  Clodio,  [P.  Lentulus,]  ultor 
sceleris  illius,  propugnator  senatus,  defensor  vestrae 
voluntatis,  patronus  publici  consensus,  restitutor  salutis 
meae ;  septem  praetores,  octo  tribuni  plebei,  illius 
adversarii,  defensores  mei ;  Cn.  Pompeius,  auctor  et 
dux  mei  reditus,  illius  hostis,  cujus  sententiam  senatus 
[omnis]  de  salute  mea  gravissimam  et  ornatissimam 
secutus  est,  qui  populum  Romanum  est  cohortatus,  qui 
cum  de  me  decretum  Capuae  fecisset,  ipse  cunctae 
Italiae  cupienti  et  ejus  fidem  imploranti  signum  dedit, 
ut  ad  me  restituendum  Romam  concurrerent ;  omnium 
denique  in  ilium  odia  civium  ardebant  desiderio  mei, 
quem  qui  turn  interemisset,  non  de  impunitate  ejus,  sed 
de  praemiis  cogitaretur.  40.  Tamen  se  Milo  continuit, 
et  P.  Clodium  in  judicium  bis,  ad  vim  numquam  voca- 
vit.  Quid?  privato  Milone  et  reo  ad  populum  accusante 
P.  Clodio,  cum  in  Cn.  Pompeium  pro  Milone  dicentem 
impetus  factus  est,  quae  turn  non  modo  occasio,  sed 
etiam  causa  illius  opprimendi  fuit !  Nuper  vero  cum 
M.  Antonius  summam  spem  salutis  bonis  omnibus 
attulisset,  gravissimamque  adulescens  nobilissimus  rei 
publicae   partem   fortissime   suscepisset,    atque    illam 


1 86  Defence  of  Milo.  [Milo, 

beluam,  judici  laqueos  declinantem,  jam  inretitam 
teneret,  qui  locus,  quod  tempus  illud,  di  immortales, 
fuit !  cum  se  ille  fugiens  in  scalarum  tenebris  abdi- 
disset,  magnum  Miloni  fuit  conficere  illam  pestem 
nulla  sua  invidia,  M.  vero  Antoni  maxima  gloria? 
41.  Quid?  comitiis  in  campo  quotiens  potestas  fuit! 
cum  ille  in  saepta  ruisset,  gladios  destringendos, 
lapides  jaciendos  curavisset ;  dein  subito,  voltu  Milonis 
perterritus,  fugeret  ad  Tiberim,  vos  et  omnes  boni  vota 
faceretis,  ut  Miloni  uti  virtute  sua  liberet. 

xvi.  Quern  igitur  cum  omnium  gratia  noluit,  hunc 
voluit  cum  aliquorum  querella?  quern  jure,  quern  loco, 
quern  tempore,  quern  impune  non  est  ausus,  hunc 
injuria,  iniquo  loco,  alieno  tempore,  periculo  capitis, 
non  dubitavit  occidere?  42.  praesertim,  judices,  cum 
honoris  amplissimi  contentio  et  dies  comitiorum  subes- 
set,  quo  quidem  tempore  —  scio  enim  quam  timida  sit 
ambitio,  quantaque  et  quam  sollicita  sit  cupiditas  con- 
sulates—  omnia,  non  modo  quae  reprehendi  palam, 
sed  etiam  obscure  quae  cogitari  possunt  timemus, 
rumorem,  fabulam  fictam,  levem  perhorrescimus,  ora 
omnium  atque  oculos  intuemur.  Nihil  est  enim 
tarn  molle,  tarn  tenerum,  tarn  aut  fragile  aut  flexi- 
bile,  quam  voluntas  erga  nos  sensusque  civiurn, 
qui  non  modo  improbitati  irascuntur  candidatorum, 
sed  etiam  in  recte  factis  saepe  fastidiunt.  43.  Hunc 
igitur  diem  campi  speratum  atque  exoptatum  sibi  pro- 
ponens  Milo,  cruentis  manibus  scelus  et  facinus  prae 
se  ferens  et  confitens,  ad  ilia  augusta  centuriarum 
auspicia  veniebat?  Quam  hoc  non  credibile  in  hoc  ! 
quam  idem  in  Clodio  non  dubitandum,  cum  se  ille 
interfecto  Milone  regnaturum  putaret !  Quid?  (quod 
caput  est  [audaciae],  judices)  quis  ignorat  maximam 
inlecebram  esse  peccandi  impunitatis  spem?  In  utro 
igitur  haec  fuit?  in  Milone,  qui  etiam  nunc  reus  est 
facti  aut  praeclari  aut  certe  necessarii,  an  in  Clodio, 


xvn.  46.]         How   Clodius  laid  his  Plans.  187 

qui  ita  judicia  poenamque  contempserat,  ut  eum  nihil 
delectaret  quod  aut  per  naturam  fas  esset,  aut  per 
leges  liceret. 

44.  Sed  quid  ego  argumentor?  quid  plura  disputo? 
Te,  Q^  Petili,  appello,  optimum  et  fortissimum  civem  : 
te,  M.  Cato,  testor,  quos  mihi  divina  quaedam  sors 
dedit  judices.  Vos  ex  M.  Favonio  audistis  Clodium 
sibi  dixisse,  et  audistis  vivoClodio,  periturum  Milonem 
triduo.  Post  diem  tertium  gesta  res  est  quam  dixerat. 
Cum  ille  non  dubitarit  aperire  quid  cogitaret,  vos 
potestis  dubitare  quid  fecerit?  xvn.  45.  Quern  ad 
modum  igitur  eum  dies  non  fefellit?  Dixi  equidem 
modo.  Dictatoris  Lanuvini  stata  sacrificia  nosse  ne- 
goti  nihil  erat.  Vidit  necesse  esse  Miloni  proficisci 
Lanuvium  illo  ipso  quo  est  profectus  die.  Itaque 
antevertit.  At  quo  die?  Quo,  ut  ante  dixi,  fuit  insa- 
nissima  contio  ab  ipsius  mercenario  tribuno  plebis 
concitata :  quern  diem  ille,  quam  contionem,  quos 
clamores,  nisi  ad  cogitatum  facinus  approperaret, 
numquam  reliquisset.  Ergo  illi  ne  causa  quidem 
itineris,  etiam  causa  manendi :  Miloni  manendi  nulla 
[facultas],  exeundi  non  causa  solum,  sed  etiam  neces- 
sitas  fuit.  Quid?  si,  ut  ille  scivit  Milonem  fore  eo  die 
in  via,  sic  Clodium  Milo  ne  suspicari  quidem  potuit? 
46.  Primum  quaero  qui  id  scire  potuerit?  quod  vos 
idem  in  Clodio  quaerere  non  potestis.  Ut  enim  ne- 
minem  alium  nisi  T.  Patinam,  familiarissimum  suum, 
rogasset,  scire  potuit  illo  ipso  die  Lanuvi  a  dictatore 
Milone  prodi  flaminem  necesse  esse.  Sed  erant  per- 
multi  alii,  ex  quibus  id  facillime  scire  posset :  [omnes 
scilicet  Lanuvini.]  Milo  de  Clodi  reditu  unde  quae- 
sivit?  Quaesierit  sane  —  videte  quid  vobis  largiar : 
servum  etiam,  ut  Q^  Arrius,  meus  amicus,  dixit,  cor- 
ruperit.  Legite  testimonia  testium  vestrorum.  Dixit 
C.  Causinius  Schola,  Interamnas,  familiarissimus  et 
idem    comes    Clodi,  —  cujus    jam   pridem    testimonio 


188  Defence  of  Milo.  [Milo, 

Clodius  eadem  hora  Interamnae  fuerat  et  Romae,  — 
P.  Clodium  illo  die  in  Albano  mansurum  fuisse ;  sed 
subito  ei  esse  nuntiatum  Cyrum  architectum  esse  mor- 
tuum,  itaque  repente  Romam  constituisse  proficisci. 
Dixit  hoc  comes  item  P.  Clodi,  C.  Clodius. 

xviii.  47.  Videte,  judices,  quantae  res  his  testimo- 
niis  sint  confectae.  Primum  certe  liberatur  Milo  non 
eo  consilio  profectus  esse,  ut  insidiaretur  in  via  Clodio  : 
quippe,  si  ille  obvius  ei  futurus  omnino  non  erat. 
Deinde  —  non  enim  video  cur  non  meum  quoque 
agam  negotium — scitis,  judices,  fuisse  qui  in  hac 
rogatione  suadenda  dicerent  Milonis  manu  caedem 
esse  factam,  consilio  vero  majoris  alicujus.  Me  videli- 
cet latronem  ac  sicarium  abjecti  homines  et  perditi 
describebant.  Jacent  suis  testibus  [ei]  qui  Clodium 
negant  eo  die  Romam,  nisi  de  Cyro  audisset,  fuisse 
rediturum.  Respiravi,  liberatus  sum  ;  non  vereor  ne, 
quod  ne  suspicari  quidem  potuerim,  videar  id  cogitasse. 
48.  Nunc  persequar  cetera.  Nam  occurrit  illud  :  '  Igi- 
tur  ne  Clodius  quidem  de  insidiis  cogitavit,  quoniam 
fuit  in  Albano  mansurus.'  Si  quidem  exiturus  ad 
caedem  e  villa  non  fuisset.  Video  enim  ilium,  qui 
dicatur  de  Cyri  morte  nuntiasse,  non  id  nuntiasse,  sed 
Milonem  appropinquare.  Nam  quid  de  Cyro  nuntia- 
ret,  quern  Clodius  Roma  proficiscens  reliquerat  mori- 
entem?  Una  fui,  testamentum  simul  obsignavi  cum 
Clodio  :  testamentum  autem  palam  fecerat,  et  ilium 
heredem  et  me  scripserat.  Quern  pridie  hora  tertia 
animam  efflantem  reliquisset,  eum  mortuum  postridie 
hora  decima  denique  ei  nuntiabatur? 

xix.  49.  Age,  sit  ita  factum.  Quae  causa  cur 
Romam  properaret?  cur  in  noctem  se  coniceret? 
Ecquid  adferebat  festinationis,  quod  heres  erat?  Pri- 
mum, erat  nihil  cur  properato  opus  esset :  deinde,  si 
quid  esset,  quid  tandem  erat  quod  ea  nocte  consequi 
posset,  amitteret   autem    si    postridie    Romam    mane 


xx.  53]    Why  did  Clbdius  return  that  Night?        189 

venisset?  Atque  ut  illi  nocturnus  ad  urbem  adventus 
vitandus  potius  quam  expetendus  fuit,  sic  Miloni,  cum 
insidiator  esset,  si  ilium  ad  urbem  nocte  accessurum 
sciebat,  subsidendum  atque  exspectandum  fuit.  50. 
Nemo  ei  neganti  non  credidisset,  quern  esse  omnes 
salvum  etiam  confitentem  volunt.  Sustinuisset  hoc 
crimen  primum  ipse  ille  latronum  occultator  et  recep- 
tor locus,  cum  neque  muta  solitudo  indicasset  neque 
caeca  nox  ostendisset  Milonem ;  deinde  ibi  multi  ab 
illo  violati,  spoliati,  bonis  expulsi,  multi  haec  etiam 
timentes  in  suspitionem  caderent,  tota  denique  rea 
citaretur  Etruria.  51.  Atque  illo  die  certe  Aricia 
rediens  devertit  Clodius  ad  Albanum.  Quod  ut  sci- 
ret  Milo  ilium  Ariciae  fuisse,  suspicari  tamen  debuit 
eum,  etiam  si  Romam  illo  die  reverti  vellet,  ad  villam 
suam,  quae  viam  tangeret,  deversurum.  Cur  neque 
ante  occurrit,  ne  ille  in  villa  resideret,  nee  eo  in  loco 
subsedit,  quo  ille  noctu  venturus  esset? 

Video  adhuc  constare,  judices,  omnia:  —  Miloni 
etiam  utile  fuisse  Clodium  vivere,  illi  ad  ea  quae  con- 
cupierat  optatissimum  interitum  Milonis  ;  odium  fuisse 
illius  in  hunc  acerbissimum,  nullum  hujus  in  ilium  ; 
consuetudinem  illius  perpetuam  in  vi  inferenda,  hujus 
tantum  in  repellenda ;  52.  mortem  ab  illo  denuntiatam 
Miloni  et  praedicatam  palam,  nihil  umquam  auditum 
ex  Milone  ;  profectionis  hujus  diem  illi  notum,  reditus 
illius  huic  ignotum  fuisse;  hujus  iter  necessarium, 
illius  etiam  potius  alienum ;  hunc  prae  se  tulisse 
illo  die  Roma  exiturum,  ilium  eo  die  se  dissimulasse 
rediturum  ;  hunc  nullius  rei  mutasse  consilium,  ilium 
causam  mutandi  consili  finxisse  ;  huic,  si  insidiaretur, 
noctem  prope  urbem  exspectandam,  illi,  etiam  si  hunc 
non  timeret,  tamen  accessum  ad  urbem  nocturnum 
fuisse  metuendum. 

xx.  53.  Videamus  nunc  (id  quod  caput  est)  locus 
ad  insidias  ille  ipse,  ubi  congressi  sunt,  utri  tandem 


190  Defence  of  Milo.  [Milo, 

fuerit  aptior.  Id  vero,  judices,  etiam  dubitandum  et 
diutius  cogitandum  est?  Ante  fundum  Clodi,  quo  in 
fundo  propter  insanas  illas  substructiones  facile  homi- 
num  mille  versabantur  valentium,  edito  adversari  atque 
excelso  loco,  superiorem  se  fore  putarat  Milo,  et  ob 
earn  rem  eum  locum  ad  pugnam  potissimum  elegerat? 
an  in  eo  loco  est  potius  exspectatus  ab  eo  qui  ipsius 
loci  spe  facere  impetum  cogitarat?  Res  loquitur  ipsa, 
judices,  quae  semper  valet  plurimum.  54.  Si  haec 
non  gesta  audiretis,  sed  picta  videretis,  tamen  appare- 
ret  uter  esset  insidiator,  uter  nihil  cogitaret  mali,  cum 
alter  veheretur  in  raeda  paenulatus,  una  sederet  uxor. 
Quid  horum  non  impeditissimum  ?  vestitus  an  vehic- 
ulum  an  comes?  Quid  minus  promptum  ad  pug- 
nam, cum  paenula  inretitus,  raeda  impeditus,  uxore 
paene  constrictus  esset?  Videte  nunc  ilium,  primum 
egredientem  e  villa,  subito  :  cur?  vesperi :  quid  ne- 
cesse  est?  tarde  :  qui  convenit,  praesertim  id  tempo- 
ris?  Devertit  in  villam  Pompei.  Pompeium  ut  vide- 
ret?  sciebat  in  Alsiensi  esse:  villam  ut  perspiceret? 
miliens  in  ea  fuerat.  Quid  ergo  erat?  morae  et  ter- 
giversationes :  dum  hie  veniret,  locum  relinquere 
noluit. 

xxi.  55.  Age  nunc ;  iter  expediti  latronis  cum  Milo- 
nis  impedimentis  comparate.  Semper  ille  antea  cum 
uxore,  turn  sine  ea  ;  numquam  nisi  in  raeda,  turn  in 
equo  ;  comites  Graeculi,  quocumque  ibat,  etiam  cum 
in  castra  Etrusca  properabat,  turn  nugarum  in  comitatu 
nihil.  Milo,  qui  numquam,  turn  casu  pueros  sympho- 
niacos  uxoris  ducebat  et  ancillarum  greges.  Ille,  qui 
semper  secum  scorta,  semper  exoletos,  semper  lupas 
duceret,  turn  neminem,  nisi  ut  virum  a  viro  lectum 
esse  diceres.  Cur  igitur  victus  est?  Quia  non  sem- 
per viator  a  latrone,  non  numquam  etiam  latro  a  viatore 
occiditur :  quia,  quamquam  paratus  in  imparatos  Clo- 
dius,  tamen  mulier  inciderat  in  viros.     56.  Nee  vero 


xxn.  s  8.]  Why   Clodlus  was  defeated.  191 

sic  erat  umquam  non  paratus  Milo  contra  ilium,  ut  non 
satis  fere  esset  paratus.  Semper  [ille]  et  quantum 
interesset  P.  Clodi  se  perire,  et  quanto  illi  odio  esset, 
et  quantum  ille  auderet  cogitabat.  Quam  ob  rem 
vitam  suam,  quam  maximis  praemiis  propositam  et 
paene  addictam  sciebat,  numquam  in  periculum  sine 
praesidio  et  sine  custodia  proiciebat.  Adde  casus, 
adde  incertos  exitus  pugnarum  Martemque  commu- 
nem,  qui  saepe  spoliantem  jam  et  exsultantem  evertit 
et  perculit  ab  abjecto  :  adde  inscitiam  pransi,  poti,  osci- 
tantis  ducis,  qui  cum  a  tergo  hostem  interclusum  reli- 
quisset,  nihil  de  ejus  extremis  comitibus  cogitavit,  in 
quos  incensos  ira  vitamque  domini  desperantis  cum 
incidisset,  haesit  in  eis  poenis,  quas  ab  eo  servi  fideles 
pro  domini  vita  expetiverunt. 

57.  Cur  igitur  eos  manu  misit?  Metuebat  scilicet  ne 
indicaretur,  ne  dolorem  perferre  non  possent,  ne  tor- 
mentis  cogerentur  occisum  esse  a  servis  Milonis  in 
Appia  via  P.  Clodium  confiteri.  Quid  opus  est  tortore? 
quid  quaeris?  Occideritne?  occidit.  Jure  an  injuria? 
nihil  ad  tortorem  :  facti  enim  in  eculeo  quaestio  est,  ju- 
ris in  judicio.  xxn.  Quod  igitur  in  causa  quaerendum 
est,  indagamus  hie  :  quod  tormentis  invenire  vis,  id 
fatemur.  Manu  vero  cur  miserit,  si  id  potius  quaeris, 
quam  cur  parum  amplis  adfecerit  praemiis,  nescis 
inimici  factum  reprehendere.  58.  Dixit  enim  hie 
idem,  qui  omnia  semper  constanter  et  fortiter,  M. 
Cato,  et  dixit  in  turbulenta  contione,  quae  tamen  hujus 
auctoritate  placata  est,  non  libertate  solum,  sed  etiam 
omnibus  praemiis  dignissimos  fuisse,  qui  domini  caput 
defendissent.  Quod  enim  praemium  satis  magnum  est 
tarn  benevolis,  tarn  bonis,  tarn  fidelibus  servis,  propter 
quos  vivit?  Etsi  id  quidem  non  tanti  est,  quam  quod 
propter  eosdem  non  sanguine  et  volneribus  suis  crude- 
lissimi  inimici  mentem  oculosque  satiavit.  Quos  nisi 
manu  misisset,  tormentis  etiam  dedendi  fuerunt  conser- 


192  Defence  of  Milo.  [Milo, 

vatores  domini,  ultores  sceleris,  defensores  necis.  Hie 
vero  nihil  habet  in  his  malis  quod  minus  moleste  ferat, 
quam,  etiam  si  quid  ipsi  accidat,  esse  tamen  illis  raeri- 
tum  praemium  persolutum. 

59.  Sed  quaestiones  urgent  Milonem,  quae  sunt  ha- 
bitae  nunc  in  atrio  Libertatis.  Quibusnam  de  servis? 
rogas?  de  P.  Clodi.  Quis  eos  postulavit?  Appius. 
Quis  produxit?  Appius.  Unde?  ab  Appio.  Di 
boni !  quid  potest  agi  severius?  [De  servis  nulla 
lege  quaestio  est  in  dominum  nisi  de  incestu,  ut  fuit  in 
Clodium.]  Proxime  deos  accessit  Clodius,  propius 
quam  turn  cum  ad  ipsos  penetrarat,  cujus  de  morte 
tamquam  de  caerimoniis  violatis  quaeritur.  Sed  tamen 
majores  nostri  in  dominum  [de  servo]  quaeri  noluerunt, 
non  quin  posset  verum  inveniri,  sed  quia  videbatur  in- 
dignum  esse  et  [domini]  morte  ipsa  tristius.  In  reum 
de  servo  accusatoris  cum  queeritur,  verum  inveniri 
potest?  60.  Age  vero,  quae  erat  aut  qualis  quaestio? 
4  Heus  tu,  Rufio'  (verbi  causa)  'cave  sis  mentiaris. 
Clodius  insidias  fecit  Miloni?'  «  Fecit:'  '  certa  crux.' 
'  Nullas  fecit : '  '  sperata  libertas.'  Quid  hac  quaestione 
certius?  Subito  abrepti  in  quaestionem,  tamen  sepa- 
rantur  a  ceteris  et  in  areas  coniciuntur,  ne  quis  cum 
eis  conloqui  possit.  Hi  centum  dies  penes  accusato- 
rem  cum  fuissent,  ab  eo  ipso  accusatore  producti  sunt. 
Quid  hac  quaestione  dici  potest  integrius,  quid  incor- 
ruptius? 

xxiii.  61.  Quod  si  nondum  satis  cernitis,  cum  res 
ipsa  tot  tarn  Claris  argumentis  'signisque  luceat,  pura 
mente  atque  integra  Milonem,  nullo  scelere  imbutum, 
nullo  metu  perterritum,  nulla  conscientia  exanimatum 
Romam  revertisse,  recordamini  (per  deos  immortalis  !) 
quae  fuerit  celeritas  reditus  ejus,  qui  ingressus  in 
forum  ardente  curia,  quae  magnitudo  animi,  qui  vol- 
tus,  quae  oratio.  Neque  vero  se  populo  solum,  sed 
etiam    senatui    commisit;    neque    senatui    modo,    sed 


xxiv.  64.]  Milo's   Conduct  afterwards.  193 

etiam  publicis  praesidiis  et  armis  ;  neque  his  tantum, 
verum  etiam  ejus  potestati,  cui  senatus  totam  rem  pub- 
licam,  omnem  Italiae  pubem,  cuncta  populi  Romani 
arma  commiserat :  cui  numquam  se  hie  profecto  tra- 
didisset,  nisi  causae  suae  confideret,  praesertim  omnia 
audienti,  magna  metuenti,  multa  suspicanti,  non  nulla 
credenti.  Magna  vis  est  conscientiae,  judices,  et 
magna  in  utramque  partem,  ut  neque  timeant  qui 
nihil  commiserint,  et  poenam  semper  ante  oculos  ver- 
sari  putent  qui  peccarint. 

62.  Neque  vero  sine  ratione  certa  causa  Milonis 
semper  a  senatu  probata  est.  Videbant  enim  sapien- 
tissimi  homines  facti  rationem,  praesentiam  animi, 
defensionis  constantiam.  An  vero  obliti  estis,  judices, 
recenti  illo  nuntio  necis  Clodianae,  non  modo  inimico- 
rum  Milonis  sermones  et  opiniones,  sed  non  nullorum 
etiam  imperitorum?  Negabant  eum  Romam  esse  red- 
iturum.  63.  Sive  enim  illud  animo  irato  ac  percito 
fecisset,  ut  incensus  odio  trucidaret  inimicum,  arbitra- 
bantur  eum  tanti  mortem  P.  Clodi  putasse,  ut  aequo 
animo  patria  careret,  cum  sanguine  inimici  explesset 
odium  suum ;  sive  etiam  illius  morte  patriam  liberare 
voluisset,  non  dubitaturum  fortem  virum  quin,  cum  suo 
periculo  salutem  populo  Romano  attulisset,  cederet 
aequo  animo  [legibus] ,  secum  auferret  gloriam  sempi- 
ternam,  nobis  haec  fruenda  relinqueret,  quae  ipse 
servasset.  Multi  etiam  Catilinam  atque  ilia  portenta 
loquebantur  :  '  Erumpet,  occupabit  aliquem  locum,  bel- 
lum  patriae  faciet.'  Miseros  interdum  civis  optime  de 
re  publica  meritos,  in  quibus  homines  non  modo  res 
praeclarissimas  obliviscuntur,  sed  etiam  nefarias  sus- 
picantur  !  64.  Ergo  ilia  falsa  fuerunt,  quae  certe  vera 
exstitissent,  si  Milo  admisisset  aliquid  quod  non  posset 
honeste  vereque  defendere. 

xxiv.  Quid?  quae  postea  sunt  in  eum  congesta, 
quae  quemvis  etiam  mediocrium  delictorum  conscien- 

13 


194  Defence  of  Milo.  [Milo. 

tia  perculissent,  ut  sustinuit,  di  immortales  !  Sustinuit? 
immo  vero  ut  contempsit  ac  pro  nihilo  putavit,  quae 
neque  maximo  animo  nocens  neque  innocens  nisi  for- 
tissimus  vir  neglegere  potuisset !  Scutorum,  gladio- 
rum,  frenorum,  pilorumque  etiam  multitude*  deprehendi 
posse  indicabatur;  nullum  in  urbe  vicum,  nullum 
angiportum  esse  dicebant,  in  quo  Miloni  conducta  non 
esset  domus ;  arma  in  villam  Ocriculanam  devecta 
Tiberi,  domus  in  clivo  Capitolino  scutis  referta, 
plena  omnia  malleolorum  ad  urbis  incendia  comparato- 
rum  :  haec  non  delata  solum,  sed  paene  credita,  nee 
ante  repudiata  sunt  quam  quaesita.  65.  Laudabam 
equidem  incredibilem  diligentiam  Cn.  Pompei,  sed 
dicam  ut  sentio,  judices.  Nimis  multa  audire  cogun- 
tur,  neque  aliter  facere  possunt,  ei  quibus  tota  com- 
missa  est  res  publica.  Qiiin  etiam  fuit  audiendus  popa 
Licinius  nescio  qui  de  Circo  maximo,  servos  Milonis, 
apud  se  ebrios  factos,  sibi  confessos  esse  de  interfi- 
ciendo  Pompeio  conjurasse,  dein  postea  se  gladio  per- 
cussum  esse  ab  uno  de  illis,  ne  indicaret.  Pompeio 
in  hortos  nuntiavit ;  arcessor  in  primis ;  de  amicorum 
sententia  rem  defert  ad  senatum.  Non  poteram  in 
illius  mei  patriaeque  custodis  tanta  suspitione  non 
metu  exanimari ;  sed  mirabar  tamen  credi  popae,  con- 
fessionem  servorum  audiri,  volnus  in  latere,  quod 
acu  punctum  videretur,  pro  ictu  gladiatoris  probari. 
66.  Verum,  ut  intellego,  cavebat  magis  Pompeius  quam 
timebat,  non  ea  solum  quae  timenda  erant,  sed  omnia, 
ne  vos  aliquid  timeretis.  Oppugnata  domus  C.  Cae- 
saris,  clarissimi  et  fortissimi  viri,  per  multas  noctis 
horas  nuntiabatur.  Nemo  audierat  tarn  celebri  loco, 
nemo  senserat :  tamen  audiebatur.  Non  poteram  Cn. 
Pompeium,  praestantissima  virtute  virum,  timidum 
suspicari :  diligentiam,  tota  republica  suscepta,  nimiam 
nullam  putabam.  Frequentissimo  senatu  nuper  in 
Capitolio  senator  inventus  est  qui  Milonem  cum  telo 


xxv.  68.]  Pomfey  has  nothing  to  fear  from  Mtlo,   195 

esse  diceret.  Nudavit  se  in  sanctissimo  templo,  quo- 
niam  vita  talis  et  civis  et  viri  fidem  non  faciebat,  ut  eo 
tacente  res  ipsa  loqueretur. 

xxv.  67.  Omnia  falsa  atque  insidiose  ficta  comperta 
sunt.  Cum  tamen,  si  metuitur  etiam  nunc  Milo,  non 
jam  hoc  Clodianum  crimen  timemus,  sed  tuas,  Cn. 
Pompei  —  te  enim  jam  appello,  et  ea  voce  ut  me 
exaudire  possis  —  tuas,  tuas,  inquam,  suspitiones  per- 
horrescimus  :  si  Milonem  times  ;  si  hunc  de  tua  vita 
nefarie  aut  nunc  cogitare  aut  molitum  aliquando  ali- 
quid  putas  ;  si  Italiae  dilectus  (ut  non  nulli  conquisi- 
tores  tui  dictitarunt),  si  haec  arma,  si  Capitolinae 
cohortes,  si  excubiae,  si  vigiliae,  si  dilecta  juventus 
quae  tuum  corpus  domumque  custodit  contra  Milonis 
impetum  armata  est,  atque  ilia  omnia  in  hunc  unum 
instituta,  parata,  intenta  sunt,  —  magna  in  hoc  certe 
vis  et  incredibilis  animus,  et  non  unius  viri  vires  atque 
opes  judicantur,  si  quidem  in  hunc  unum  et  praestan- 
tissimus  dux  electus  et  tota  res  publica  armata  est. 
68.  Sed  quis  non  intellegit  omnis  tibi  rei  publicae 
partis  aegras  et  labantis,  ut  eas  his  armis  sanares  et 
confirmares,  esse  commissas?  Quod  si  locus  Miloni 
datus  esset,  probasset  profecto  tibi  ipsi  neminem  um- 
quam  hominem  homini  cariorem  fuisse  quam  te  sibi ; 
nullum  se  umquam  periculum  pro  tua  dignitate  fugisse  ; 
cum  ipsa  ilia  taeterrima  peste  se  saepissime  pro  tua 
gloria  contendisse  ;  tribunatum  suum  ad  salutem  meam, 
quae  tibi  carissima  fuisset,  consiliis  tuis  gubernatum  ; 
se  a  te  postea  defensum  in  periculo  capitis,  adjutum  in 
petitione  praeturae ;  duos  se  habere  semper  amicissi- 
mos  sperasse,  te  tuo  beneficio,  me  suo.  Quae  si  non 
probaret,  si  tibi  ita  penitus  inhaesisset  ista  suspitio 
nullo  ut  evelli  modo  posset,  si  denique  Italia  a  dilectu, 
urbs  ab  armis  sine  Milonis  clade  numquam  esset 
conquietura,  ne  ille  haud  dubitans  cessisset  patria,  is 
qui  ita  natus  est  et  ita  consuevit :  te,  Magne,  tamen 
antestaretur,  quod  nunc  etiam  facit. 


196  Defence  of  Milo.  [Milo, 

xxvi.  69.  Vide  quam  sit  varia  vitae  commutabilisque 
ratio,  quam  vaga  volubilisque  fortuna,  quantae  infi- 
delitates  in  amicis,  quam  ad  tempus  aptae  simulationes, 
quantae  in  periculis  fugae  proximorum,  quantae  timi- 
ditates.  Erit,  erit  illud  profecto  tempus,  et  inlucescet 
aliquando  ille  dies,  cum  tu  —  salutaribus,  ut  spero, 
rebus  tuis,  sed  fortasse  motu  aliquo  communium  tem- 
porum,  qui  quam  crebro  accidat  experti  scire  debemus 
—  et  amicissimi  benevolentiam  et  gravissimi  hominis 
fidem  et  unius  post  homines  natos  fortissimi  viri  mag- 
nitudinem  animi  desideres.  70.  Quamquam  quis  hoc 
credat,  Cn.  Pompeium,  juris  publici,  moris  majorum, 
rei  denique  publicae  peritissimum,  cum  senatus  ei  com- 
miserit  ut  videret  Ne  quid  res  publico,  detrimenti  cap- 
eret  (quo  uno  versiculo  satis  armati  semper  consules 
fuerunt,  etiam  nullis  armis  datis),  hunc  exercitu,  hunc 
dilectu  dato,  judicium  exspectaturum  fuisse  in  ejus 
consiliis  vindicandis,  qui  vi  judicia  ipsa  tolleret?  Satis 
judicatum  est  a  Pompeio,  satis,  falso  ista  conferri  in 
Milonem,  qui  legem  tulit,  qua,  ut  ego  sentio,  Milonem 
absolvi  a  vobis  oporteret,  ut  omnes  confitentur,  liceret. 
71.  Quod  vero  in  illo  loco  atque  illis  publicorum  prae- 
sidiorum  copiis  circumfusus  sedet,  satis  declarat  se  non 
terrorem  inferre  vobis  —  quid  enim  minus  illo  dignum 
quam  cogere  ut  vos  eum  condemnetis,  in  quern  ani- 
madvertere  ipse  et  more  majorum  et  suo  jure  posset? 
sed  praesidio  esse,  ut  intellegatis  contra  hesternam 
illam  contionem  licere  vobis  quod  sentiatis  libere 
judicare. 

xxvii.  72.  Nee  vero  me,  judices,  Clodianum  crimen 
movet,  nee  tarn  sum  demens  tamque  vestri  sensus 
ignarus  atque  expers,  ut  nesciam  quid  de  morte  Clodi 
sentiatis.  De  qua,  si  jam  nollem  ita  diluere  crimen,  ut 
dilui,  tamen  impune  Miloni  palam  clamare  ac  mentiri 
gloriose  liceret :  *  Occidi,  occidi,  non  Sp.  Maelium,  qui 
annona  levanda  jacturisque  rei  familiaris,  quia  nimis 


xxvii.  74]     The   Crimes  of  Clodlus  recited.  197 

amplecti  plebem  videbatur,  in  suspitionem  incidit 
regni  appetendi ;  non  Ti.  Gracchum,  qui  conlegae 
magistratum  per  seditionem  abrogavit,  quorum  inter- 
fectores  impleverunt  orbem  terrarum  nominis  sui  glo- 
ria ;  sed  eum  —  auderet  enim  dicere,  cum  patriam 
periculo  suo  liberasset  —  cujus  nefandum  adulterium 
in  pulvinaribus  sanctissimis  nobilissimae  feminae  com- 
prehenderunt ;  73.  eum  cujus  supplicio  senatus  sollem- 
nis  religiones  expiandas  saepe  censuit ;  eum  quern  cum 
sorore  germana  nefarium  stuprum  fecisse  L.  Lucullus 
juratus  se  quaestionibus  habitis  dixit  comperisse  ;  eum 
qui  civem  quem  senatus,  quern  populus  Romanus,  quern 
ornnes  gentes  urbis  ac  vitae  civium  conservatorem 
judicarant,  servorum  armis  exterminavit ;  eum  qui 
regna  dedit,  ademit,  orbem  terrarum  quibuscum  voluit 
partitus  est ;  eum  qui,  plurimis  caedibus  in  foro  factis, 
singulari  virtute  et  gloria  civem  domum  vi  et  armis 
compulit;  eum  cui  nihil  umquam  nefas  fuit,  nee  in 
facinore  nee  in  libidine  ;  eum  qui  aedem  Nympharum 
incendit,  ut  memoriam  publicam  recensionis  tabulis 
publicis  impressam  exstingueret ;  74.  eum  denique, 
cui  jam  nulla  lex  erat,  nullum  civile  jus,  nulli 
possessionum  termini;  qui  non  calumnia  litium,  non 
injustis  vindiciis  ac  sacramentis  alienos  fundos,  sed 
castris,  exercitu,  signis  inferendis  petebat ;  qui  non 
solum  Etruscos  —  eos  enim  penitus  contempserat  — 
sed  hunc  P.  Varium,  fortissimum  atque  optimum 
civem,  judicem  nostrum,  pellere  possessionibus  armis 
castrisque  conatus  est ;  qui  cum  architectis  et  decem- 
pedis  villas  multorum  hortosque  peragrabat ;  qui 
Janiculo  et  Alpibus  spem  possessionum  terminarat 
suarum;  qui,  cum  ab  equite  Romano  splendido  et 
forti,  M.  Paconio,  non  impetrasset  ut  sibi  insulam  in 
lacu  Prilio  venderet,  repente  luntribus  in  earn  insulam 
materiem,  calcem,  caementa,  arma  convexit,  domino- 
que  trans  ripam  inspectante,  non  dubitavit  exstruere 


198  Defence  of  Milo.  [Milo, 

aedificium  in  alieno ;  75.  qui  huic  T.  Furfanio,  —  cui 
viro,  di  immortales !  quid  enim  ego  de  muliercula 
Scantia,  quid  de  adulescente  P.  Apinio  dicam?  quo- 
rum utrique  mortem  est  minitatus,  nisi  sibi  hortorum 
possessione  cessissent,  —  sed  ausum  esse  Furfanio 
dicere,  si  sibi  pecuniam,  quantam  poposcerat,  non 
dedisset,  mortuum  se  in  domum  ejus  inlaturum,  qua 
invidia  huic  esset  tali  viro  conflagrandum  ;  qui  Appium 
fratrem,  hominem  mihi  conjunctum  fidissima  gratia, 
absentem  de  possessione  fundi  dejecit ;  qui  parietem 
sic  per  vestibulum  sororis  instituit  ducere,  sic  agere 
fundamenta,  ut  sororem  non  modo  vestibulo  privaret, 
sed  omni  aditu  et  limine. 

xxviii.  76.  Quamquam  haec  quidem  jam  tolerabilia 
videbantur,  etsi  aequabiliter  in  rem  publicam,  in  pri- 
vatos,  in  longinquos,  in  propinquos,  in  alienos,  in  suos 
inruebat ;  sed  nescio  quo  modo  jam  usu  obduruerat  et 
percalluerat  civitatis  incredibilis  patientia.  Quae  vero 
aderant  jam  et  impendebant,  quonam  modo  ea  aut  de- 
pellere  potuissetis  aut  ferre?  Imperium  ille  si  nactus 
esset,  —  omitto  socios,  exteras  nationes,  reges,  tetrar- 
chas  ;  vota  enim  faceretis,  ut  in  eos  se  potius  immitte- 
ret  quam  in  vestras  possessiones,  vestra  tecta,  vestras 
pecunias  :  —  pecunias  dico?  a  liberis  (me  dius  fidius)  et 
a  conjugibus  vestris  numquam  ille  effrenatas  suas  libid- 
ines  cohibuisset.  Fingi  haec  putatis,  quae  patent,  quae 
nota  sunt  omnibus,  quae  tenentur?  servorum  exercitus 
ilium  in  urbe  conscripturum  fuisse,  per  quos  totam 
rem  publicam  resque  privatas  omnium  possideret?  77. 
Quam  ob  rem  si  cruentum  gladium  tenens  clamaret 
T.  Annius  :  (  Adeste,  quaeso,  atque  audite,  cives  :  P. 
Clodium  interfeci ;  ejus  furores,  quos  nullis  jam  legi- 
bus,  nullis  judiciis  frenare  poteramus,  hoc  ferro  et  hac 
dextera  a  cervicibus  vestris  reppuli,  per  me  ut  unum 
jus,  aequitas,  leges,  libertas,  pudor,  pudicitia  in  civitate 
maneret ! '    esset    vero   timendum,    quonam    modo    id 


axix.  79.]     Milo  ?night  well  have  slain  him*  199 

ferret  civitas !  Nunc  enim  quis  est  qui  non  probet, 
qui  non  laudet,  qui  non  unum  post  hominum  memo- 
riam  T.  Annium  plurimum  rei  publicae  profuisse, 
maxima  laetitia  populum  Romanum,  cunctam  Italiam, 
nationes  omnis  adfecisse  et  dicat  et  sentiat?  Non 
queo  vetera  ilia  populi  Romani  gaudia  quanta  fuerint 
judicare  :  multas  tamen  jam  summorum  imperatorum 
clarissimas  victorias  aetas  nostra  vidit,  quarum  nulla 
neque  tarn  diuturnam  attulit  laetitiam  nee  tantam. 
78.  Mandate  hoc  memoriae,  judices.  Spero  multa  vos 
liberosque  vestros  in  re  publica  bona  esse  visuros  :  in 
eis  singulis  ita  semper  existimabitis,  vivo  P.  Clodio 
nihil  eorum  vos  visuros  fuisse.  In  spem  maximam, 
et  (quern  ad  modum  confido)  verissimam  sumus  ad- 
ducti,  hunc  ipsum  annum,  hoc  ipso  summo  viro  con- 
sule,  compressa  hominum  licentia,  cupiditatibus  fractis, 
legibus  et  judiciis  constitutis,  salutarem  civitati  fore. 
Num  quis  est  igitur  tarn  demens,  qui  hoc  P.  Clodio 
vivo  contingere  potuisse  arbitretur?  Quid?  ea  quae 
tenetis,  privata  atque  vestra,  dominante  homine  furioso 
quod  jus  perpetuae  possessionis  habere  potuissent? 

xxix.  Non,  timeo,  judices,  ne  odio  inimicitiarum 
mearu'm  infiammatus  libentius  haec  in  ilium  evomere 
videar  quam  verius.  Etenim  si  praecipuum  esse  de- 
bebat,  tamen  ita  communis  erat  omnium  ille  hostis, 
ut  in  communi  odio  paene  aequaliter  versaretur  odium 
meum.  Non  potest  dici  satis,  ne  cogitari  quidem, 
quantum  in  illo  sceleris,  quantum  exiti  fuerit.  79.  Quin 
sic  attendite,  judices.  Nempe  haec  est  quaestio  de 
interitu  P.  Clodi.  Fingite  animis  —  liberae  sunt  enim 
nostrae  cogitationes,  et  quae  volunt  sic  intuentur  ut 
ea  cernimus  quae  videmus  —  fingite  igitur  cogita- 
tione  imaginem  hujus  condicionis  meae,  si  possim 
efflcere  ut  Milonem  absolvatis,  sed  ita,  si  P.  Clodius 
revixerit.  Quid  voltu  extimuistis?  quonam  modo  ille 
vos  vivus  adficeret,  quos  mortuus  inani  cogitatione  per- 


200  Defence  of  Milo.  [Milo, 

cussit?  Quid  !  si  ipse  Cn.  Pompeius,  qui  ea  virtute  ac 
fortuna  est  ut  ea  potuerit  semper  quae  nemo  praeter 
ilium,  si  is,  inquam,  potuisset  aut  quaestionem  de  morte 
P.  Clodi  ferre  aut  ipsum  ab  inferis  excitare,  utrum 
putatis  potius  facturum  fuisse  ?  Etiam  si  propter  ami- 
citiam  vellet  ilium  ab  inferis  evocare,  propter  rem 
publicam  non  fecisset.  Ejus  igitur  mortis  sedetis  ulto- 
res,  cujus  vitam  si  putetis  per  vos  restitui  posse,  nolitis  ; 
et  de  ejus  nece  lata  quaestio  est,  qui  si  lege  eadem  re- 
viviscere  posset,  lata  lex  numquam  esset.  Hujus  ergo 
interfector  si  esset,  in  confitendo  ab  eisne  poenam 
timeret  quos  libera visset?  80.  Graeci  homines  deorum 
honores  tribuunt  eis  viris  qui  tyrannos  necaverunt. 
Quae  ego  vidi  Athenis  !  quae  aliis  in  urbibus  Graeciae  ! 
quas  res  divinas  talibus  institutas  viris  !  quos  cantus, 
quae  carmina  !  prope  ad  immortalitatis  et  rt  gionem 
et  memoriam  consecrantur.  Vos  tanti  conservatorem 
populi,  tanti  sceleris  ultorem  non  modo  honoribus  nullis 
adficietis,  sed  etiam  ad  supplicium  rapi  patiemini? 
Confiteretur,  confiteretur,  inquam,  si  fecisset,  et  magno 
animo  et  libenter  fecisse  se  libertatis  omnium  causa, 
quod  esset  ei  non  confitendum  modo,  verum  etiam 
praedicandum. 

xxx.  81.  Etenim  si  id  non  negat  ex  quo  nihil  petit  nisi 
ut  ignoscatur,  dubitaret  id  fateri  ex  quo  etiam  prae- 
mia  laudis  essent  petenda?  nisi  vero  gratius  putat  esse 
vobis  sui  se  capitis  quam  vestri  defensorem  fuisse,  cum 
praesertim  [in]  ea  confessione,  si  grati  esse  velletis, 
honores  adsequeretur  amplissimos.  Si  factum  vobis 
non  probaretur  —  quamquam  qui  poterat  salus  sua 
cuiquam  non  probari? — sed  tamen  si  minus  fortissimi 
viri  virtus  civibus  grata  cecidisset,  magno  animo  con- 
stantique  cederet  ex  ingrata  civitate.  Nam  quid  esset 
ingratius  quam  laetari  ceteros,  lugere  eum  solum  prop- 
ter quern  ceteri  laetarentur?  82.  Quamquam  hoc 
animo  semper  omnes  fuimus  in  patriae  proditoribus 


xxxi.  84.]     He  deserves  well  of  the  State.  201 

opprimendis,  ut,  quoniam  nostra  futura  esset  gloria, 
periculum  quoque  et  invidiam  nostram  putaremus. 
Nam  quae  mihi  ipsi  tribuenda  laus  esset,  cum  tantum 
in  consulatu  meo  pro  vobis  ac  liberis  vestris  ausus 
essem,  si  id,  quod  conabar  sine  maximis  dimication- 
ibus  meis  me  esse  ausurum  arbitrarer?  Quae  mulier 
sceleratum  ac  perniciosum  civem  interficere  non  au- 
deret,  si  periculum  non  timeret?  Proposita  invidia, 
morte,  poena,  qui  nihilo  segnius  rem  publicam  defendit, 
is  vir  vere  putandus  est.  Populi  grati  est  praemiis 
adficere  bene  meritos  de  re  publica  civis ;  viri  fortis  ne 
suppliciis  quidem  moveri  ut  fortiter  fecisse  paeniteat. 
83.  Quam  ob  rem  uteretur  eadem  confessione  T.  An- 
nius  qua  Ahala,  qua  Nasica,  qua  Opimius,  qua  Marius, 
qua  nosmet  ipsi ;  et,  si  grata  res  publica  esset,  laeta- 
retur :  si  ingrata,  tamen  in  gravi  fortuna  conscientia 
sua  niteretur. 

Sed  hujus  benefici  gratiam,  judices,  fortuna  populi 
Romani  et  vestra  felicitas  et  di  immortales  sibi  deberi 
putant.  Nee  vero  quisquam  aliter  arbitrari  potest, 
nisi  qui  nullam  vim  esse  ducit  numenve  divinum ; 
quern  neque  imperi  nostri  magnitudo  neque  sol  ille 
nee  caeli  signorumque  motus  nee  vicissitudines  rerum 
atque  ordines  movent,  neque  (id  quod  maximum 
est)  majorum  sapientia,  qui  sacra,  qui  caerimonias, 
qui  auspicia  et  ipsi  sanctissime  coluerunt,  et  nobis  suis 
posteris  prodiderunt.  xxxi.  84.  Est,  est  profecto  ilia 
vis  :  neque  in  his  corporibus  atque  in  hac  imbecillitate 
nostra  inest  quiddam  quod  vigeat  et  sentiat,  et  non 
inest  in  hoc  tanto  naturae  tarn  praeclaro  motu.  Nisi 
forte  idcirco  non  putant,  quia  non  apparet  nee  cernitur  : 
proinde  quasi  nostram  ipsam  mentem  qua  sapimus, 
qua  providemus,  qua  haec  ipsa  agimus  ac  dicimus, 
videre  aut  plane  qualis  aut  ubi  sit  sentire  possimus. 
Ea  vis  igitur  ipsa,  quae  saepe  incredibilis  huic  urbi 
felicitates  atque  opes  attulit,  illam  perniciem  exstinxit 


202  Defence  of  Milo.  [Milo, 

ac  sustulit ;  cui  primum  mentem  injecit,  ut  vi  irritare 
ferroque  lacessere  fortissimum  virum  auderet,  vincere- 
turque  ab  eo,  quern  si  vicisset  habiturus  esset  impuni- 
tatem  et  licentiam  sempiternam. 

85.  Non  est  humano  consilio,  ne  mediocri  quidem, 
judices,  deorum  immortalium  cura,  res  ilia  perfecta. 
Religiones  me  hercule  ipsae,  quae  illam  beluam  cadere 
viderunt,  commosse  se  videntur,  et  jus  in  illo  suum 
retinuisse.  Vos  enim  jam,  Albani  tumuli  atque  luci, 
vos,  inquam,  imploro  atque  obtestor ;  vosque,  Albano- 
rum  obrutae  arae,  sacrorum  populi  Romani  sociae  et 
aequales,  quas  ille  praeceps  amentia,  caesis  prostra- 
tisque  sanctissimis  lucis,  substructionum  insanis  moli- 
bus  oppresserat.  Vestrae  turn  [arae]  vestrae  religiones 
viguerunt ;  vestra  vis  valuit,  quam  ille  omni  scelere 
polluerat.  Tuque  ex  tuo  edito  monte,  Latiaris  sancte 
Juppiter,  cujus  ille  lacus,  nemora  finisque  saepe  omni 
nefario  stupro  et  scelere  macularat,  aliquando  ad  eum 
poeniendum  oculos  aperuisti.  Vobis  illae,  vobis  vestro 
in  conspectu  serae,  sed  justae  tamen  et  debitae  poenae 
solutae  sunt.  86.  Nisi  forte  hoc  etiam  casu  factum 
esse  dicemus,  ut  ante  ipsum  sacrarium  Bonae  deae, 
quod  est  in  fundo  T.  Sergi  Galli,  in  primis  honesti  et 
ornati  adulescentis,  ante  ipsam,  inquam,  Bonam  deam, 
cum  proelium  commisisset,  primum  illud  volnus  ac- 
ciperet,  quo  taeterrimam  mortem  obiret ;  ut  non  ab- 
solutus  judicio  illo  nefario  videretur,  sed  ad  hanc 
insignem  poenam  reservatus.  xxxn.  Nee  vero  non 
eadem  ira  deorum  hanc  ejus  satellitibus  injecit  amen- 
tiam,  ut  sine  imaginibus,  sine  cantu  atque  ludis,  sine 
exsequiis,  sine  lamentis,  sine  laudationibus,  sine  funere, 
oblitus  cruore  et  luto,  spoliatus  illius  supremi  diei  cele- 
britate,  cui  cedere  inimici  etiam  solent,  ambureretur 
abjectus.  Non  fuisse  credo  fas  clarissimorum  virorum 
for  mas  illi  taeterrimo  parricidae  aliquid  decoris  adferre, 
neque  ullo  in  loco  potius  mortem  ejus  lacerari  quam  in 
quo  vita  esset  damnata. 


xxxiii.  89.]    Crimes  and  Madness  of  Clodius.  203 

87.  Dura  (me  dius  fidius)  mihi  jam  Fortuna  populi 
Romani  et  crudelis  videbatur,  quae  tot  annos  ilium 
in  hanc  rem  publicam  i'nsultare  pateretur.  Polluerat 
stupro  sanctissimas  religiones,  senatus  gravissima  de- 
creta  perfregerat,  pecunia  se  a  judicibus  palam  redem- 
erat,  vexarat  in  tribunatu  senatum,  omnium  ordinum 
consensu  pro  salute  rei  publicae  gesta  resciderat, 
me  patria  expulerat,  bona  diripuerat,  domum  incende- 
rat,  liberos,  conjugem  meam  vexarat,  Cn.  Pompeio 
nefarium  bellum  indixerat,  magistratuum  privatorum- 
que  caedis  efTecerat,  domum  mei  fratris  incenderat, 
vastarat  Etruriam,  multos  sedibus  ac  fortunis  ejece- 
rat.  Instabat,  urgebat.  Capere  ejus  amentiam  civitas, 
Italia,  provinciae,  regna  non  poterant.  Incidebantur 
jam  domi  leges,  quae  nos  servis  nostris  addicerent. 
Nihil  erat  cujusquam,  quod  quidem  ille  adamasset, 
quod  non  hoc  anno  suum  fore  putaret.  88.  Obstabat 
ejus  cogitationibus  nemo  praeter  Milonem.  Ilium 
ipsum,  qui  obstare  poterat,  novo  reditu  in  gratiam 
quasi  devinctum  arbitrabatur  :  Caesaris  potentiam 
suam  esse  dicebat :  bonorum  animos  in  meo  casu 
contempserat :    Milo  unus  urgebat. 

xxxiii.  Hie  di  immortales,  ut  supra  dixi,  mentem 
illi  perdito  ac  furioso  dederunt,  ut  huic  faceret  insidias. 
Aliter  perire  pestis  ilia  non  potuit :  numquam  ilium 
res  publica  suo  jure  esset  ulta.  Senatus  (credo)  prae- 
torem  eum  circumscripsisset.  Ne  cum  solebat  quidem 
id  facere,  in  privato  eodem  hoc  aliquid  profecerat. 
89.  An  consules  in  praetore  coercendo  fortes  fuissent? 
Primum,  Milone  occiso  habuisset  suos  consules  :  deinde 
quis  in  eo  praetore  consul  fortis  esset,  per  quern  tri- 
bunum  virtutem  consularem  crudelissime  vexatam  esse 
meminisset?  Oppressisset  omnia,  possideret,  teneret: 
lege  nova  [quae  est  inventa  apud  eum  cum  reliquis 
legibus  Clodianis]  servos  nostros  libertos  suos  fecisset : 
postremo,  nisi   eum   di   immortales   in   earn   mentem 


204  Defence  of  Milo.  [Milo, 

impulissent,  ut  homo  effeminatus  fortissimum  virum 
conaretur  occidere,  hodie  rem  publicam  nullam  habe- 
retis.  90.  An  ille  praetor,  ille  vero  consul,  —  si  modo 
haec  templa  atque  ipsa  moenia  stare  eo  vivo  tarn  diu  et 
consulatum  ejus  exspectare  potuissent,  —  ille  denique 
vivus  mali  nihil  fecisset,  qui  mortuus,  unoex  suis  satel- 
litibus  [Sex.  Clodio]  duce,  curiam  incenderit?  Quo 
quid  miserius,  quid  acerbius,  quid  luctuosius  vidimus? 
Templum  sanctitatis,  amplitudinis,  mentis,  consili 
publici,  caput  urbis,  aram  sociorum,  portum  omnium 
gentium,  sedem  ab  universo  populo  concessam  uni 
ordini,  inflammari,  exscindi,  funestari?  neque  id  fieri 
a  multitudine  imperita  —  quamquam  esset  miserum  id 
ipsum  —  sed  ab  uno?  Qui  cum  tantum  ausus  sit  ustor 
pro  mortuo,  quid  signifer  pro  vivo  non  esset  ausus?  In 
curiam  potissimum  abjecit,  ut  earn  mortuus  incenderet, 
quam  vivus  everterat.  91.  Et  sunt  qui  de  via  Appia 
querantur,  taceant  de  curia !  et  qui  ab  eo  spirante 
forum  putent  potuisse  defendi,  cujus  non  restiterit 
cadaveri  curia  !  Excitate,  excitate  ipsum,  si  potestis, 
a  mortuis.  Frangetis  impetum  vivi,  cujus  vix  susti- 
netis  furias  insepulti?  Nisi  vero  sustinuistis  eos  qui 
cum  facibus  ad  curiam  cucurrerunt,  cum  falcibus 
ad  Castoris,  cum  gladiis  toto  foro  volitarunt.  Caedi 
vidistis  populum  Romanum,  contionem  gladiis  distur- 
bari,  cum  audiretur  silentio  M.  Caelius,  tribunus 
plebis,  vir  et  in  re  publica  fortissimus,  et  in  suscepta 
causa  firmissimus,  et  bonorum  voluntati  et  auctoritati 
senatus  deditus,  et  in  hac  Milonis  sive  invidia  sive 
fortuna  singulari,  divina  et  incredibili  fide. 

xxxiv.  92.  Sed  jam  satis  multa  de  causa :  extra 
causam  etiam  nimis  fortasse  multa.  Quid  restat  nisi 
ut  orem  obtesterque  vos,  judices,  ut  earn  misericor- 
diam  tribuatis  fortissimo  viro,  quam  ipse  non  implorat, 
ego  etiam  repugnante  hoc  et  imploro  et  exposco? 
Nolite,  si  in  nostro  omnium  fletu   nullam   lacrimam 


xxxiv.  94-]    He  bids  Farewell  to  the   City.  205 

aspexistis  Milonis,  si  voltum  semper  eundem,  si  vocem, 
si  orationem  stabilem  ac  non  mutatam  videtis,  hoc 
minus  ei  parcere  :  haud  scio  an  multo  sit  etiam  adju- 
vandus  magis.  Etenim  si  in  gladiatoriis  pugnis  et 
infimi  generis  hominum  condicione  atque  fortuna  timi- 
dos  atque  supplices  et  ut  vivere  liceat  obsecrantis 
etiam  orlisse  solemus,  fortis  atque  animosos  et  se  acriter 
ipsos  morti  offerentis  servare  cupimus,  eorumque  nos 
magis  miseret  qui  nostram  misericordiam  non  requirunt 
quam  qui  illam  effiagitant,  — quanto  hoc  magis  in  for- 
tissimis  civibus  facere  debemus?  93.  Me  quidem,  ju- 
dices,  exanimant  et  interimunt  hae  voces  Milonis,  quas 
audio  adsidue  et  quibus  intersum  cotidie.  '  Valeant,' 
inquit,  «  valeant  cives  mei :  sint  incolumes,  sint  floren- 
tes,  sint  beati :  stet  haec  urbs  praeclara  mihique  patria 
carissima,  quoquo  modo  erit  merita  de  me.  Tranquilia 
re  publica  mei  cives,  quoniam  mihi  cum  illis  non  licet, 
sine  me  ipsi,  sed  propter  me  tamen  perfruantur.  Ego 
cedam  atque  abibo  :  si  mihi  bona  re  publica  frui  non 
licuerit,  at  carebo  mala,  et  quam  primum  tetigero 
bene  moratam  et  liberam  civitatem,  in  ea  conquiescam. 
94.  O  frustra,'  inquit,  '  mihi  suscepti  labores  !  O  spes 
fallaces  et  cogitationes  inanes  meae  !  Ego  cum  tribu- 
nus  plebis  re  publica  oppressa  me  senatui  dedissem, 
quern  exstinctum  acceperam,  equitibus  Romanis,  quo- 
rum vires  erant  debiles,  bonis  viris,  qui  omnem  auc- 
toritatem  Clodianis  armis  abjecerant,  mihi  umquam 
bonorum  praesidium  defuturum  putarem?  ego  cum 
te'  —  mecum  enim  saepissime  loquitur  —  «  patriae 
reddidissem,  mihi  putarem  in  patria  non  futurum 
locum?  Ubi  nunc  senatus  est,  quern  secuti  sumus? 
ubi  equites  Romani  illi  [illi],'  inquit,  <tui?  ubi  studia 
municipiorum?  ubi  Italiae  voces?  ubi  denique  tua 
ilia,  M.  Tulli,  quae  plurimis  fuit  auxilio,  vox  atque 
defensio?  mihine  ea  soli,  qui  pro  te  totiens  morti  me 
obtuli,  nihil  potest  opitulari?' 


206  Defence  of  Mil o.  [Milo, 

xxxv.  95.  Nee  vero  haec,  judices,  lit  ego  nunc, 
flens,  sed  hoc  eodem  loquitur  voltu  quo  videtis.  Ne- 
gat enim,  negat  ingratis  civibus  fecisse  se  quae 
fecerit;  timidis  et  omnia  circumspicientibus  pericula 
non  negat.  Plebem  et  infimam  multitudinem,  quae 
P.  Clodio  duce  fortunis  vestris  imminebat,  earn,  quo 
tutior  esset  vestra  vita,  se  fecisse  commemorat  ut  non 
modo  virtute  fiecteret,  sed  etiam  tribus  suis  patrimoniis 
deleniret ;  nee  timet  ne,  cum  plebem  muneribus  pla- 
carit,  vos  non  conciliarit  meritis  in  rem  publicam 
singularibus.  Senatus  erga  se  benevolentiam  tempo- 
ribus  his  ipsis  saepe  esse  perspectam,  vestras  vero  et 
vestrorum  ordinum  occursationes,  studia,  sermones, 
quemcumque  cursum  fortuna  dederit,  se  secum  abla- 
turum  esse  dicit.  96.  Meminit  etiam  sibi  vocem  prae- 
conis  modo  defuisse,  quam  minime  desiderarit ;  populi 
vero  cunctis  suffragiis,  quod  unum  cupierit,  se  consu- 
lem  declaratum  :  nunc  denique,  si  haec  contra  se  sint 
futura,  sibi  facinoris  suspitionem,  non  facti  crimen 
obstare.  Addit  haec,  quae  certe  vera  sunt :  fortis  et 
sapientis  viros  non  tam  praemia  sequi  solere  recte 
factorum,  quam  ipsa  recte  facta;  se  nihil  in  vita  nisi 
praeclarissime  fecisse,  si  quidem  nihil  sit  praestabilius 
viro  quam  periculis  patriam  liberare  ;  beatos  esse  quibus 
ea  res  honori  fuerit  a  suis  civibus,  97.  nee  tamen  eos 
miseros  qui  beneficio  civis  suos  vicerint ;  sed  tamen  ex 
omnibus  praemiis  virtutis,  si  esset  habenda  ratio  prae- 
miorum,  amplissimum  esse  praemium  gloriam  :  esse 
hanc  unam  quae  brevitatem  vitae  posteritatis  memoria 
consolaretur ;  quae  efficeret  ut  absentes  adessemus, 
mortui  viveremus ;  hanc  denique  esse,  cujus  gradi- 
bus  etiam  in  caelum  homines  viderentur  ascendere. 
93.  •  De  me,'  inquit,  '  semper  populus  Romanus,  sem- 
per omnes  gentes  loquentur,  nulla  umquam  obmute- 
scet  vetustas.  Quin  hoc  tempore  ipso,  cum  omnes  a 
meis  inimicis  faces  invidiae  meae  subiciantur,  tamen 


xxxvi.  ioo.]  Cicero  makes  Milo's  Cause  his  own.     207 

omni  in  hominum  coetu  gratiis  agendis  et  gratulatio- 
nibus  habendis  et  omni  sermone  celebramur.'  Omitto 
Etruriae  festos  et  actos  et  institutos  dies  :  centesima 
lux  est  haec  ab  interitu  P.  Clodi,  et  (opinor)  altera. 
Qua  fines  imperi  populi  Romani  sunt,  ea  non  solum 
fama  jam  de  illo,  sed  etiam  laetitia  peragravit.  Quam 
ob  rem  f  Ubi  corpus  hoc  sit  non,'  inquit,  *  laboro,  quo- 
niam  omnibus  in  terris  et  jam  versatur  et  semper 
habitabit   nominis    mei    gloria.' 

xxxvi.  99.  Haec  tu  mecum  saepe  his  absentibus, 
sed  isdem  audientibus  haec  ego  tecum,  Milo :  *  Te 
quidem,  cum  isto  animo  es,  satis  laudare  non  possum ; 
sed,  quo  est  ista  magis  divina  virtus,  eo  majore  a  te 
dolore  divellor.  Nee  vero,  si  mihi  eriperis,  reliqua 
est  ilia  tamen  ad  consolandum  querella,  ut  eis  irasci 
possim,  a  quibus  tantum  volnus  accepero.  Non  enim 
inimici  mei  te  mihi  eripient,  sed  amicissimi ;  non  male 
aliquando  de  me  meriti,  sed  semper  optime.'  Nullum 
umquam,  judices,  mihi  tantum  dolorem  inuretis  — 
etsi  quis  potest  esse  tantus?  —  sed  ne  hunc  quidem 
ipsum,  utobliviscar  quanti  me  semper  feceritis.  Quae 
si  vos  cepit  oblivio,  aut  si  in  me  aliquid  offendistis,  cur 
non  id  meo  capite  potius  luitur  quam  Milonis?  Prae- 
clare  enim  vixero,  si  quid  mihi  accident  prius  quam 
hoc  tantum  mali  videro.  100.  Nunc  me  una  consolatio 
sustentat,  quod  tibi,  T.  Anni,  nullum  a  me  amoris, 
nullum  studi,  nullum  pietatis  officium  defuit.  Ego 
inimicitias  potentium  pro  te  appetivi ;  ego  meum  saepe 
corpus  et  vitam  objeci  armis  inimicorum  tuorum ; 
ego  me  plurimis  pro  te  supplicem  abjeci ;  bona,  for- 
tunas  meas  ac  liberorum  meorum  in  communionem 
tuorum  temporum  contuli :  hoc  denique  ipso  die,  si 
quae  vis  est  parata,  si  quae  dimicatio  capitis  futura, 
deposco.  Quid  jam  restat?  Quid  habeo  quod  faciam 
pro  tuis  in  me  mentis,  nisi  ut  earn  fortunam,  quaecum- 
que  erit  tua,  ducam  meam?    Non  recuso,  non  abnuo ; 


2o8  Defence  of  Milo.  [Milo, 

vosque  obsecro,  judices,  ut  vestra  beneficia,  quae  in 
me  contulistis,  aut  in  hujus  salute  augeatis,  aut  in 
ejusdem  exitio  occasura  esse  videatis. 

xxxvu.  101.  His  lacrimis  non  movetur  Milo.  Est 
quodam  incredibili  robore  animi.  Exsilium  ibi  esse 
putat,  ubi  virtuti  non  sit  locus ;  mortem  naturae  fi- 
nem  esse,  non  poenam.  Sed  hie  ea  mente  qua  natus 
est.  Quid  vos,  judices?  quo  tandem  animo  eritis? 
Memoriam  Milonis  retinebitis,  ipsum  eicietis?  et  erit 
dignior  locus  in  terris  ullus  qui  hanc  virtutem  excipiat, 
quam  hie  qui  procreavit?  Vos,  vos  appello,  fortissimi 
viri,  qui  multum  pro  re  publica  sanguinem  effudistis  : 
vos  in  viri  et  in  civis  invicti  appello  periculo,  centurio- 
nes,  vosque  milites  :  vobis  non  modo  inspectantibus, 
sed  etiam  armatis  et  huic  judicio  praesidentibus,  haec 
tanta  virtus  ex  hac  urbe  expelletur,  exterminabitur, 
proicietur?  102.  O  me  miserum !  O  me  infelicem ! 
Revocare  tu  me  in  patriam,  Milo,  potuisti  per  hos  : 
ego  te  in  patria  per  eosdem  retinere  non  potero?  Quid 
respondebo  liberis  meis,  qui  te  parentem  alterum  pu- 
tant?  Quid  tibi,  Quinte  frater,  qui  nunc  abes,  consorti 
mecum  temporum  illorum  ?  Mene  non  potuisse  Milo- 
nis salutem  tueri  per  eosdem,* per  quos  nostram  ille 
servasset?  At  in  qua  causa  non  potuisse?  quae  est 
grata  gentibus  ....  non  potuisse?  eis  qui  maxime 
P.  Clodi  morte  acquierunt :  quo  deprecante?  me. 
103.  Quodnam  ego  concepi  tantum  scelus,  aut  quod 
in  me  tantum  facinus  admisi,  judices,  cum  ilia  indicia 
communis  exiti  indagavi,  patefeci,  protuli,  exstinxi? 
Omnes  in  me  meosque  redundant  ex  fonte  illo  dolores. 
Quid  me  reducem  esse  voluistis?  an  ut  inspectante  me 
expellerentur  ei  per"  quos  essem  restitutus?  Nolite, 
obsecro  vos,  acerbiorem  mihi  pati  reditum  esse,  quam 
fuerit  ille  ipse  discessus.  Nam  qui  possum  putare  me 
restitutum  esse,  si  distrahar  ab  his,  per  quos  restitutus 
sum? 


xxxviii.  ios-]    Last  Appeal  to  the   Court.  209 

xxxviii.  Utinam  di  immortales  fecissent  —  pacetua, 
patria,  dixerim ;  metuo  enim  ne  scelerate  dicam  in  te 
quod  pro  Milone  dicam  pie  —  utinam  P.  Clodius  non 
modo  viveret,  sed  etiam  praetor,  consul,  dictator  esset, 
potius  quam  hoc  spectaculum  viderem !  104.  O  di 
immortales  !  fortem  et  a  vobis,  judices,  conservandum 
virum  !  '  Minime,  minime,'  inquit.  *  Immo  vero  poe- 
nas  ille  debitas  luerit :  nos  subeamus,  si  ita  necesse 
est,  non  debitas.'  Hicine  vir,  patriae  natus,  usquam 
nisi  in  patria  morietur?  aut,  si  forte,  pro  patria? 
Hujus  vos  animi  monumenta  retinebitis,  corporis  in 
Italia  nullum  sepulcrum  esse  patiemini?  Hunc  sua 
quisquam  sententia  ex  hac  urbe  expellet,  quem  omnes 
urbes  expulsum  a  vobis  ad  se  vocabunt?  105.  O  ter- 
ram  illam  beatam,  quae  hunc  virum  exceperit :  hanc 
ingratam,  si  ejecerit ;  miseram,  si  amiserit ! 

Sed  finis  sit :  neque  enim  prae  lacrimis  jam  loqui 
possum,  et  hie  se  lacrimis  defendi  vetat.  Vos  oro 
obtestorque,  judices,  ut  in  sententiis  ferendis,  quod 
sentietis  id  audeatis.  Vestram  virtutem,  justitiam, 
fidem,  mihi  credite,  is  maxime  probabit,  qui  in  judi- 
cibus  legendis  optimum  et  sapientissimum  et  fortis- 
simum  quemque  elegit. 


THE  PARDON  OF  MAR  CELL  US. 

B.  C.   46. 

Marcus  Claudius  Marcellus  (consul  b.  c.  51)  had  been  an 
honest  but  active  and  bitter  partisan  of  the  Senate  in  the  struggle 
which  finally  broke  out  in  civil  war.  It  was  he  who  introduced  the 
several  decrees  which  set  a  limit  to  Caesar's  power,  and  put  him  in 
the  attitude  of  a  public  enemy  After  the  defeat  at  Pharsalia,  and 
the  death  of  Pompey,  he  still  refused  to  make  terms  with  the  vic- 
tor, but  remained  in  voluntary  exile  at  Mitylene.  When,  contrary 
to  the  general  fear,  no  massacre  or  proscription  followed  Caesar's 
victory,  his  friends  were  encouraged  to  hope  for  a  full  pardon  ; 
and,  in  the  summer  of  b.  c.  46,  in  a  meeting  of  the  Senate,  Caesar 
was  openly  entreated  in  his  behalf.  In  reply,  the  dictator  reminded 
the  senators  of  the  intense  and  persistent  hostility  of  Marcellus ; 
but  added,  that  he  would  not  stand  in  the  way  if  the  Senate  desired 
his  restoration.  The  senators  were  then,  in  regular  form,  called  up 
for  the  expression  of  their  wishes  ;  and,  when  it  came  to  Cicero's 
name,  he  expressed  the  formal  thanks  of  the  body  in  the  following 
speech.  It  is  remarkable —  especially  in  contrast  to  the  language 
which  Cicero  used  two  years  later  —  for  the  tone  of  its  eulogy  of 
Caesar,  and  for  the  hope  it  expresses  of  an  era  of  good  feeling  and 
a  restored  republic. 

Marcellus  set  out  for  Rome,  but  never  arrived.  He  was  assas- 
sinated at  the  Piraeus,  and  buried  in  the  Academy  near  Athens. 
(See  the  letter  of  Sulpicius,  Fam.  iv.  12.) 

r^IUTURNI  silenti,  patres  conscnpti,  quo  eram  his 
■*-^  temporibus  usus  —  non  timore  aliquo,  sed  par- 
tim  dolore,  partim  verecundia  —  finem  hodiernus  dies 
attulit,  idemque  initium  quae  vellem  quaeque  sentirem 
meo  pristino  more  dicendi.  Tantam  enim  mansuetu- 
dinem,  tarn  inusitatam  inauditamque  clementiam,  tan- 
turn  in  summa  potestate  rerum  omnium  modum,  tarn 
denique  incredibilem  sapientiam  ac  paene  divinam, 
tacitus  praeterire  nullo  modo  possum.  2.  M.  enim 
Marcello  vobis,  patres  conscripti,  reique  publicae  red- 
dito,    non   illius    solum,    sed   etiam    meam   vocem    et 


n.  5-]        The   Greatness  of  Ccesar's   Triumph.         211 

auctoritatem  et  vobis  et  rei  publicae  conservatam  ac 
restitutam  puto.  Dolebam  enim,  patres  conscripti,  et 
vehementer  angebar,.  virum  talem,  cum  in  eadem 
causa  in  qua  ego  fuisset,  non  in  eadem  esse  fortuna ; 
nee  mihi  persuadere  poteram,  nee  fas  esse  ducebam, 
versari  me  in  nostro  vetere  curriculo,  illo  aemulo  atque 
imitatore  studiorum  ac  laborum  meorum,  quasi  quo- 
dam  socio  a  me  et  comite,  distracto. 

Ergo  et  mihi  meae  pristinae  vitae  consuetudinem, 
C.  Caesar,  interclusam  aperuisti,  et  his  omnibus  ad 
bene  de  [omni]  re  publica  sperandum  quasi  signum 
aliquod  sustulisti.  3.  Intellectum  est  enim  mihi  qui- 
dem  in  multis,  et  maxime  in  me  ipso,  sed  paulo 
ante  [in]  omnibus,  cum  M.  Marcellum  senatui  rei- 
que  publicae  concessisti,  commemoratis  praesertim 
offensionibus,  te  auctoritatem  hujus  ordinis  dignita- 
temque  rei  publicae  tuis  vel  doloribus  vel  suspitionibus 
anteferre.  Ille  quidem  fructum  omnis  ante  actae  vitae 
hodierno  die  maximum  cepit,  cum  summo  consensu 
senatus,  turn  judicio  tuo  gravissimo  et  maximo.  Ex 
quo  profecto  intellegis  quanta  in  dato  beneficio  sit 
laus,  cum  in  accepto  sit  tanta  gloria.  Est  vero  for- 
tunatus  ille,  cujus  ex  salute  non  minor  paene  ad 
omnis  quam  ad  ipsum  ventura  sit  laetitia  pervenerit. 
4.  Qiiod  quidem  ei  merito  atque  optimo  jure  contigit. 
Quis  enim  est  illo  aut  nobilitate  aut  probitate  aut 
optimarum  artium  studio  aut  innocentia  aut  ullo  laudis 
genere  praestantior? 

11.  Nullius  tantum  flumen  est  ingeni,  nullius  dicendi 
aut  scribendi  tanta  vis,  tanta  copia,  quae  non  dicam 
exornare,  sed  enarrare,  C.  Caesar,  res  tuas  gestas 
possit.  Tamen  adfirmo,  et  hoc  pace  dicam  tua,  nul- 
lum in  his  esse  laudem  ampliorem  quam  earn  quam 
hodierno  die  consecutus  es.  5.  Soleo  saepe  ante 
oculos  ponere,  idque  libenter  crebris  usurpare  sermo- 
nibus,  omnis  nostrorum  imperatorum,  omnis  exterarum 


212  The  Pardon  of  Marcellus.  [Marc. 

gentium  potentissimorumque  populorum,  omnis  cla- 
rissimorum  regum  res  gestas,  cum  tuis  nee  contentio- 
num  magnitudine  nee  numero  proeliorum  nee  varietate 
regionum  nee  celeritate  conficiendi  nee  dissimilitudine 
bellorum  posse  conferri ;  nee  vero  disjunctissimas 
terras  citius  passibus  cujusquam  potuisse  peragrari, 
quam  tuis  non  dicam  cursibus,  sed  victoriis  lustra tae 
sunt.  6.  Quae  quidem  ego  nisi  ita  magna  esse  fatear, 
ut  ea  vix  cujusquam  mens  aut  cogitatio  capere  possit, 
amens  sim  :  sed  tamen  sunt  alia  majora.  Nam  belli- 
cas  laudes  solent  quidam  extenuare  verbis,  easque 
detrahere  ducibus,  communicare  cum  multis,  ne  pro- 
priae  sint  imperatorum.  Et  certe  in  armis  militum 
virtus,  locorum  opportunitas,  auxilia  sociorum,  classes, 
commeatus  multum  juvant :  maximam  vero  partem 
quasi  suo  jure  Fortuna  sibi  vindicat,  et  quicquid  pros- 
pere  gestum  est,  id  paene  omne  ducit  suum.  7.  At 
vero  hujus  gloriae,  C.  Caesar,  quam  es  paulo  ante 
adeptus,  socium  habes  neminem  :  totum  hoc  quantum- 
cumque  est  (quod  certe  maximum  est)  totum  est,  in- 
quam,  tuum.  Nihil  sibi  ex  ista  laude  centurio,  nihil 
praefectus,  nihil  cohors,  nihil  turma  decerpit :  quin 
etiam  ilia  ipsa  rerum  humanarum  domina,  Fortuna, 
in  istius  societatem  gloriae  se  non  ofTert :  tibi  cedit ; 
tuam  esse  totam  et  propriam  fatetur.  Numquam  enim 
temeritas  cum  sapientia  commiscetur,  neque  ad  con- 
silium casus   admittitur. 

in.  8.  Domuisti  gentis  immanitate  barbaras,  multi- 
tudine  innumerabilis,  locis  infinitas,  omni  copiarum 
genere  abundantis :  sed  tamen  ea  vicisti,  quae  et 
naturam  et  condicionem  ut  vinci  possent  habebant. 
Nulla  est  enim  tanta  vis,  quae  non  ferro  et  viribus 
debilitari  frangique  possit.  Animum  vincere,  ira- 
cundiam  cohibere,  victoriam  temperare,  adversarium 
nobilitate,  ingenio,  virtute  praestantem  non  modo  ex- 
tollere  jacentem,  sed  etiam  amplificare  ejus  pristinam 


iv.  ii.]         True  Glory  of  Ccesar's    Victory.  213 

dignitatem,  haec  qui  facit,  non  ego  eum  cum  summis 
viris  comparo,  sed  simillimum  deo  judico.  9.  Itaque, 
C.  Caesar,  bellicae  tuae  laudes  celebrabuntur  illae 
quidem  non  solum  nostris,  sed  paene  omnium  gentium 
litteris  atque  linguis,  nee  ulla  umquam  aetas  de  tuis 
laudibus  conticescet.  Sed  tamen  ejus  modi  res  nescio 
quo  modo  etiam  cum  leguntur,  obstrepi  clamore  mili- 
tum  videntur  et  tubarum  sono.  At  vero  cum  aliquid 
clementer,  mansuete,  juste,  moderate,  sapienter  fac- 
tum—  in  iracundia  praesertim,  quae  est  inimica  con- 
silio,  et  in  victoria,  quae  natura  insolens  et  superba 
est  —  audimus  aut  legimus,  quo  studio  incendimur, 
non  modo  in  gestis  rebus,  sed  etiam  in  fictis,  ut  eos 
saepe,  quos  numquam  vidimus,  diligamus !  10.  Te 
vero,  quern  praesentem  intuemur,  cujus  mentem  sen- 
susque  et  os  cernimus,  ut,  quicquid  belli  fortuna  reli- 
quum  rei  publicae  fecerit,  id  esse  salvum  velis,  quibus 
laudibus  efferemus?  quibus  studiis  prosequemur?  qua 
benevolentia  complectemur?  Parietes  (me  dius  fidius) 
ut  mihi  videtur  hujus  curiae  tibi  gratias  agere  gestiunt, 
quod  brevi  tempore  futura  sit  ilia  auctoritas  in  his  ma- 
jorum  suorum  et  suis  sedibus.  iv.  Equidem  cum  C. 
Marcelli,  viri  optimi  et  commemorabili  pietate  praediti, 
lacrimas  modo  vobiscum  viderem,  omnium  Marcello- 
rum  meum  pectus  memoria  obfudit,  quibus  tu  etiam 
mortuis,  M.  Marcello  conservato,  dignitatem  suam 
reddidisti,  nobilissimamque  familiam  jam  ad  paucos 
redactam  paene  ab  interitu  vindicasti.  11.  Hunc  tu 
igitur  diem  tuis  maximis  et  innumerabilibus  gratula- 
tionibus  jure  antepones.  Haec  enim  res  unius  est  pro- 
pria C.  Caesaris  :  ceterae  duce  te  gestae  magnae  illae 
quidem,  sed  tamen  multo  magnoque  comitatu.  Hujus 
autem  rei  tu  idem  es  et  dux  et  comes  :  quae  quidem 
tanta  est,  ut  tropaeis  et  monumentis  tuis  adlatura 
finem  sit  aetas, — nihil  est  enim  opere  et  manu  fac- 
tum,   quod    non    [aliquando]    conficiat   et    consumat 


214  The  Pardon  of  Marcellas.  [Marc. 

vetustas  : — 12.  at  haec  [tua  justitia  et  lenitas  animi] 
florescet  cotidie  magis,  ita  ut  quantum  tuis  operibus 
diuturnitas  detrahet,  tantum  adferat  laudibus.  Et 
ceteros  quidem  omnis  victores  bellorum  civilium  jam 
ante  aequitate  et  misericordia  viceras  :  hodierno  vero 
die  te  ipsum  vicisti.  Vereor  ut  hoc,  quod  dicam,  per- 
inde  intellegi  possit  auditum  atque  ipse  cogitans  sen- 
tio :  ipsam  victoriam  vicisse  videris,  cum  ea  quae  ilia 
erat  adepta  victis  remisisti.  Nam  cum  ipsius  victoriae 
condicione  omnes  victi  occidissemus,  clementiae  tuae 
judicio  conservati  sumus.  Recte  igitur  unus  invictus 
es,  a  quo  etiam  ipsius  victoriae  condicio  visque  devicta 
est. 

v.  13.  Atque  hoc  C.  Caesaris  judicium,  patres  con- 
scripti,  quam  late  pateat  attendite.  Omnes  enim,  qui 
ad  ilia  arma  fato  sumus  nescio  quo  rei  publicae  misero 
funestoque  compulsi,  etsi  aliqua  culpa  tenemur  erroris 
humani,  scelere  certe  liberati  sumus.  Nam  cum  M. 
Marcellum  deprecantibus  vobis  rei  publicae  conserva- 
vit,  me  et  mihi  et  item  rei  publicae,  nullo  deprecante, 
reliquos  amplissimos  viros  et  sibi  ipsos  et  patriae  red- 
didit:  quorum  et  frequentiam  et  dignitatem  hoc  ipso 
in  consessu  videtis.  Non  ille  hostis  induxit  in  curiam, 
sed  judicavit  a  plerisque  ignoratione  potius  et  falso 
atque  inani  metu  quam  cupiditate  aut  crudelitate  bel- 
lum  esse  susceptum.  14.  Quo  quidem  in  bello  semper 
de  pace  audiendum  putavi,  semperque  dolui  non  modo 
pacem,  sed  etiam  orationem  civium  pacem  flagitan- 
tium  repudiari.  Neque  enim  ego  ilia  nee  ulla  umquam 
secutus  sum  arma  civilia ;  semperque  mea  consilia 
pacis  et  togae  socia,  non  belli  atque  armorum  fuerunt. 
Hominem  sum  secutus  privato  consilio,  non  publico  ; 
tantumque  apud  me  grati  animi  fidelis  memoria  valuit, 
ut  nulla  non  modo  cupiditate,  sed  ne  spe  quidem, 
prudens  et  sciens  tamquam  ad  interitum  ruerem  vo- 
luntarium.     15.  Quod  quidem  meum  consilium  minime 


vi.  i9-]    Ccesar  would  prefer  Peace  to    Victory.     215 

obscurum  fuit.  Nam  et  in  hoc  ordine  integra  re 
multa  de  pace  dixi,  et  in  ipso  bello  eadem  etiam  cum 
capitis  mei  periculo  sensi.  Ex  quo  nemo  jam  erit  tarn 
injustus  existimator  rerum,  qui  dubitet  quae  Caesaris 
de  bello  voluntas  fuerit,  cum  pacis  auctores  conservan- 
dos  statim  censuerit,  ceteris  fuerit  iratior.  Atque  id 
minus  minim  fortasse  turn,  cum  esset  incertus  exitus 
et  anceps  fortuna  belli :  qui  vero  victor  pacis  auctores 
diligit,  is  profecto  declarat  se  maluisse  non  dimicare 
quam  vincere. 

vi.  16.  Atque  hujus  quidem  rei  M.  Marcello  sum 
testis.  Nostri  enim  sensus  ut  in  pace  semper,  sic  turn 
etiam  in  bello  congruebant.  Quotiens  ego  eum  et 
quanto  cum  dolore  vidi,  cum  insolentiam  certorum 
hominum  turn  etiam  ipsius  victoriae  ferocitatem  exti- 
mescentem  !  Quo  gratior  tua  liberalitas,  C.  Caesar, 
nobis,  qui  ilia  vidimus,  debet  esse.  Non  enim 
jam  causae  sunt  inter  se,  sed  victoriae  comparandae. 

17.  Vidimus  tuum  victoriam  proeliorum  exitu  termina- 
tam  :  gladium  vagina  vacuum  in  urbe  non  vidimus. 
Quos  amisimus  civis,  eos  Martis  vis  perculit,  non  ira 
victoriae  ;  ut  dubitare  debeat  nemo  quin  multos,  si  fieri 
posset,  C.  Caesar  ab  inferis  excitaret,  quoniam  ex 
eadem  acie  conservat  quos  potest.  Alterius  vero 
partis  nihil  amplius  dicam  quam  (id  quod  omnes  ve- 
rebamur)  nimis  iracundam  futuram  fuisse  victoriam. 

18.  Quidam  enim  non  modo  armatis,  sed  interdum 
etiam  otiosis  minabantur ;  nee  quid  quisque  sensisset, 
sed  ubi  fuisset  cogitandum  esse  dicebant :  ut  mihi 
quidem  videantur  di  immortales,  etiam  si  poenas  a 
populo  Romano  ob  aliquod  delictum  expetiverunt,  qui 
civile  bellum  tantum  et  tarn  luctuosum  excitaverunt,  vel 
placati  jam  vel  satiati  aliquando,  omnem  spem  salutis 
ad  clementiam  victoris  et  sapientiam  contulisse. 

19.  Qua  re  gaude  tuo  isto  tarn  excellenti  bono,  et 
fruere  cum  fortuna  et  gloria,  turn  etiam  natura  et  mo- 


216  The  Pardon  of  Marcellus.  [Marc. 

ribus  tuis  :  ex  quo  quidem  maximus  est  fructus  jucun- 
ditasque  sapienti.  Cetera  cum  tua  recordabere,  etsi 
persaepe  virtuti,  tamen  plerumque  felicitati  tuae  gratu- 
labere :  de  nobis,  quos  in  re  publica  tecum  simul 
esse  voluisti,  quotiens  cogitabis,  totiens  de  maximis 
tuis  beneficiis,  totiens  de  incredibili  liberalitate,  totiens 
de  singulari  sapientia  tua  cogitabis :  quae  non  modo 
summa  bona,  sed  nimirum  audebo  vel  sola  dicere. 
Tantus  est  enim  splendor  in  laude  vera,  tanta  in  mag- 
nitudine  animi  et  consili  dignitas,  ut  haec  a  virtute 
donata,  cetera  a  fortuna  commodata  esse  videantur. 
20.  Noli  igitur  in  conservandis  bonis  viris  defetigari 
—  non  cupiditate  praesertim  aliqua  aut  pravitate  lap- 
sis,  sed  opinione  offici  stulta  fortasse,  certe  non  im- 
proba,  et  specie  quadam  rei  publicae  :  non  enim  tua 
culpa  est  si  te  aliqui  timuerunt,  contraque  summa 
laus,  quod  minime  timendum  fuisse  senserunt. 

vn.  21.  Nunc  venio  ad  gravissimam  querellam  et 
atrocissimam  suspitionem  tuam,  quae  non  tibi  ipsi 
magis  quam  cum  omnibus  civibus  turn  maxime  nobis, 
qui  a  te  conservati  sumus,  providenda  est :  quam  etsi 
spero  falsam  esse,  tamen  numquam  extenuabo  verbis. 
Tua  enim  cautio  nostra  cautio  est,  ut  si  in  alterutro 
peccandum  sit,  malim  videri  nimis  timidus  quam  pa- 
rum  prudens.  Sed  quisnam  est  iste  tarn  demens?  De 
tuisne?  —  tametsi  qui  magis  sunt  tui  quam  quibus  tu 
salutem  insperantibus  reddidisti  ?  —  an  ex  hoc  numero, 
qui  una  tecum  fuerunt?  Non  est  credibilis  tantus  in 
ullo  furor,  ut  quo  duce  omnia  summa  sit  adeptus, 
hujus  vitam  non  anteponat  suae.  An  si  nihil  tui  cogi- 
tant  sceleris,  cavendum  est  ne  quid  inimici?  Qui? 
omnes  enim,  qui  fuerunt,  aut  sua  pertinacia  vitam 
amiserunt,  aut  tua  misericordia  retinuerunt;  ut  aut 
nulli  supersint  de  inimicis,  aut  qui  fuerunt  sint  ami- 
cissimi.  22.  Sed  tamen  cum  in  animis  hominum 
tantae  latebrae  sint  et  tanti  recessus,  augeamus  sane 


viii.  25.]  The    Wounds  of  War  must  be  healed.        217 

suspitionem  tuam  ;  simul  enim  augebimus  diligentiam. 
Nam  quis  est  omnium  tarn  ignarus  rerum,  tarn  rudis 
in  re  publica,  tarn  nihil  umquam  nee  de  sua  nee  de 
communi  salute  cogitans,  qui  non  intellegat  tua  salute 
contineri  suam,  et  ex  unius  tua  vita  pendere  omnium? 
Equidem  de  te  dies  noctisque  (ut  debeo)  cogitans, 
casus  dumtaxat  humanos  et  incertos  eventus  valetu- 
dinis  et  naturae  communis  fragilitatem  extimesco  ;  do- 
leoque,  cum  res  publica  immortalis  esse  debeat,  earn 
in  unius  mortalis  anima  consistere.  23.  Si  vero  ad 
humanos  casus  incertosque  motus  valetudinis  sceleris 
etiam  accedit  insidiarumque  consensio,  quern  deum,  si 
cupiat,  posse  opitulari  rei  publicae  credamus? 

viii.  Omnia  sunt  excitanda  tibi,  C.  Caesar,  uni, 
quae  jacere  sentis,  belli  ipsius  impetu,  quod  necesse 
fuit,  perculsa  atque  prostrata :  constituenda  judicia, 
revocanda  fides,  comprimendae  libidines,  propaganda 
suboles  :  omnia,  quae  dilapsa  jam  diffluxerunt,  sevens 
legibus  vincienda  sunt.  24.  Non  fuit  recusandum  in 
tanto  civili  bello,  tanto  animorum  ardore  et  armo- 
rum,  quin  quassata  res  publica,  quicumque  belli  even- 
tus fuisset,  multa  perderet  et  ornamenta  dignitatis  et 
praesidia  stabilitatis  suae ;  multaque  uterque  dux  fa- 
ceret  armatus,  quae  idem  togatus  fieri  prohibuisset. 
Quae  quidem  tibi  nunc  omnia  belli  volnera  sananda 
sunt,  quibus  praeter  te  nemo  mederi  potest.  25.  Itaque 
illam  tuam  praeclarissimam  et  sapientissimam  vocem 
invitus  audivi :  *  Satis  diu  vel  naturae  vixi  vel  gloriae.' 
Satis,  si  ita  vis,  fortasse  naturae,  addo  etiam,  si  placet, 
gloriae  :  at,  quod  maximum  est,  patriae  certe  parum. 
Qua  re  omitte  istam,  quaeso,  doctorum  hominum  in 
contemnenda  morte  prudentiam  :  noli  nostro  periculo 
esse  sapiens.  Saepe  enim  venit  ad  auris  meas,  te 
idem  istud  nimis  crebro  dicere,  tibi  satis,  te  vixisse. 
Credo :  sed  turn  id  audirem,  si  tibi  soli  viveres,  aut  si 
tibi  etiam  soli  natus  esses.     Omnium  salutem  civium 


218  Pardon  of  Marcellus,  [Marc. 

cunctamque  rem  publicam  res  tuae  gestae  complexae 
sunt :  tantum  abes  a  perfectione  maximorum  operum, 
ut  fundamenta  nondum  quae  cogitas  jeceris.  Hie  tu 
modum  vitae  tuae  non  salute  rei  publicae,  sed  aequi- 
tate  animi  definies?  Quid,  si  istud  ne  gloriae  tuae 
quidem  satis  est?  cujus  te  esse  avidissimum,  quam- 
vis  sis  sapiens,  non  negabis.  26.  Parumne  igitur, 
inquies,  magna  relinquemus?  Immo  vero  aliis  quam- 
vis  multis  satis,  tibi  uni  parum.  Quicquid  est  enim, 
quamvis  amplum  sit,  id  est  parum  turn,  cum  est  ali- 
quid  amplius.  Quod  si  rerum  tuarum  immortalium, 
C.  Caesar,  hie  exitus  futurus  fuit,  ut  devictis  adversa- 
riis  rem  publicam  in  eo  statu  relinqueres  in  quo  nunc 
est,  vide,  quaeso,  ne  tua  divina  virtus  admirationis 
plus  sit  habitura  quam  gloriae  :  si  quidem  gloria  est 
inlustris  ac  pervagata  magnorum  vel  in  suos  vel  in 
patriam  vel  in  omne  genus  hominum  fama  meritorum. 
ix.  27.  Haec  igitur  tibi  reliqua  pars  est :  hie  restat 
actus,  in  hoc  elaborandum  est,  ut  rem  publicam  con- 
stituas,  eaque  tu  in  primis  summa  tranquillitate  et 
otio  perfruare  :  turn  te,  si  voles,  cum  et  patriae  quod 
debes  solveris,  et  naturam  ipsam  expleveris  satietate 
vivendi,  satis  diu  vixisse  dicito.  Quid  est  enim  [om- 
nino]  hoc  ipsum  diu,  in  quo  est  aliquid  extremum? 
quod  cum  venit,  omnis  voluptas  praeterita  pro  nihilo 
est  quia  postea  nulla  est  futura.  Quamquam  iste  tuus 
animus  numquam  his  angustiis,  quas  natura  nobis  ad 
vivendum  dedit,  contentus  fuit :  semper  immortalitatis 
amore  flagravit.  28.  Nee  vero  haec  tua  vita  ducenda 
est,  quae  corpore  et  spiritu  continetur.  Ilia,  inquam, 
ilia  vita  est  tua,  quae  vigebit  memoria  saeculorum  om- 
nium, quam  posteritas  alet,  quam  ipsa  aeternitas  semper 
tuebitur.  Huic  tu  inservias,  huic  te  ostentes  oportet, 
quae  quidem  quae  miretur  jam  pridem  multa  habet : 
nunc  etiam  quae  laudet  exspectat.  Obstupescent  pos- 
teri   certe   imperia,   provincias,    Rhenum,    Oceanum, 


x.  32.]  The  Judgments  of  Posterity*  219 

Nilum,  pugnas  innumerabilis,  incredibilis  victorias, 
monimenta,  munera,  triumphos  audientes  et  legentes 
tuos.  29.  Sed  nisi  haec  urbs  stabilita  tuis  consiliis  et 
institutis  erit,  vagabitur  modo  tuum  nomen  longe  atque 
late  :  sedem  stabilem  et  domicilium  certum  non  habe- 
bit.  Erit  inter  eos  etiam  qui  nascentur,  sicut  inter  nos 
fuit,  magna  dissensio,  cum  alii  laudibus  ad  caelum 
res  tuas  gestas  efferent,  alii  fortasse  aliquid  requirent, 
idque  vel  maximum,  nisi  belli  civilis  incendium  salute 
patriae  restinxeris,  ut  illud  fati  fuisse  videatur,  hoc 
consili.  Servi  igitur  eis  etiam  judicibus,  qui  multis 
post  saeculis  de  te  judicabunt,  et  quidem  haud  scio  an 
incorruptius  quam  nos.  Nam  et  sine  amore  et  sine 
cupiditate  et  rursus  sine  odio  et  sine  invidia  judicabunt. 
30o  Id  autem  etiam  si  turn  ad  te,  ut  quidam  falso  pu- 
tant,  non  pertinebit,  nunc  certe  pertinet  esse  te  talem, 
ut  tuas  laudes  obscuratura  nulla  umquam  sit  oblivio.* 

x.  Diversae  voluntates  civium  fuerunt,  distractaeque 
sententiae.  Non  enim  consiliis  solum  et  studiis,  sed 
armis  etiam  et  castris  dissidebamus.  Erat  enim  ob- 
scuritas  quaedam;  erat  certamen  inter  clarissimos  du- 
ces :  multi  dubitabant  quid  optimum  esset,  multi  quid 
sibi  expediret,  multi  quid  deceret,  non  nulli  etiam 
quid  liceret.  31.  Perfuncta  res  publica  est  hoc  misero 
fatalique  bello  :  vicit  is,  qui  non  fortuna  inflammaret 
odium  suum,  sed  bonitate  leniret;  neque  omnis  quibus 
iratus  esset,  eosdem  [etiam]  exsilio  aut  morte  dignos 
judicaret.  Arma  ab  aliis  posita,  ab  aliis  erepta  sunt. 
Ingratus  est  injustusque  civis,  qui,  armorum  periculo 
liberatus,  animum  tamen  retinet  armatum  ;  ut  etiam 
ille  melior  sit  qui  in  acie  cecidit,  qui  in  causa  animam 
profudit.  Quae  enim  pertinacia  quibusdam,  eadem 
aliis  constantia  videri  potest.  32.  Sed  jam  omnis 
fracta  dissensio  est  armis,  exstincta  aequitate  victoris  : 
restat  ut  omnes  unum  velint,  qui  modo  habent  aliquid 
non  solum  sapientiae,  sed  etiam  sanitatis.     Nisi  te,  C. 


220  The  Pardon  of  Marcellus. 

Caesar,  salvo,  et  in  ista  sententia  qua  cum  antea  turn 
hodie  vel  maxime  usus  es  manente,  salvi  esse  non  pos- 
sumus.  Qua  re  omnes  te,  qui  haec  salva  esse  volu- 
mus,  et  hortamur  et  obsecramus,  ut  vitae  tuae  et  saluti 
consulas ;  omnesque  tibi,  ut  pro  aliis  etiam  loquar 
quod  de  me  ipse  sentio,  quoniam  subesse  aliquid  putas 
quod  cavendum  sit,  non  modo  excubias  et  custodias, 
sed  etiam  laterum  nostrorum  oppositus  et  corporum 
pollicemur. 

xi.  33.  Sed,  ut  unde  est  orsa,  in  eodem  terminetur 
oratio,  —  maximas  tibi  omnes  gratias  agimus,  C.  Cae- 
sar, majores  etiam  habemus.  Nam  omnes  idem  sen- 
tiunt,  quod  ex  omnium  precibus  et  lacrimis  sentire 
potuisti :  sed  quia  non  est  omnibus  stantibus  ne- 
cesse  dicere,  a  me  certe  dici  volunt,  cui  necesse  est 
quodam  modo,  et  quod  fieri  decet  —  M.  Marcello  a  te 
hiiic  ordini  populoque  Romano  et  rei  publicae  red- 
dito  —  fieri  id  intellego.  Nam  laetari  omnis  non  de 
unius  solum,  sed  de  communi  omnium  salute  sentio. 
34.  Quod  autem  summae  benevolentiae  est,  quae  mea 
erga  ilium  omnibus  semper  nota  fuit,  ut  vix  C.  Mar- 
cello,  optimo  et  amantissimo  fratri,  praeter  eum  qui- 
dem  cederem  nemini,  cum  id  sollicitudine,  cura,  labore 
tam  diu  praestiterim,  quam  diu  est  de  illius  salute  du- 
bitatum,  certe  hoc  tempore,  magnis  curis,  molestiis, 
doloribus  liberatus,  praestare  debeo.  Itaque,  C.  Cae- 
sar, sic  tibi  gratias  ago,  ut  omnibus  me  rebus  a  te  non 
conservato  solum,  sed  etiam  ornato,  tamen  ad  tua  in 
me  unum  innumerabilia  merita,  quod  fieri  jam  posse 
non  arbitrabar,  maximus  hoc  tuo  facto  cumulus  acces- 
serit. 


PLEA   FOR  LIGARIUS. 

B.  C.  46. 

Though  the  case  of  Ligarius  is  of  no  importance  in  itself,  the 
speech  of  Cicero  in  his  defence  ranks  among  the  first  of  his  ora- 
tions in  rhetorical  merit ;  and  is  interesting,  besides,  for  the  glimpse 
it  gives  of  the  state  of  feeling  in  Rome  during  Caesar's  dictatorship. 
Quintus  Ligarius  had  held  a  subordinate  position  in  Africa,  in 
the  Pompeian  army  under  P.  Attius  Varus,  in  the  first  year  of 
the  Civil  War.  In  this  capacity  it  had  fallen  to  him  to  prevent 
the  landing  of  L.  yElius  Tubero,  whom  the  Senate  had  sent  to  take 
command  in  Africa,  but  to  whom  Varus  refused  to  give  up  the  post. 
When  then  the  war  was  over,  Caesar  spared  the  life  of  Ligarius, 
but  kept  him  in  exile,  until  a  personal  application  was  made  by  his 
brother  for  his  recall.  Quintus  Tubero  (afterwards  a  distinguished 
jurist)  came  forward  to  oppose  this,  on  the  ground  that  Ligarius  had 
not  merely  taken  sides  in  the  Civil  War,  but  had  stood  with  Juba  and 
the  foreign  enemies  of  Rome  against  his  native  country.  The  case 
was  argued  in  the  Forum  before  Caesar  himself,  sitting  in  judgment 
as  Dictator.  Caesar,  with  characteristic  magnanimity,  gave  Ligarius 
a  full  pardon.  This  Ligarius  requited,  a  year  and  a  half  later,  by 
joining  in  the  plot  for  Caesar's  murder. 

TVTOVUM  crimen,  C.  Caesar,  et  ante  hunc  diem  non 
■*-  ^  auditum  propinquus  metis  ad  te  Q^  Tubero  de- 
tulit,  Q^  Ligarium  in  Africa  fuisse ;  idque  C.  Pansa, 
praestanti  vir  ingenio,  fretus  fortasse  familiaritate  ea 
quae  est  ei  tecum,  ausus  est  confiteri.  Itaque  quo  me 
vertam  nescio.  Paratus  enim  veneram,  cum  tu  id  neque 
per  te  scires  neque  audire  aliunde  potuisses,  ut  igno- 
ratione  tua  ad  hominis  miseri  salutem  abuterer.  Sed 
quoniam  diligentia  inimici  investigatum  est  quod  late- 
bat,  confitendum  est,  opinor,  praesertim  cum  meus 
necessarius  Pansa  fecerit  ut  id  integrum  jam  non 
esset ;  omissaque  controversia,  omnis  oratio  ad  miseri- 
cordiam  tuam  conferenda  est,  qua  plurimi  sunt  con- 
servati,  cum  a  te  non  liberationem  culpae,  sed  errati 


222  Plea  for  Ligarius,  [Ligar. 

veniam  impetravissent.  2.  Habes  igitur,  Tubero,  quod 
est  accusatori  maxime  optandum,  confitentem  reum  ; 
sed  tamen  hoc  confitentem,  se  in  ea  parte  fuisse  qua 
te,  qua  virum  omni  laude  dignum,  patrem  tuum.  Ita- 
que  prius  de  vestro  delicto  confiteamini  necesse  est, 
quam  Ligari  ullam  culpam  reprehendatis. 

Q^  enim  Ligarius,  cum  esset  nulla  belli  suspitio, 
legatus  in  Africam  [cum]  C.  Considio  profectus  est. 
Qua  in  legatione  et  civibus  et  sociis  ita  se  probavit,  ut 
decedens  Considius  provincia  satis  facere  hominibus 
non  posset,  si  quemquam  alium  provinciae  praefecis- 
set.  Itaque  Ligarius,  cum  diu  recusans  nihil  profe- 
cisset,  provinciam  accepit  invitus  :  cui  sic  praefuit  in 
pace,  ut  et  civibus  et  sociis  gratissima  esset  ejus  in- 
tegritas  ac  fides.  3.  Bellum  subito  exarsit,  quod  qui 
erant  in  Africa  ante  audierunt  geri  quam  parari.  Quo 
audito,  partim  cupiditate  inconsiderata,  partim  caeco 
quodam  timore  primo  sahitis,  post  etiam  studi  sui, 
quaerebant  aliquem  ducem ;  cum  Ligarius,  domum 
spectans,  ad  suos  redire  cupiens,  nullo  se  implicari 
negotio  passus  est.  Interim  P.  Attius  Varus,  qui 
praetor  Africam  obtinuerat,  Uticam  venit.  Ad  eum 
statim  concursum  est.  Atque  ille  non  mediocri  cu- 
piditate adripuit  imperium,  —  si  illud  imperium  esse 
potuit,  quod  ad  privatum  clamore  multitudinis  impe- 
ritae,  nullo  publico  consilio,  deferebatur.  4.  Itaque 
Ligarius,  qui  omne  tale  negotium  cuperet  effugere, 
paulum  adventu  Vari  conquievit. 

ii.  Adhuc,  C.  Caesar,  Q^  Ligarius  omni  culpa 
vacat.  Domo  est  egressus  non  modo  nullum  ad 
bellum,  sed  ne  ad  minimam  quidem  suspitionem  belli : 
legatus  in  pace  profectus  est :  in  provincia  pacatissima 
ita  se  gessit,  ut  ei  pacem  esse  expediret.  Profectio 
certe  animum  tuum  non  debet  offendere  :  num  igitur 
remansio?  Multo  minus.  Nam  profectio  voluntatem 
habuit  non  turpem,  remansio  necessitatem  etiam  ho- 


hi.  7.]  The  Clemency  of  Ccesar.  223 

nestam.  Ergo  haec  duo  tempora  carent  crimine : 
unum  cum  est  legatus  profectus,  alterum,  cum  ecflagi- 
tatus  a  provincia  praepositus  Africae  est.  5.  Tertium 
tempus  est  quod  post  adventum  Vari  in  Africa  restitit, 
quod  si  est  criminosum,  necessitatis  crimen  est,  non 
voluntatis.  An  ille,  si  potuisset  ullo  modo  evadere, 
Uticae  quam  Romae,  cum  P.  Attio  quam  cum  con- 
cordissimis  fratribus,  cum  alienis  esse  quam  cum  suis 
maluisset?  Cum  ipsa  legatio  plena  desideri  ac  sol- 
licitudinis  fuisset  propter  incredibilem  quendam  fra- 
trum  amorem,  hie  aequo  animo  esse  potuit,  belli 
discidio    distractus  a  fratribus? 

6.  Nullum  igitur  habes,  Caesar,  adhuc  in  Q±  Liga- 
rio  signum  alienae  a  te  voluntatis.  Cujus  ego  causam 
animadverte,  quaeso,  qua  fide  defendam  :  prodo  meam. 
O  clementiam  admirabilem  atque  omnium  laude,  prae- 
dicatione,  litteris,  monumentisque  decorandam  !  cum 
M.  Cicero  apud  te  defendit  alium  in  ea  voluntate 
non  fuisse,  in  qua  se  ipsum  confitetur  fuisse  ;  nee  tuas 
tacitas  cogitationes  extimescit,  nee  quid  tibi  de  alio 
audienti  de  se  ipso  occurrat  reformidat.  in.  Vide 
quam  non  reformidem  :  vide  quanta  lux  liberalitatis  et 
sapiendae  tuae  mihi  apud  te  dicenti  oboriatur.  Quan- 
tum potero,  voce  contendam  ut  [hoc]  populus  Roma- 
nus  exaudiat.  7.  Suscepto  bello  Caesar,  gesto  etiam 
ex  parte  magna,  nulla  vi  coactus,  judicio  ac  voluntate, 
ad  ea  arma  profectus  sum  quae  erant  sumpta  contra 
te.  Apud  quern  igitur  hoc  dico?  Nempe  apud  eum, 
qui,  cum  hoc  sciret,  tamen  me,  ante  quam  vidit,  rei 
publicae  reddidit ;  qui  ad  me  ex  Aegypto  litteras  misit, 
ut  essem  idem  qui  fuissem  ;  qui  cum  ipse  imperator 
in  toto  imperio  populi  Romani  unus  esset,  esse  me 
alterum  passus  est;  a  quo,  hoc  ipso  C.  Pansa  mihi 
hunc  nuntium  perferente,  concessos  fascis  laureatos 
tenui,  quoad  tenendos  putavi ;  qui  mihi  turn  denique  se 
salutem  putavit  reddere,  si  earn  nullis  spoliatam  orna- 


224  Plea  for  Ligarius,  [Ligar. 

mentis  dedisset.  8.  Vide,  quaeso,  Tubero,  ut  qui  de 
meo  facto  non  dubitem,  de  Ligari  non  audeam  con- 
fiteri.  Atque  haec  propterea  de  me  dixi,  ut  mihi 
Tubero,  cum  de  se  eadem  dicerem,  ignosceret :  cujus 
ego  industriae  gloriaeque  faveo,  vel  propter  propin- 
quam  cognationem,  vel  quod  ejus  ingenio  studiisque 
delector,  vel  quod  laudem  adulescentis  propinqui  ex- 
istimo  etiam  ad  meum  aliquem  fructum  redundare. 
9.  Sed  hoc  quaero  :  Quis  putat  esse  crimen  fuisse  in 
Africa?  Nempe  is,  qui  et  ipse  in  eadem  Africa  esse 
voluit,  et  prohibitum  se  a  Ligario  queritur,  et  certe 
contra  ipsum  Caesarem  est  congressus  armatus.  Quid 
enim  tuus  ille,  Tubero,  destrictus  in  acie  Pharsalica 
gladius  agebat?  Cujus  latus  ille  mucro  petebat?  Qui 
sensus  erat  armorum  tuorum?  quae  tua  mens,  oculi, 
manus,  ardor  animi?  quid  cupiebas?  quid  optabas? 
Nimis  urgeo  :  commoveri  videtur  adulescens  :  ad  me 
revertar :  isdem  in  armis  fui. 

iv.  10.  Quid  autem  aliud  egimus,  Tubero,  nisi  ut 
quod  hie  potest  nos  possemus?  Quorum  igitur  impu- 
nitas,  Caesar,  tuae  clementiae  laus  est,  eorum  ipsorum 
ad  crudelitatem  te  acuit  oratio.  Atque  in  hac  causa 
non  nihil  equidem,  Tubero,  etiam  tuam,  sed  multo 
magis  p  itris  tui  prudentiam  desidero,  quod  homo,  cum 
ingenio  turn  etiam  doctrina  excellens,  genus  hoc  cau- 
sae quod  esset  non  viderit.  Nam  si  vidisset,  quovis 
profecto  quam  isto  modo  a  te  agi  maluisset. 

Arguis  fatentem.  Non  est  satis  :  accusas  eum  qui 
causam  habet  aut  (ut  ego  dico)  meliorem  quam  tu, 
aut  (ut  tu  vis)  parem.  n.  Haec  admirabilia  :  sed  pro- 
digi  simile  est  quod  dicam.  Non  habet  earn  vim  ista 
accusatio  ut  Q^  Ligarius  condemnetur,  sed  ut  necetur. 
Hoc  egit  civis  Romanus  ante  te  nemo.  Externi  isti 
mores  usque  ad  sanguinem  incitari  [solent]  odio,  aut 
levium  Graecorum,  aut  immanium  barbarorum.  Nam 
quid  agis  aliud?     Romae  ne  sit?  ut  domo  careat?    ne 


v.  1 5-]  Malignity  of  the   Charge,  225 

cum  optimis  fratribus,  ne  cum  hoc  T.  Broccho  avun- 
culo,  ne  cum  ejus  filio  consobrino  suo,  ne  nobiscum 
\ivat?  ne  sit  in  patria?  Num  est?  num  potest  magis 
carere  his  omnibus  quam  caret?  Italia  prohibetur ; 
exsulat.  Non  tu  ergo  eum  patria  privare,  qua  caret, 
sed  vita  vis.  12.  At  istud  ne  apud  eum  quidem  dicta- 
torem,  qui  omnis  quos  oderat  morte  multabat,  quis- 
quam  egit  isto  modo.  Ipse  jubebat  occidi  nullo  postu- 
lante  ;  praemiis  etiam  invitabat :  quae  tamen  crudelitas 
ab  hoc  eodem  aliquot  annis  post,  quern  tu  nunc  cru- 
delem  esse  vis,  vindicata  est.  v.  '  Ego  vero  istud  non 
postulo,'  inquies.  Ita  me  hercule  existimo,  Tubero. 
Novi  enim  te,  novi  patrem,  novi  domum  nomenque 
vestrum  ;  studia  generis  ac  familiae  vestrae  virtutis, 
humanitatis,  doctrinae,  plurimarum  artium  atque  opti- 
marum,  nota  mihi  sunt.  13.  Itaque  certo  scio  vos  non 
petere  sanguinem,  sed  parum  attenditis.  Res  enim 
eo  spectat,  ut  ea  poena,  in  qua  adhuc  Q^Ligarius  est, 
non  videamini  esse  contend.  Quae  est  igitur  alia 
praeter  mortem?  Si  enim  est  in  exsilio,  sicuti  est, 
quid  amplius  postulatis?  An,  ne  ignoscatur?  Hoc 
vero  multo  acerbius  multoque  est  durius.  Quod  nos 
[domi]  petimus  precibus,  lacrimis,  strati  ad  pedes, 
non  tarn  nostrae  causae  fidentes  quam  hujus  huma- 
nitati,  id  ne  impetremus  oppugnabis,  et  in  nostrum 
fletum  inrumpes,  et  nos  jacentis  ad  pedes  supplicum 
voce  prohibebis?  14.  Si,  cum  hoc  domi  faceremus,  — 
quod  et  fecimus  et,  ut  spero,  non  frustra  fecimus,  — 
tu  repente  inruisses  et  clamare  coepisses :  fC.  Caesar, 
cave  ignoscas,  cave  te  fratrum  pro  fratris  salute  obse- 
crantium  misereat,'  nonne  omnem  humanitatem  exu- 
isses?  Quanto  hoc  durius,  quod  nos  domi  petimus, 
id  te  in  foro  cppugnare,  et  in  tali  miseria  multorum 
perfugium  misericordiae  tollere  !  Dicam  plane,  Cae- 
sar, quod  sentio.  15.  Si  in  [hac]  tanta  tua  fortuna 
lenitas  tanta  non  esset,  quam  tu  per  te,  per  te  inquam, 

15 


226  Plea  for  Ligarius.  [Ligar. 

obtines, —  intellego  quid  loquar,  —  acerbissimo  luctu 
redundaret  ista  victoria.  Quam  multi  enim  essent  de 
victoribus  qui  te  crudelem  esse  vellent,  cum  etiam  de 
victis  reperiantur  !  quam  multi  qui,  cum  a  te  ignosci 
nemini  vellent,  impedirent  clementiam  tuam,  cum 
etiam  hi,  quibus  ipse  ignovisti,  nolint  te  esse  in  alios 
misericordem.  16.  Quod  si  probare  Caesari  possemus 
in  Africa  Ligarium  omnino  non  fuisse,  si  honesto  et 
misericordi  mendacio  saluti  civi  calamitoso  esse  velle- 
mus,  tamen  hominis  non  esset,  in  tanto  discrimine  et 
periculo  civis,  refellere  et  redarguere  nostrum  menda- 
cium  ;  et,  si  esset  alicujus,  ejus  certe  non  esset,  qui  in 
eadem  causa  et  fortuna  fuisset.  Sed  tamen  aliud  est 
errare  Caesarem  nolle,  aliud  nolle  misereri.  Tunc 
diceres,  f  Caesar,  cave  credas :  fuit  in  Africa,  tulit 
arma  contra  te.'  Nunc  quid  dicis?  '  Cave  ignoscas.' 
Haec  nee  hominis  nee  ad  hominem  vox  est :  qua  qui 
apud  te,  C.  Caesar,  utitur,  suam  citius  abiciet  humani- 
tatem  quam  extorquebit  tuam. 

vi.  17.  Ac  primus  aditus  et  postulatio  Tuberonis 
haec,  ut  opinor,  fuit :  velle  se  de  Q^  Ligari  scelere 
dicere.  Non  dubito  quin  admiratus  sis,  vel  quod  de 
nullo  alio  [quisquam],  vel  quod  is  qui  in  eadem  causa 
fuisset,  vel  quidnam  novi  [sceleris]  adferret.  Scelus  tu 
illud  vocas,  Tubero?  Cur?  isto  enim  nomine  ilia  adhuc 
causa  caruit.  Alii  errorem  appellant,  alii  timorem  ; 
qui  durius,  spem,  cupiditatem,  odium,  pertinaciam ; 
qui  gravissime,  temeritatem  :  scelus  praeter  te  adhuc 
nemo.  Ac  mihi  quidem,  si  proprium  et  verum  nomen 
nostri  mali  quaeritur,  fatalis  quaedam  calamitas  inci- 
disse  videtur,  et  improvidas  hominum  mentis  occupa- 
visse,  ut  nemo  mirari  debeat  humana  consilia  divina 
necessitate  esse  superata.  18.  Liceat  esse  miseros : 
quamquam  hoc  victore  esse  non  possumus.  Sed  non 
loquor  de  nobis  :  de  illis  loquor  qui  occiderunt.  Fue- 
rint    cupidi,  fuerint  irati,  fuerint  pertinaces :    sceleris 


vii.  2i.]      How   CcBsar  has  used  his    Victory.  227 

vero  crimine,  furoris,  parricidi  liceat  Cn.  Pompeio 
mortuo,  liceat  multis  aliis  carere.  Quando  hoc  quis- 
quam  ex  te,  Caesar,  audivit?  aut  tua  quid  aliud  arma 
voluerunt,  nisi  a  te  contumeliam  propulsare?  Quid 
egit  tuus  invictus  exercitus,  nisi  ut  suum  jus  tueretur 
et  dignitatem  tuam?  Quid?  tu,  cum  pacem  esse  cu- 
piebas,  idne  agebas,  ut  tibi  cum  sceleratis,  an  ut  cum 
bonis  civibus  conveniret?  19.  Mihi  vero,  Caesar,  tua 
in  me  maxima  merita  tanta  certe  non  viderentur,  si  me 
ut  sceleratum  a  te  conservatum  putarem.  Quo  modo 
autem  tu  de  re  publica  bene  meritus  esses,  cum  tot 
sceleratos  incolumi  dignitate  esse  voluisses?  Seces- 
sionem  tu  illam  existimavisti,  Caesar,  initio,  non 
bellum ;  neque  hostile  odium,  sed  civile  discidium, 
utrisque  cupientibus  rem  publicam  salvam,  sed  partim 
consiliis,  partim  studiis  a  communi  utilitate  aberran- 
tibus.  Principum  dignitas  erat  paene  par,  non  par 
fortasse  eorum  qui  sequebantur :  causa  turn  dubia, 
quod  erat  aliquid  in  utraque  parte  quod  probari  posset ; 
nunc  melior  ea  judicanda  est,  quam  etiam  di  adjuve- 
runt.  Cognita  vero  dementia  tua,  quis  non  earn 
victoriam  probet,  in  qua  occiderit  nemo  nisi  armatus? 
vii.  20.  Sed  —  utomittam  communem  causam,veni- 
amus  ad  nostram  —  utrum  tandem  existimas  facilius 
fuisse,  Tubero,  Ligarium  ex  Africa  exire,  an  vos  in 
Africam  non  venire?  '  Poteramusne,'  inquies,  'cum 
senatus  censuisset?'  Si  me  consulis,  nullo  modo. 
Sed  tamen  Ligarium  senatus  idem  legaverat.  At- 
que  ille  eo  tempore  paruit,  cum  parere  senatui  ne- 
cesse  erat :  vos  tunc  paruistis,  cum  paruit  nemo  qui 
noluit.  Reprehendo  igitur?  Minime  vero.  Neque 
enim  licuit  aliter  vestro  generi,  nomini,  familiae, 
disciplinae.  Sed  hoc  non  concedo,  ut,  quibus  rebus 
gloriemini  in  vobis,  easdem  in  aliis  reprehendatis. 
21.  Tuberonis  sors  conjecta  est  ex  senatus  consulto, 
cum  ipse  non  adesset,  morbo  etiam  impediretur.     Sta- 


228  Plea  for  Ligarius.  [Ligar. 

tuerat  excusare.  Haec  ego  novi  propter  omnis  neces- 
situdines  quae  mihi  sunt  cum  L.  Tuberone  :  domi  una 
eruditi,  militiae  contubernales,  post  adfines,  in  omni 
denique  vita  familiares :  magnum  etiam  vinculum, 
quod  isdem  studiis  semper  usi  sumus.  Scio  igitur 
Tuberonem  domi  manere  voluisse :  sed  ita  quidam 
agebat,  ita  rei  publicae  sanctissimum  nomen  oppo- 
nebat,  ut,  etiam  si  aliter  sentiret,  verborum  tamen 
ipsorum  pondus  sustinere  non  posset.  22.  Cessit 
auctoritati  amplissimi  viri,  vel  potius  paruit.  Una  est 
profectus  cum  eis,  quorum  erat  una  causa :  tardius 
iter  fecit ;  itaque  in  Africam  venit  jam  occupatam. 
Hinc  in  Ligarium  crimen  oritur,  vel  ira  potius.  Nam 
si  crimen  est  [ilium]  voluisse,  non  minus  magnum  est 
vos  Africam,  arcem  omnium  provinciarum,  natam  ad 
bellum  contra  hanc  urbem  gerundum,  obtinere  volu- 
isse, quam  aliquem  se  maluisse.  Atque  is  tamen  ali- 
quis  Ligarius  non  fuit.  Varus  imperium  se  habere 
dicebat :  fascis  certe  habebat.  23.  Sed  quoquo  modo 
se  illud  habet,  haec  querella  Tubero,  vestra,  quid 
valet?  eRecepti  in  provinciam  non  sumus.'  Quid, 
si  essetis?  Caesarine  earn  tradituri  fuistis,  an  contra 
Caesarem  re'tenturi?  vin.  Vide  quid  licentiae,  Cae- 
sar, nobis  tua  liberalitas  det,  vel  potius  audaciae.  Si 
respondent  Tubero,  Africam,  quo  senatus  eum  sorsque 
miserat,  tibi  patrem  suum  traditurum  fuisse,  non  dubi- 
tabo  apud  ipsum  te,  cujus  id  eum  facere  interfuit, 
gravissimis  verbis  ejus  consilium  reprehendere.  Non 
enim,  si  tibi  ea  res  grata  fuisset,  esset  etiam  probata. 

24,  Sed  jam  hoc  totum  omitto,  non  tarn  ne  offendam 
tuas  patientissimas  auris,  quam  ne  Tubero  quod  num- 
quam  cogitavit  facturus  fuisse  videatur.  Veniebatis 
igitur  in  Africam,  provinciam  unam  ex  omnibus  huic 
victoriae  maxime  infestam,  in  qua  erat  rex  potentissi- 
mus,  inimicus  huic  causae,  aliena  voluntas,  conventus 
firmi    atque    magni.       Quaero :    quid   facturi    fuistis? 


ix.  2j. ]        His  Enemies  in  the  same  Fault.  229 

quamquam  quid  facturi  fueritis  dubitem,  cum  videam 
quid  feceritis?  Prohibiti  estis  in  provincia  vestra 
pedem  ponere,  et  prohibiti  summa  injuria.  25.  Quo 
modo  id  tulistis?  acceptae  injuriae  querellam  ad  quern 
detulistis?  Nempe  ad  eum,  cujus  auctoritatem  secuti 
in  societatem  belli  veneratis.  Quod  si  Caesaris  causa 
in  provinciam  veniebatis,  ad  eum  profecto  exclusi  pro- 
vincia venissetis.  Venistis  ad  Pompeium.  Quae  est 
ergo  apud  Caesarem  querella,  cum  eum  accusetis,  a 
quo  queramini  prohibitos  esse  vos  contra  Caesarem 
gerere  bellum?  Atque  in  hoc  quidem  vel  cum  men- 
dacio,  si  voids,  gloriemini  per  me  licet,  vos  provin- 
ciam fuisse  Caesari  tradituros.  Etiam  si  a  Varo  et  a 
quibusdam  aliis  prohibiti  estis,  ego  tamen  confiteor 
culpam  esse  Ligari,  qui  vos  tantae  laudis  occasione 
privaverit. 

ix.  26.  Sed  vide,  quaeso,  Caesar,  constantiam  or- 
natissimi  viri  [Tuberonis],  quam  ego,  quamvis  ipse 
probarem,  ut  probo,  tamen  non  commemorarem,  nisi 
a  te  cognovissem  in  prirnis  earn  virtutem  solere  lau- 
dari.  Quae  fuit  igitur  umquam  in  ullo  homine  tanta 
constantia?  Constantiam  dico?  nescio  an  melius  pa- 
tientiam  possim  dicere.  Quotus  enim  istud  quisque 
fecisset,  ut,  a  quibus  partibus  in  dissensione  civili  non 
esset  receptus,  esset  etiam  cum  crudelitate  rejectus, 
ad  eos  ipsos  rediret?  Magni  cujusdam  animi  atque 
ejus  viri  est,  quern  de  suscepta  causa  propositaque 
sententia  nulla  contumelia,  nulla  vis,  nullum  pericu- 
lum  possit  depellere.  27.  Ut  enim  cetera  paria  Tube- 
roni  cum  Varo  fuissent,  —  honos,  nobilitas,  splendor, 
ingenium,  quae  nequaquam  fuerunt,  —  hoc  certe 
praecipuum  Tuberonis,  quod  justo  cum  imperio  ex 
senatus  consulto  in  provinciam  suam  venerat.  Hinc 
prohibitus  non  ad  Caesarem,  ne  iratus,  non  domum, 
ne  iners,  non  in  aliquam  regionem,  ne  condemnare 
causam  illam  quam  secutus  erat,  videretur :   in  Mace- 


230  Plea  for  Ligarius.  [Ligar. 

doniam  ad  Cn.  Pompei  castra  venit,  in  earn  ipsam 
causam  a  qua  erat  rejectus  injuria.  28.  Quid?  cum  ista 
res  nihil  commovisset  ejus  animum  ad  quem  veneratis, 
languidiore  (credo)  studio  in  causa  fuistis :  tantum 
modo  in  praesidiis  eratis,  animi  vero  a  causa  abhor- 
rebant :  an,  ut  fit  in  civilibus  bellis  ....  nee  in 
vobis  magis  quam  in  reliquis ;  omnes  enim  vincendi 
studio  tenebamur.  Pacis  equidem  semper  auctor  fui, 
sed  turn  sero  :  erat  enim  amentis,  cum  aciem  videres, 
pacem  cogitare.  Omnes,  inquam,  vincere  volebamus  : 
tu  certe  praecipue,  qui  in  eum  locum  veneras,  ubi 
tibi  esset  pereundum  nisi  vicisses.  Quamquam,  ut 
nunc  se  res  habet,  non  dubito  quin  hanc  salutem  ante- 
ponas  illi  victoriae.  x.  29.  Haec  ego  non  dicerem, 
Tubero,  si  aut  vos  constantiae  vestrae  aut  Caesarem 
benefici  sui  paeniteret.  Nunc  quaero  utrum  vestras 
injurias  an  rei  publicae  persequamini :  si  rei  publicae, 
quid  de  vestra  in  ilia  causa  perseverantia  responde- 
bitis?  si  vestras,  videte  ne  erretis,  qui  Caesarem  ves- 
tris  inimicis  iratum  fore  putetis,  cum  ignoverit  suis. 

Itaque  num  tibi  videor  in  causa  Ligari  esse  occupa- 
tus?  num  de  ejus  facto  dicere?  Quicquid  dixi,  ad 
unam  summam  referri  volo,  vel  humanitatis,  vel  cle- 
mentiae,  vel  misericordiae  tuae.  30.  Causas,  Caesar, 
egi  multas  equidem  tecum,  dum  te  in  foro  tenuit  ratio 
honorum  tuorum,  certe  numquam  hoc  modo  :  « Ignos- 
cite,  judices  :  erravit,  lapsus  est,  non  putavit ;  si  um- 
quam  posthac ' —  ad  parentem  sic  agi  solet :  ad  judices, 
4  Non  fecit,  non  cogitavit :  falsi  testes,  fictum  crimen.' 
Die  te,  Caesar,  de  facto  Ligari  judicem  esse ;  quibus 
in  praesidiis  fuerit  quaere :  taceo,  ne  haec  quidem 
conligo,  quae  fortasse  valerent  etiam  apud  judicem  : 
4  Legatus  ante  bellum  profectus,  relictus  in  pace,  bello 
oppressus,  in  eo  ipso  non  acerbus,  jam  est  totus  animo 
ac  studio  tuus.'  Ad  judicem  sic,  sed  ego  apud  pa- 
rentem  loquor  :    '  Erravit,  temere  fecit,  paenitet :    ad 


xi.  33]        How  the   Case  should  be  judged,  231 

clementiam  tuam  confugio,  delicti  veniam  peto,  ut 
ignoscatur  oro.'  Si  nemo  impetravit,  adroganter :  si 
plurimi,  tu  idem  fer  opem,  qui  spem  dedisti.  31.  An 
sperandi  Ligario  causa  non  sit,  cum  mihi  apud  te  locus 
sit  etiam  pro  altero  deprecandi?  Quamquam  nee  in 
hac  oratione  spes  est  posita  causae,  nee  in  eorum 
studiis  qui  a  te  pro  Ligario  petunt,  tui  necessarii. 
xi.  Vidi  enim  et  cognovi  quid  maxime  spectares,  cum 
pro  alicujus  salute  multi  laborarent :  causas  apud  te 
rogantium  gratiosiores  esse  quam  voltus ;  neque  te 
spectare  quam  tuus  esset  necessarius  is  qui  te  oraret, 
sed  quam  illius,  pro  quo  laboraret.  Itaque  tribuis  tu 
quidem  tuis  ita  multa,  ut  mihi  beatiores  illi  videantur 
interdum  qui  tua  liberalitate  fruuntur,  quam  tu  ipse, 
qui  illis  tarn  multa  concedas.  Sed  video  tamen  apud 
te  causas,  ut  dixi,  valere  plus  quam  preces  ;  ab  eisque 
te  moveri  maxime,  quorum  justissimum  videas  dolo- 
rem  in  petendo. 

32.  In  Q^  Ligario  conservando  multis  tu  quidem 
gratum  facies  necessariis  tuis,  sed  hoc,  quaeso,  con- 
sidera,  quod  soles.  Possum  fortissimos  viros,  Sabinos, 
tibi  probatissimos,  totumque  agrum  Sabinum,  florem 
Italiae  ac  robur  rei  publicae,  proponere.  Nosti  opti- 
mos  homines.  Animadverte  horum  omnium  maesti- 
tiam  et  dolorem  :  hujus  T.  Brocchi  (de  quo  non  dubito 
quid  existimes)  lacrimas,  squaloremque  ipsius  et  fill 
vides.  33.  Quid  de  fratribus  dicam?  Noli,  Caesar, 
putare  de  unius  capite  nos  agere.  Aut  tres  tibi  Ligarii 
retinendi  in  civitate  sunt,  aut  tres  ex  civitate  extermi- 
nandi :  [nam]  quodvis  exsilium  his  est  optatius  quam 
patria,  quam  domus,  quam  di  penates,  uno  illo  exsu- 
lante.  Si  fraterne,  si  pie,  si  cum  dolore  faciunt, 
moveant  te  horum  lacrimae,  moveat  pietas,  moveat 
germanitas  :  valeat  tua  vox  ilia,  quae  vicit.  Te  enim 
dicere  audiebamus  nos  omnis  adversarios  putare,  nisi 
qui  nobiscum  essent ;  te  omnis  qui  contra  te  non  es- 


232  Plea  for  Ligarius.  [Ligar. 

sent,  tuos.  Videsne  igitur  hunc  splendorem  omnium, 
hanc  Brocchorum  domum,  hunc  L.  Marcium,  C.  Cae- 
setium,  L.  Corfidium,  hos  omnis  equites  Romanos,  qui 
adsunt  veste  mutata,  non  solum  notos  tibi,  verum  etiam 
probatos  viros,  qui  tecum  fuerunt?  Atque  his  iras- 
cebamur,  hos  requirebamus,  his  non  nulli  etiam  mina- 
bamur.  Conserva  igitur  tuis  suos,  ut,  quern  ad  modum 
cetera  quae  dicta  sunt  a  te,  sic  hoc  verissimum  repe- 
riatur. 

xii.  34.  Quod  si  penitus  perspicere  posses  concor- 
diam  Ligariorum,  omnis  fratres  tecum  judicares  fuisse. 
An  potest  quisquam  dubitare  quin,  si  Q^  Ligarius  in 
Italia  esse  potuisset,  in  eadem  sententia  fuerit  futurus, 
in  qua  fratres  fuerunt?  Quis  est  qui  horum  consen- 
sum  conspirantem  et  paene  conflatum  in  hac  prope  ae- 
qualitate  fraterna  [non]  noverit?  qui  hoc  non  sentiat, 
quidvis  prius  futurum  fuisse,  quam  ut  hi  fratres  diver- 
sas  sententias  fortunasque  sequerentur?  Voluntate 
igitur  omnes  tecum  fuerunt :  tempestate  abreptus  est 
unus,  qui  si  consilio  id  fecisset,  esset  eorum  similis, 
quos  tu  tamen  salvos  esse  voluisti.  35.  Sed  ierit  ad 
bellum,  dissenserit  non  a  te  solum,  verum  etiam  a  fra- 
tribus :  hi  te  orant  tui.  Equidem,  cum  tuis  omnibus 
negotiis  interessem,  memoria  teneo  qualis  T.  Ligarius 
quaestor  urbanus  fuerit  erga  te  et  dignitatem  tuam. 
Sed  parum  est  me  hoc  meminisse  :  spero  etiam  te  (qui 
oblivisci  nihil  soles  nisi  injurias,  quoniam  hoc  est 
animi,  quoniam  etiam  ingeni  tui)  te  aliquid  de  hujus 
illo  quaestorio  officio,  etiam  de  aliis  quibusdam  quaes- 
toribus  reminiscentem,  recordari.  36.  Hie  igitur  T. 
Ligarius,  qui  turn  nihil  egit  aliud — neque  enim  haec 
divinabat  —  nisi  ut  tui  eum  studiosum  et  bonum  virum 
judicares,  nunc  a  te  supplex  fratris  salutem  petit  : 
quam  hujus  admonitus  officio  cum  utrisque  his  dede- 
ris,  tris  fratres  optimos  et  integerrimos  non  solum  sibi 
ipsos,  neque  his  tot  talibus  viris,  neque  nobis  neces- 
sariis  tuis,  sed  etiam  rei  publicae  condonaveris. 


xii.  38-]      How   CcBsar  has  used  his    Victory.  233 

37.  Fac  igitur,  quod  de  homine  nobilissimo  et  cla- 
rissimo  fecisti  nuper  in  curia,  nunc  idem  in  foro  de 
optimis  et  huic  omni  frequentiae  probatissimis  fratri- 
bus.  Ut  concessisti  ilium  senatui,  sic  da  hunc  populo, 
cujus  voluntatem  carissimam  semper  habuisti ;  et,  si 
ille  dies  tibi  gloriosissimus,  populo  Romano  gratissimus 
fuit,  noli,  obsecro,  dubitare,  C.  Caesar,  similem  illi 
gloriae  laudem  quam  saepissime  quaerere.  Nihil  est 
tam  populare  quam  bonitas,  nulla  de  virtutibus  tuis 
plurimis  nee  admirabilior  nee  gratior  misericordia  est. 
38.  Homines  enim  ad  deos  nulla  re  propius  accedunt 
quam  salutem  hominibus  dando.  Nihil  habet  nee 
fortuna  tua  majus  quam  ut  possis,  nee  natura  melius 
quam  ut  velis,  servare  quam  plurimos.  Longiorem 
orationem  causa  forsitan  postulet,  tua  certe  natura 
breviorem.  Qua  re  cum  utilius  esse  arbitrer  te  ipsum 
quam  me  aut  quemquam  loqui  tecum,  finem  jam  fa- 
ciam :  tantum  te  admonebo,  si  illi  absenti  salutem 
dederis,  praesentibus  his  omnibus  te  daturum. 


THE  STRUGGLE  AGAINST  ANTONY. 

b.  c.  43- 

Julius  Cesar  was  assassinated  on  the  Ides  of  March  (March 
15),  b.  c.  44,  by  a  band  of  conspirators,  headed  by  Marcus  Junius 
Brutus  and  Caius  Cassius  Longinus.  The  conspirators  fancied  that 
if  the  dictator  were  out  of  the  way  the  Republic  could  be  restored. 
But  the  success  of  Caesar  had  made  any  return  to  the  republic 
impossible.  Nor  had  the  conspirators  made  any  provision  for 
their  own  safety,  much  less  for  getting  control  of  the  government. 
The  only  question  was,  who  should  succeed  to  the  power  of  the 
murdered  dictator.  And  the  only  persons  who  had  any  chance  of 
doing  so  were  Mark  Antony,  Caesar's  surviving  colleague  in  the 
consulship,  and  the  young  Caius  Caesar  Octavianus,  Caesar's  grand 
nephew,  adopted  son,  and  heir,  afterwards  the  emperor  Augustus. 

Antony  had  come  into  possession  of  Caesar's  papers  and  estates, 
caused  his  "  acts  "  to  be  legally  confirmed,  seized  the  public  funds, 
abolished  the  office  of  dictator,  and  secured  as  large  a  share  of 
authority  as  he  could.  He  was  a  man  of  inordinate  ambition,  con- 
trolled only  by  an  equally  unbounded  self-indulgence,  utterly  with- 
out principle  or  scruple,  and  (if  we  may  trust  the  character  of  him 
drawn  by  Cicero)  a  monster  of  profligacy  and  crime.  He  had 
married  for  his  third  wife  Fulvia,  widow  of  Publius  Clodius,  and 
shared,  with  her,  that  tribune's  vindictive  hate  of  Cicero.  His  col- 
league, Publius  Cornelius  Dolabella,  Cicero's  son-in-law,  had  been 
appointed  by  Caesar  to  succeed  him  as  consul,  and  assumed  the 
office  at  his  death.  He  dallied  with  the  conspirators,  suppressed 
the  violence  of  the  mob  that  threatened  them,  and  might  have  had 
some  pretensions  to  the  power,  with  the  support  of  the  aristocracy, 
but  was  easily  outgeneralled  or  bought  off  by  Antony.  Lepidus, 
who  had  a  military  command,  and  in  whom  the  aristocracy  had  some 
hope,  was  also  gained  over  by  Antony.  Octavianus,  now  twenty 
years  old,  hastened  from  Epirus  to  claim  his  inheritance,  and  take 
part  in  the  conflict  which  he  saw  approaching.  He  was  a  young 
man  of  precocious  talent,  of  cool  and  wary  temper,  of  ambition 
equal  to  Antony^,  and  of  a  political  sagacity  which,  through  his 
long  life,  seems  never  to  have  been  at  fault. 

Neither  of  the  two  chief  claimants  was  strong  enough  alone  to 
be  quite  independent  of  the  other ;  though  at  first  they  stood  in  the 


The  Struggle  against  Antony.  r  235 

attitude  of  rivals,  and  in  their  antagonism  there  seemed  still  some 
hope  for  the  republic.  Each  endeavored  to  secure  the  countenance 
of  the  Senate,  and  to  gain  control  over  the  public  armies  ;  and 
each  succeeded  in  attaching  to  himself  a  considerable  force,  while 
neither  was  strong  enough  to  hold  the  capital  against  the  other. 

Meanwhile  Cicero,  who  at  first  hailed  the  death  of  Caesar  as  the 
restoration  of  the  republic,  lost  courage,  and  set  out  in  July  for 
Greece.  Detained,  however,  by  contrary  winds,  and  receiving 
more  favorable  news  from  Rome,  he  returned  to  the  city  at  the  end 
of  August,  to  find  that  all  his  hopes  were  void.  Still,  he  made  an 
effort  at  conciliation,  in  a  speech  in  the  Senate,  on  the  2d  of  Sep- 
tember. In  this  he  replied  severely  to  an  attack  made  upon 
him  by  Antony  the  day  before,  but  still  took  pains  to  leave  the 
door  open  for  a  restoration  of  good- will.  It  was  to  no  purpose. 
Antony  replied,  September  19,  with  such  bitterness  —  directly 
charging  Cicero  with  the  murder  of  Clodius  and  of  Caesar — that 
it  was  clear  he  meant  there  should  be  no  alternative  but  civil  war. 
Cicero  did  not  venture  to  answer  him  in  the  Senate  ;  but  replied, 
ten  weeks  later,  in  a  pamphlet  —  by  many  regarded  as  his  master- 
piece —  as  bitter  and  uncompromising  as  the  consul's  attack. 
From  its  likeness  in  tone  to  the  famous  invectives  of  Demos- 
thenes, this  was  called  a  "  Philippic ; "  and  the  term  has  been 
extended  to  the  entire  series  of  fourteen  orations  against  An- 
tony, commencing  with  that  of  September  2,  and  ending  with  the 
triumphant  speech  (given  below)  with  which  his  political  career 
closed. 

The  winter  was  spent  in  attempts  at  negotiation,  every  stage 
illustrated  by  the  running  commentary  of  Cicero's  Philippics.  At 
last,  in  the  spring  of  B.  c.  43,  diplomacy  was  at  an  end.  Actual 
hostilities  broke  out  first  in  Cisalpine  Gaul  (North  Italy),  where 
Decimus  Brutus  —  who  had  taken  command  of  that  province,  ac- 
cording to  Caesar's  will  —  held  the  town  of  Mutina  (Modena)  to 
resist  Antony ;  Octavianus,  with  his  independent  force,  having 
also  ranged  himself  on  the  side  of  the  Senate.  The  consuls,  Aulus 
Hirtius  and  C.  Vibius  Pansa,  had  after  some  hesitation  vigorously 
taken  up  the  same  cause.  In  April  the  consuls  met  Antony  in  two 
battles,  —  on  the  15th  at  Bononia  {Bologna),  on  the  27th  near 
Mutina.  In  both  battles  Antony  was  defeated  ;  but  in  the  first  the 
consul  Pansa  was  mortally  wounded,  and  in  the  second  Hirtius  was 
killed.     It  was  on  the   reception  of  the  news   of  the  victory  at 


236  The  Straggle  against  Antony,  [Phil.  XIV. 

Bononia,  while   Pansa's   fate   was  unknown,   that   Cicero,  in   the 
Senate,  delivered  his  fourteenth  and  last  Philippic. 

The  rejoicings  were  soon  at  an  end.  Octavianus  found  that  his 
own  interests  were  best  served  by  uniting  with  Antony  against  the 
Senate.  These  two  —  with  Lepidus  as  a  third  triumvir  —  came 
easily  into  possession  of  supreme  power.  A  remorseless  proscrip- 
tion followed,  in  which  the  most  illustrious  victim  was  Cicero,  sac- 
rificed to  Antony's  resentment,  the  vindictive  hate  of  Fulvia,  and 
the  cold  ingratitude  of  Octavianus. 

Of  the  fourteen  Philippics,  the  Second  is  by  far  the  most  famous. 
It  is  a  long  and  elaborate  invective,  —  in  some  parts  exceedingly 
bitter  and  coarse,  —  reviewing  the  domestic  and  political  career  of 
Mark  Antony,  charging  him  with  every  personal  vice  and  almost 
every  public  crime.  In  its  allusions  to  the  public  acts  of  Cae- 
sar, its  hostility  is  uncompromising,  vindictive,  often  scornful. 
The  revival  of  the  title  "perpetual  dictator"  seems  to  have  inspired 
Cicero  with  hatred,  horror,  and  fear ;  and  his  real  hostility  was  no 
longer  disguised  after  Caesar's  death.  This  oration  contains  the 
celebrated  portrait  of  him,  interesting  as  the  only  extant  testimony, 
publicly  spoken  at  the  time,  of  one  who  was  at  once  contemporary, 
peer,  and  rival :  — 

Fuit  in  Mo  ingenium,  ratio,  memoria,  litterce,  cura,  cogitatio, 
diligentia.  Res  bello  gesserat,  quamvis  rei  publicaz  calamitosas,  at 
ta7iien  magnas.  Multos  annos  regnare  meditatus,  magno  labore, 
multis  periculis,  quod  cogitarat  effecerat.  Muneribus,  monimen- 
tis,  congiariis,  epulis  multitudinem  imperitam  delenierat :  suos 
pro3?niis,  adversarios  clementice  specie  devinxerat.  Quid  multa  f 
attulerat  jam  liberce  civitati,  partim  ntetu  partim  patientia,  consue- 
tudinem  serviendi.  Sed  ex  plwiniis  malis,  quce  ab  Mo  rei  publicce 
sunt  inusta,  hoc  tamen  boni  est,  quod  didicit  jam  populus  Romanus 
quantum  cuiqite  crederet,  quibus  se  committeret,  a  quibus  caveret. 

The  Fourteenth  Philippic  has  a  unique  interest  as  the  last  free 
voice  of  the  Roman  Senate,  and  from  its  ill-timed  confidence  in  the  • 
future  emperor.  It  is  also  interesting  as  an  example  of  labored  and 
stately  panegyric  on  patriots  fallen  in  battle,  after  the  manner  of  the 
Greeks,  and  from  the  formal  resolution  of  thanks  and  honor  with 
which  it  closes.  Its  immediate  occasion  was  a  resolution  of  P. 
Servilius,  that  the  citizens  should  lay  aside  the  military  garb,  and 
that  a  public  thanksgiving  should  be  celebrated  in  honor  of  the 
victory. 


ii.  4-]       When  will  the    Victory  be  Complete  f        237 

CI,  ut  ex  litteris  quae  recitatae  sunt,  patres  conscripti, 
^  sceleratissimorum  hostium  exercitum  caesum  fu- 
sumque  cognovi,  sic  id:  quod  et  omnes  maxime  opta- 
mus,  et  ex  ea  victoria  quae  parta  est  consecutum 
arbitramur,  D.  Brutum  egressum  jam  Mutina  esse 
cognovissem,  propter  cujus  periculum  ad  saga  issemus, 
propter  ejusdem  salutem  redeundum  ad  pristinum  ves- 
titum  sine  ulla  dubitatione  censerem.  Ante  vero  quam 
sit  ea  res,  quam  avidissime  civitas  exspectat,  adlata, 
laetitia  frui  satis  est  maximae  praeclarissimaeque  pug- 
nae  :  reditum  ad  vestitum  confectae  victoriae  reservate. 
Confectio  autem  hujus  belli  est  D.  Bruti  salus. 

2.  Quae  autem  est  ista  sententia,  ut  in  hodiernum 
diem  vestitus  mutetur,  deinde  eras  sagati  prodeamus? 
Nos  vero  cum  semel  ad  eum  quern  cupimus  optamus- 
que  vestitum  redierimus,  id  agamus,  ut  eum  in  per- 
petuum  retineamus.  Nam  hoc  quidem  cum  turpe  est, 
turn  ne  dis  quidem  immortalibus  gratum,  ab  eorum 
aris,  ad  quas  togati  adierimus,  ad  saga  sumenda  dis- 
cedere.  3.  Atque  animadverto,  patres  conscripti,  quos- 
dam  huic  favere  sententiae,  quorum  ea  mens  idque 
consilium  est,  ut,  cum  videant  gloriosissimum  ilium 
D.  Bruto  futurum  diem,  quo  die  propter  ejus  salutem 
redierimus,  hunc  ei  fructum  eripere  cupiant,  ne  me- 
moriae posteritatique  prodatur  propter  unius  civis 
periculum  populum  Romanum  ad  saga  isse,  propter 
ejusdem  salutem  redisse  ad  togas.  Tollite  hanc  :  nul- 
lam  tarn  pravae  sententiae  causam  reperietis.  Vos 
vero,  patres  conscripti,  conservate  auctoritatem  ves- 
tram,  manete  in  sententia,  tenete  vestra  memoria,  quod 
saepe  ostendistis,  hujus  totius  belli  in  unius  viri  fortis- 
simi  et  maximi  vita  positum  esse  discrimen. 

11.  4.  Ad  D.  Brutum  liberandum  legati  missi  prin- 
cipes  civitatis,  qui  illi  hosti  ac  parricidae  denuntiarent 
ut  a  Mutina  discederet.  Ejusdem  D.  Bruti  conser- 
vandi   gratia   consul   sortitu    ad   bellum  profectus  A. 


238  The  Struggle  against  Antony,  [Phil.  XIV. 

Hirtius,  cujus  imbecillitatem  valetudinis  animi  virtus  et 
spes  victoriae  confirmavit.  Caesar,  cum  exercitu  per 
se  comparato  cum  primum  pestibus  rem  publicam  libe- 
rasset,  ne  quid  postea  sceleris  oreretur,  profectus  est  ad 
eundem  Brutum  liberandum,  vicitque  dolorem  aliquem 
domesticum  patriae  caritate.  5.  Quid  C.  Pansa  egit 
aliud  dilectibus  habendis,  pecunia  comparanda,  sena- 
tus  consultis  faciendis  gravissimis  in  Antonium,  nobis 
cohortandis,  populo  Romano  ad  causam  libertatis  vo- 
cando,  nisi  ut  D.  Brutus  liberaretur?  A  quo  populus 
Romanus  frequens  ita  salutem  D.  Bruti  una  voce 
depoposcit,  ut  earn  non  solum  commodis  suis,  sed 
etiam  necessitati  victus  anteferret.  Quod  sperare  nos 
quidem  debemus,  patres  conscripti,  aut  inibi  esse  aut 
jam  esse  confectum.  Sed  spei  fructum  rei  convenit 
et  evento  reservari,  ne  aut  deorum  immortalium  bene- 
ficium  festinatione  praeripuisse,  aut  vim  fortunae  stul- 
titia  contempsisse  videamur. 

6.  Sed  quoniam  significatio  vestra  satis  declarat  quid 
hac  de  re  sentiatis,  ad  litteras  veniam,  quae  sunt  a 
consulibus  et  a  propraetore  missae,  si  pauca  ante  quae 
ad  ipsas  iitteras  pertineant  dixero.  ill.  Imbuti  gladii 
sunt,  patres  conscripti,  legionum  exercituumque  nostro- 
rum,  vel  madefacti  potius  duobus  duorum  consulum, 
tertio  Caesaris  proelio.  Si  hostium  fuit  ille  sanguis, 
summa  militum  pietas :  nefarium  scelus,  si  civium. 
Quo  usque  igitur  is,  qui  omnis  hostis  scelere  superavit, 
nomine  hostis  carebit?  nisi  mucrones  etiam  nostrorum 
militum  tremere  voltis,  dubitantis  utrum  in  cive  an  in 
hoste  figantur.  7.  Supplicationem  decernitis  ;  hostem 
non  appellatis.  Gratae  vero  nostrae  dis  immortalibus 
gratulationes  erunt,  gratae  victimae,  cum  interfecta  sit 
civium  multitudo  !  '  De  improbis'  inquit  f  et  audaci- 
ous.' Nam  sic  eos  appellat  clarissimus  vir :  quae  sunt 
urbanarum  maledicta  litium,  non  inustae  belli  inter- 
necivi  notae.    Testamenta  (credo)  subiciunt  aut  eiciunt 


iv.  io.]  Antony's  Cruelties  at  Parma.  239 

vicinos,  aut  adulescentulos  circumscribunt :  [his  enim 
vitiis  adfectos  et  talibus  malos  aut  audacis  appellare 
consuetudo  solet.]  8.  Bellum  inexpiabile  infert  quat- 
tuor  consulibus  unus  omnium  latronum  taeterrimus. 
Gerit  idem  bellum  cum  senatu  populoque  Romano. 
Omnibus  —  quamquam  ruit  ipse  suis  cladibus  —  pes- 
tem,  vastitatem,  cruciatum,  tormenta  denuntiat.  Do- 
labellae  ferum  et  immane  facinus,  quod  nulla  barbaria 
posset  agnoscere,  id  suo  consilio  factum  esse  testatur : 
quaeque  esset  facturus  in  hac  urbe,  nisi  eum  hie  ipse 
Juppiter  ab  hoc  templo  atque  moenibus  reppulisset, 
declaravit  in  Parmensium  calamitate,  quos  optimos 
viros  honestissimosque  homines,  maxime  cum  aucto- 
ritate  hujus  ordinis  populique  Romani  dignitate  con- 
junctos,  crudelissimis  exemplis  interemit  propudium 
illud  et  portentum,  L.  Antonius,  insigne  odium  om- 
nium hominum  vel  (si  etiam  di  oderunt  quos  oportet) 
deorum.  9.  Refugit  animus,  patres  conscripti,  eaque 
dicere  reformidat  quae  L.  Antonius  in  Parmensium 
liberis  et  conjugibus  efFecerit.  Quas  enim  turpitudines 
Antoni  libenter  [cum  dedecore]  subierunt,  easdem  per 
vim  laetantur  aliis  se  intulisse.  Sed  vis  calamitosa  est, 
quam  illis  intulerunt :  libido  flagitiosa,  qua  Antonio- 
rum  oblita  est  vita.  Est  igitur  quisquam,  qui  hostis 
appellare  non  audeat,  quorum  scelere  crudelitatem  Kar- 
thaginiensium  victam  esse  fateatur?  iv.  Qua  enim  in 
urbe  tarn  immanis  Hannibal  capta  quam  in  Parma 
surrepta  Antonius?  Nisi  forte  hujus  coloniae  et  cete- 
rarum,  in  quas  eodem  est  animo,  non  est  hostis  putan- 
dus.  10.  Si  vero  coloniarum  et  municipiorum  sine  ulla 
dubitatione  hostis  est,  quid  tandem  hujus  censetis  ur- 
bis,  quam  ille  ad  explendas  egestates  latrocini  sui 
concupivit?  quam  jam  peritus  metator  et  callidus 
decempeda  sua  Saxa  diviserat?  Recordamini,  per 
deos  immortalis !  patres  conscripti,  quid  hoc  biduo 
limuerimus  a  domesticis   hostibus,  rumoribus  impro- 


240  The  Struggle  against  Antony,  [Phil.  XIV. 

bissimis  dissipatis.  Quis  liberos,  quis  conjugem  aspi- 
cere  poterat  sine  fletu?  quis  domum?  quis  tecta?  quis 
larem  familiarem?  Aut  foedissimam  mortem  omnes 
aut  miserabilem  fugam  cogitabant.  Haec  a  quibus 
timebantur,  eos  hostis  appellare  dubitamus?  Gravius 
si  quis  attulerit  nomen,  libenter  adsentiar :  hocvolgari 
contentus  vix  sum,  leviore  non  utar. 

11.  Itaque  cum  supplicationes  justissimas  ex  eis 
litteris  quae  recitatae  sunt  decernere  debeamus,  Ser- 
viliusque  decreverit,  augebo  omnino  numerum  dierum, 
praesertim  cum  non  uni  sed  tribus  ducibus  sint  decer- 
nendae.  Sed  hoc  primum  faciam,  ut  imperatores 
appellem  eos,  quorum  virtute,  consilio,  felicitate,  maxi- 
mis  periculis  servitutis  atque  interims  liberati  sumus. 
Etenim  cui  viginti  his  annis  supplicatio  decreta  est,  ut 
non  imperator  appellaretur,  aut  minimis  rebus  gestis 
aut  plerumque  nullis?  Quam  ob  rem  aut  supplicatio 
ab  eo  qui  ante  dixit  decernenda  non  fuit,  aut  usitatus 
honos  pervolgatusque  tribuendus  eis,  quibus  etiam  novi 
singularesque  debentur.  v.  12.  An  si  quis  Hispano- 
rum  aut  Gallorum  aut  Threcum  mille  aut  duo  milia 
occidisset,  eum  hac  consuetudine  quae  increbuit  im- 
peratorem  appellaret  senatus :  tot  legionibus  caesis, 
tanta  multitudine  hostium  interfecta  —  hostium  dico?  ita 
inquam,  hostium,  quamvis  hoc  isti  hostes  domestici 
nolint  —  clarissimis  ducibus  supplicationum  honorem 
tribuemus,  imperatorium  nomen  adimemus?  Quanto 
enim  honore,  laetitia,  gratulatione  in  hoc  templum 
ingredi  debent  illi  ipsi  hujus  urbis  liberatores,  cum 
hesterno  die  propter  eorum  res  gestas  me  ovantem  et 
prope  triumphantem  populus  Romanus  in  Capitolium 
domo  tulerit,  domum  inde  reduxerit?  13.  Is  enim 
demum  est  (mea  quidem  sententia)  Justus  triumphus 
ac  verus,  cum  bene  de  re  publica  mentis  testimonium 
a  consensu  civitatis  datur.  Nam  sive  in  com  muni 
gaudio  populi    Romani   uni    gratulabantur,    magnum 


vi.  16.]         False  Charges  against  Cicero.  241 

judicium ;  sive  uni  gratias  agebant,  eo  majus ;  sive 
utrumque,  nihil  magnificentius  cogitari  potest. 

*  Tu  igitur  ipse  de  te?  '  dixerit  quispiam.  Equidem 
invitus,  sed  injuriae  dolor  facit  me  praeter  consue- 
tudinem  gloriosum.  Nonne  satis  est  ab  hominibus 
virtutis  ignaris  gratiam  bene  merentibus  non  referri? 
Etiam  in  eos  qui  omnis  suas  curas  in  rei  publicae 
salute  defigunt,  impietatis  crimine  invidia  quaeretur? 
14.  Scitis  enim  per  hos  dies  creberrimum  fuisse  sermo- 
nem,  me  Parilibus,  qui  dies  hodie  est,  cum  fascibus 
descensurum.  In  aliquem  credo  hoc  gladiatorem  aut 
latronem  aut  Catilinam  esse  conlatum,  non  in  eum  qui 
ne  quid  tale  in  re  publica  fieri  posset  effecerit.  An  [ut] 
ego,  qui  Catilinam  haec  molientem  sustulerim,  ever- 
terim,  adflixerim,  ipse  exsisterem  repente  Catilina? 
Qiiibus  auspiciis  istos  fascis  augur  acciperem?  quate- 
nus  haberem?  cui  traderem?  Quemquamne  fuisse 
tarn  sceleratum  qui  hoc  fingeret,  tarn  furiosum  qui 
crederet?  Unde  igitur  ista  suspitio,  vel  potius  unde 
iste  sermo?  vi.  15.  Cum,  ut  scitis,  hoc  triduo  vel 
quadriduo  tristis  a  Mutina  fama  manaret,  inflati  laeti- 
tia  atque  insolentia  impii  cives  unum  se  in  locum, 
ad  illam  curiam  furiis  potius  suis  quam  rei  publicae 
infelicem  congregabant.  Ibi  cum  consilia  inirent  de 
caede  nostra,  partirenturque  inter  se  qui  Capitolium, 
qui  rostra,  qui  urbis  portas  occuparent,  ad  me  concur- 
sum  futurum  civitatis  putabant.  Quod  ut  cum  invidia 
mea  fieret,  et  cum  vitae  etiam  periculo,  famani  istam 
fascium  dissipaverunt :  fascis  ipsi  ad  me  delaturi  fue- 
runt.  Quod  cum  esset  quasi  mea  voluntate  factum, 
turn  in  me  impetus  conductorum  hominum  quasi  in 
tyrannum  parabatur  :  ex  quo  caedes  esset  vestrum  om- 
nium consecuta.  Quae  res  patefecit,  patres  conscripti, 
sed  suo  tempore  totius  hujus  sceleris  fons  aperietur. 

16.  Itaque  P.  Apuleius,  tribunus  plebis,  meorum 
omnium  consiliorum  periculorumque  jam  inde  a  con- 

16 


242  The  Struggle  against  Antony,  [Phil.  XIV. 

sulatu  meo  testis,  conscius,  adjutor,  dolorem  fe.rre  non 
potuit  doloris  mei.  Contionem  habuit  maximam, 
populo  Romano  unum  atque  idem  sentiente.  In  qua 
contione  cum  me  pro  summa  nostra  conjunctione  et 
familiaritate  liberare  suspitione  fascium  vellet,  una 
voce  cuncta  contio  declaravit  nihil  esse  a  me  umquam 
de  re  publica  nisi  optime  cogitatum.  Post  hanc  ha- 
bitam  contionem  duabus  tribusve  horis,  optatissimi 
nuntii  et  litterae  venerunt :  ut  idem  dies  non  modo 
iniquissima  me  invidia  liberarit,  sed  etiam  celeberrima 
populi  Romani  gratulatione  auxerit. 

17.  Haec  interposui,  patres  conscripti,  non  tarn  ut 
pro  me  dicerem  —  male  enim  mecum  ageretur,  si 
parum  vobis  essem  sine  defensione  purgatus  —  quam 
ut  quosdam  nimis  jejuno  animo  et  angusto  monerem, 
id  quod  semper  ipse  fecissem,  uti  excellentium  civium 
virtutem  imitatione  dignam,  non  invidia  putarent. 
Magnus  est  in  re  publica  campus,  ut  sapienter  dicere 
Crassus  solebat,  multis  apertus  cursus  ad  laudem. 
vii.  Utinam  quidem  illi  principes  viverent,  qui  me 
post  meum  consulatum,  cum  eis  ipse  cederem,  prin- 
cipem  non  inviti  videbant !  Hoc  vero  tempore,  in 
tanta  inopia  constantium  et  fortium  consularium,  quo 
me  dolore  adfici  creditis,  cum  alios  male  sentire,  alios 
nihil  omnino  curare  videam,  alios  parum  constanter 
in  suscepta  causa  permanere,  sententiamque  suam  non 
semper  utilitate  rei  publicae,  sed  turn  spe  turn  timore 
moderari?  18.  Quod  si  quis  de  contentione  principa- 
ls laborat,  quae  nulla  esse  debet,  stultissime  facit,  si 
vitiis  cum  virtute  contendit :  ut  enim  cursu  cursus,  sic 
in  viris  fortibus  virtus  virtute  superatur.  Tu,  si  ego  de 
re  publica  optime  sentiam,  ut  me  vincas,  ipse  pessime 
senties?  aut,  si  ad  me  bonorum  concursum  fieri  vide- 
bis,  ad  te  improbos  invitabis?  Nollem,  primum  rei 
publicae  causa,  deinde  etiam  dignitatis  tuae.  Sed  si 
principatus  ageretur,  quem  numquam  expetivi,  quid 


viii.  22.]  The  Part  Cicero  has  taken,  243 

tandem  mihi  esset  optatius?  Ego  enim  malis  senten- 
tiis  vinci  non  possum,  bonis  forsitan  possim  et  libenter. 
19.  Haec  populum  Romanum  videre,  animadvertere, 
judicare  quidam  moleste  ferunt.  Poteratne  fieri  ut 
non  proinde  homines  de  quoque,  ut  quisque  mereretur, 
judicarent?  Ut  enim  de  universo  senatu  populus 
Romanus  verissime  judicat,  nullis  rei  publicae  tem- 
poribus  hunc  ordinem  firmiorem  aut  fortiorem  fuisse, 
sic  de  uno  quoque  nostrum  et  maxime,  qui  hoc  loco 
sententias.  dicimus,  sciscitantur  omnes,  avent  audire 
quid  quisque  senserit :  ita  de  quoque,  ut  quemque 
meritum  arbitrantur,  existimant.  Memoria  tenent  me 
ante  diem  xiii.  Kalendas  Januarias  principem  revo- 
candae  libertatis  fuisse  :  me  ex  Kalendis  Januariis  ad 
hanc  horam  invigilasse  rei  publicae  :  20.  meam  do- 
mum  measque  auris  dies  noctisque  omnium  praeceptis 
monitisque  patuisse  :  meis  litteris,  meis  nuntiis,  meis 
cohortationibus  omnis  qui  ubique  essent  ad  patriae 
praesidium  excitatos  :  meis  sententiis  a  Kalendis  Jan- 
uariis numquam  legatos  ad  Antonium  :  semper  ilium 
hostem,  semper  hoc  bellum,  ut  ego,  qui  omni  tempore 
verae  pacis  auctor  fuissem,  huic  essem  nomini  pesti- 
ferae  pacis  inimicus  :  21.  idem  P.  Ventidium,  cum  alii 
tr.  pi.  \  volusenum,  ego  semper  hostem.  Has  in  sen- 
tentias meas  si  consules  discessionem  facere  voluis- 
sent,  omnibus  istis  latronibus  auctoritate  ipsa  senatus 
jam  pridem  de  manibus  arma  cecidissent. 

viii.  Sed  quod  turn  non  licuit,  patres  conscripti,  id 
hoc  tempore  non  solum  licet,  verum  etiam  necesse  est, 
—  eos  qui  re  sunt  hostes  [verbis  notari],  sententiis 
nostris  hostis  judicari.  22.  Antea  cum  hostem  ac  bel- 
lum nominassem,  semel  et  saepius  sententiam  meam 
de  numero  sententiarum  sustulerunt :  quod  in  hac 
causa  jam  fieri  non  potest.  Ex  litteris  enim  C.  Pansae 
A.  Hirtii  consulum,  C.  Caesaris  pro  praetore,  de 
honore  dis  immortalibus  habendo  sententias  dicimus. 


244  The  Struggle  against  Antony.  [Phil.  XIV. 

Supplicationem  modo  qui  decrevit,  idem  imprudens 
hostis  judicavit :  numquam  enim  in  civili  bello  suppli- 
catio  decreta  est.  Decretam  dico?  ne  victoris  quidem 
litteris  postulata  est.  23.  Civile  bellum  consul  Sulla 
gessit :  legionibus  in  urbem  adductis,  quos  voluit  ex- 
pulit ;  quos  potuit  occidit :  supplicationis  mentio  nulla. 
Grave  bellum  Octavianum  insecutum  est :  supplicatio 
[Cinnae]  nulla  victori.  Cinnae  victoriam  imperator 
ultus  est  Sulla  :  nulla  supplicatio  decreta  a  senatu.  Ad 
te  ipsum,  P.  Servili,  num  misit  ullas  conlega  litteras 
de  ilia  calamitosissima  pugna  Pharsalia?  Num  te  de 
supplicatione  voluit  referre  ?  Profecto  noluit.  At  misit 
postea  de  Alexandria,  de  Pharnace.  Pharsaliae  vero 
pugnae  ne  triumphum  quidem  egit.  Eos  enim  civis 
pugna  ilia  sustulerat,  quibus  non  modo  vivis,  sed  etiam 
victoribus,  incolumis  et  florens  civitas  esse  posset. 
24.  Quod  idem  contigerat  superioribus  bellis  civilibus. 
Nam  mihi  consuli  supplicatio  nullis  armis  sumptis,  non 
ob  caedem  hostium,  sed  ob  conservationem  civium, 
novo  et  inaudito  genere  decreta  est.  Quam  ob  rem 
aut  supplicatio  re  publica  pulcherrime  gesta  postulan- 
tibus  nostris  imperatoribus  deneganda  est,  quod  praeter 
A.  Gabinium  contigit  nemini ;  aut,  supplicatione  de- 
cernenda,  hostis  eos  de  quibus  decernitis  judicetis 
necesse  est. 

ix.  Quod  ergo  ille  re,  id  ego  etiam  verbo,  cum 
imperatores  eos  appello  :  hoc  ipso  nomine  et  eos  qui 
jam  devicti  sunt,  et  eos  qui  supersunt,  hostis  judico 
[cum  victores  appello  imperatores].  25.  Quo  modo 
enim  potius  Pansam  appellem?  etsi  habet  honoris 
nomen  amplissimi.  Quo  Hirtium?  Est  ille  quidem 
consul,  sed  alterum  nomen  benefici  populi  Romani  est, 
alterum  virtutis  atque  victoriae.  Quid?  Caesarem, 
deorum  beneficio  rei  publicae  procreatum,  dubitemne 
appellare  imperatorem?  qui  primus  Antoni  immanem 
et  foedam   crudelitatem   non  solum  a  jugulis   nostris, 


x.  28.]         The  Consuls  Pansa  and  Hirtius.  245 

sed  etiam  a  membris  et  visceribus  avertit.  Unius 
autem  diei  quot  et  quantae  virtutes,  di  immortales, 
fuerunt !  26.  Princeps '  enim  omnium  Pansa  proeli 
faciendi  et  cum  Antonio  confligendi  fuit :  dignus  im- 
perator  legione  Martia,  digna  legio  imperatore.  Cujus 
si  acerrimum  impetum  cohibere  Pansa  potuisset,  uno 
proelio  confecta  res  esset.  Sed  cum  libertatis  avida 
legio  effrenatius  in  aciem  hostium  inrupisset,  ipseque  in 
primis  Pansa  pugnaret,  duobus  periculosis  volnenbus 
acceptis,  sublatus  e  proelio,  rei  publicae  vitam  reser- 
vavit.  Ego  vero  hunc  non  solum  imperatorem  sed 
etiam  clarissimum  imperatorem  judico,  qui,  cum  aut 
morte  aut  victoria  se  satis  facturum  rei  publicae  spo- 
pondisset,  alterum  fecit,  alterius  di  immortales  omen 
avertant ! 

x.  27.  Quid  dicam  de  Hirtio  ?  qui,  re  audita, 
e  castris  duas  legiones  eduxit  incredibili  studio  atque 
virtute ;  quartam  illam,  quae  relicto  Antonio  se  olim 
cum  Martia  legione  conjunxit,  et  septimam,  quae, 
constituta  ex  veteranis,  docuit  hoc  proelio  militibus 
eis  qui  Caesaris  beneficia  servassent,  senatus  populique 
Romani  carum  nomen  esse.  His  viginti  cohortibus, 
nullo  equitatu,  Hirtius  ipse  aquilam  quartae  legionis 
cum  inferret,  qua  nullius  pulcriorem  speciem  impe- 
ratoris  accepimus,  cum  tribus  Antoni  legionibus  equi- 
tatuque  conflixit,  hostisque  nefarios,  huic  Jovis  Optimi 
Maximi  ceterisque  deorum  immortalium  templis,  urbis 
tectis,  libertati  populi  Romani,  nostrae  vitae  sanguini- 
que  imminentis  prostravit,  fudit,  occidit,  ut  cum  admo- 
dum  paucis,  nocte  tectus,  metu  perterritus,  princeps 
latronum  duxque  fugerit.  O  solem  ipsum  beatissi- 
mum,  qui,  ante  quam  se  abderet,  stratis  cadaveribus 
parricidarum,  cum  paucis  fugientem  vidit  Antonium  ! 

28.  An  vero  quisquam  dubitabit  appellare  Caesarem 
imperatorem?  Aetas  ejus  certe  ab  hac  sententia  ne- 
minem    deterrebit,   quando    quidem    virtute    superavit 


246  The  Struggle  against  Antony,  [Phil.  XIV. 

aetatem.  Ac  mihi  semper  eo  majora  beneficia  C. 
Caesaris  visa  sunt,  quo  minus  erant  ab  aetate  ilia  pos- 
tulanda.  Cui  cum  imperium  dabamus,  eodem  tempore 
etiam  spem  ejus  nominis  deferebamus  :  quod  cum  esset 
consecutus,  auctoritatem  nostri  decreti  rebus  gestis 
suis  comprobavit.  Hie  ergo  adulescens  maximi  animi, 
ut  verissime  scribit  Hirtius,  castra  multarum  legionum 
paucis  cohortibus  tutatus  est,  secundumque  proelium 
fecit.  Ita  trium  imperatorum  virtute,  consilio,  felici- 
tate uno  die  locis  pluribus  res  publica  est  conservata. 
xi.  29.  Decerno  igitur  eorum  trium  nomine  quin- 
quaginta  dierum  supplicationes  :  causas,  ut  honorifi- 
centissimis  verbis  consequi  potuero,  complectar  ipsa 
sententia. 

Est  autem  fidei  pietatisque  nostrae  declarare  fortis- 
simis  militibus,  quam  memores  simus  quamque  grati* 
Quam  ob  rem  promissa  nostra,  atque  ea  quae  legioni- 
bus  bello  confecto  tributuros  nos  spopondimus,  ho- 
dierno  senatus  consulto  renovanda  censeo :  aequum 
est  enim  militum,  talium  praesertim,  honorem  con- 
jungi.  30.  Atque  utinam,  patres  conscripti,  [civibus] 
omnibus  solvere  nobis  praemia  liceret !  Quamquam 
nos  ea  quae  promisimus  studiose  cumulata  reddemus. 
Sed  id  quidem  restat  (ut  spero)  victoribus,  quibus 
senatus  fides  praestabitur :  quam  quoniam  difficillimo 
rei  publicae  tempore  secuti  sunt,  eos  numquam  opor- 
tebit  consili  sui  paenitere.  Sed  facile  est  bene  agere 
cum  eis  a  quibus  etiam  tacentibus  flagitari  videmur : 
illud  admirabilius  et  majus  maximeque  proprium  se- 
natus sapientis  est,  grata  eorum  virtutem  memoria 
prosequi,  qui  pro  patria  vitam  profuderunt. 

31.  Quorum  de  honore  utinam  mihi  plura  in  mentem 
venirent !  Duo  certe  non  praeteribo,  quae  maxime 
occurrunt :  quorum  alterum  pertinet  ad  virorum  fortis- 
simorum  gloriam  sempiternam,  alterum  ad  leniendum 
maerorem  et  luctum  proximorum. 


xii.  33-]        Praise  of  the  Patriot  Soldiers.  247 

xii.  Placet  igitur  mihi,  patres  conscripti,  legionis 
Martiae  militibus,  et  eis  qui  una  pugnantes  occiderunt, 
monumentum  fieri  quam'  amplissimum.  Magna  atque 
incredibilia  sunt  in  rem  publicam  hujus  merita  legio- 
nis. Haec  se  prima  latrocinio  abrupit  Antoni ;  haec 
tenuit  Albam  ;  haec  se  ad  Caesarem  contulit ;  hanc 
imitata  quarta  legio  parem  virtutis  gloriam  consecuta 
est.  Quarta  victrix  desiderat  neminem  :  ex  Martia 
non  nulli  in  ipsa  victoria  conciderunt.  O  fortunata 
mors,  quae  naturae  debita  pro  patria  est  potissimum 
reddita  !  32.  Vos  vero  patriae  natos  judico  :  quorum 
etiam  nomen  a  Marte  est,  ut  idem  deus  urbem  hanc 
gentibus,  vos  huic  urbi  genuisse  videatur.  In  fuga 
foeda  mors  est :  in  victoria  gloriosa.  Etenim  Mars 
ipse  ex  acie  fortissimum  quemque  pignerari  solet.  Illi 
igitur  impii,  quos  cecidistis,  etiam  ad  inferos  poenas 
parricidi  luent :  vos  vero,  qui  extremum  spiritum  in 
victoria  efTudistis,  piorum  estis  sedem  et  locum  conse- 
cuti.  Brevis  a  natura  nobis  vita  data  est :  at  memoria 
bene  redditae  vitae  sempiterna.  Quae  si  non  esset 
longior  quam  haec  vita,  quis  esset  tarn  amens  qui 
maximis  laboribus  et  periculis  ad  summam  laudem 
gloriamque  contenderet?  33.  Actum  igitur  praeclare 
vobiscum,  fortissimi,  dum  vixistis,  nunc  vero  etiam 
sanctissimi  milites,  quod  vestra  virtus  neque  oblivione 
eorum  qui  nunc  sunt,  nee  reticentia  posterorum  se- 
pulta  esse  poterit,  cum  vobis  immortale  monimentum 
suis  paene  manibus  senatus  populusque  Romanus  ex- 
struxerit.  Multi  saepe  exercitus  Punicis,  Gallicis, 
Italicrs  bejlis  clari  et  magni  fuerunt,  nee  tamen  ullis 
tale  genus  honoris  tributum  est.  Atque  utinam  majora 
possemus,  quando  quidem  a  vobis  maxima  accepimus  ! 
Vos  ab  urbe  furentem  Antonium  avertistis  :  vos  redire 
molientem  reppulistis.  Erit  igitur  exstructa  moles 
opere  magnifico  incisaeque  litterae,  divinae  virtutis 
testes  sempiternae :  numquamque  de  vobis  eorum,  qui 


248  The  Struggle  against  Antony.    [Phil.  XIV. 

aut  videbunt  vestrum  monimentum  aut  audient,  gra- 
tissimus  sermo  conticescet.  Ita  pro  mortali  condicione 
vitae  immortalitatem  estis  consecuti. 

xiii.  34.  Sed  quoniam,  patres  conscripti,  gloriae 
munus  optimis  et  fortissimis  civibus  monimenti  honore 
persolvitur,  consolemur  eorum  proximos,  quibus  op- 
tima est  haec  quidem  consolatio :  parentibus,  quod 
tanta  rei  publicae  praesidia  genuerunt ;  liberis,  quod 
habebunt  domestica  exempla  virtutis ;  conjugibus, 
quod  eis  viris  carebunt,  quos  laudare  quam  lugere 
praestabit;  fratribus,  quod  in  se  ut  corporum,  sic  vir- 
tutum  similitudinem  esse  confident.  Atque  utinam 
his  omnibus  abstergere  fletum  sententiis  nostris  con- 
sultisque  possemus,  vel  aliqua  talis  eis  adhiberi  pub- 
lice  posset  oratio,  qua  deponerent  maerorem  atque 
luctum,  gauderentque  potius,  cum  multa  et  varia  im- 
penderent  hominibus  genera  mortis,  id  genus  quod 
esset  pulcherrimum  suis  obtigisse,  eosque  nee  inhuma- 
tos  esse  nee  desertos,  quod  tamen  ipsum  pro  patria 
non  miserandum  putatur,  nee  dispersis  bustis  humiii 
sepultura  crematos,  sed  contectos  publicis  operibus 
atque  muneribus,  eaque  exstructione  quae  sit  ad  me- 
moriam  aeternitatis  ara  Virtutis.  35.  Quam  ob  rem 
maximum  quidem  solacium  erit  propinquorum  eodem 
monimento  declarari  et  virtutem  suorum,  et  populi 
Romani  pietatem,  et  senatus  fidem,  et  crudelissimi 
memoriam  belli :  in  quo  nisi  tanta  militum  virtus  ex- 
stitisset,  parricidio  M.  Antoni  nomen  populi  Romani 
occidisset.  Atque  etiam  censeo,  patres  conscripti, 
quae  praemia  militibus  promisimus  nos  re  publica 
recuperata  tributuros,  ea  vivis  victoribusque  cumulate, 
cum  tempus  venerit,  persolvenda  ;  qui  autem  ex  eis 
quibus  ilia  promissa  sunt  pro  patria  occiderunt,  eorum 
parentibus,  liberis,  conjugibus,  fratribus  eadem  tribu- 
enda  censeo. 


xiv.  38.]      Resolution  of  Thanks  and  Honor.         249 

xiv.  36.  Sed,  ut  aliquando  sententia  complectar,  ita 
censeo : 

Cum  C.  Pansa  consul,  imperator,  initium  cum  hostibus 
confligendi  fecerit,  quo  proelio  legio  Martia  admirabili  incre- 
dibilique  virtute  libertatem  populi  Romani  defenderit,  quod 
idem  legiones  tironum  fecerint ;  ipseque  C.  Pansa  consul, 
imperator,  cum  inter  media  hostium  tela  versaretur,  volnera 
acceperit ;  cumque  A.  Hirtius  consul,  imperator,   [proelio 
audito,]   re    cognita,   fortissimo   praestantissimoque    animo 
exercitum   castris  eduxerit,  impetumque    in  M.  Antonium 
exercitumque  hostium  fecerit,  ejusque  copias  occidione  Occi- 
dent, suo  exercitu  ita  incolumi  ut  ne  unum  quidem  militem 
desiderarit ;  37.  cumque  C.  Caesar  pro  praetore,  imperator, 
consilio  diligentiaque  sua  castra  feliciter  defenderit,  copias- 
que  hostium  quae  ad  castra  accesserant  profligarit,  occiderit ; 
—  ob  eas  res  senatum  existimare  et  judicare  eorum  trium 
imperatorum  virtute,  imperio,  consilio,  gravitate,  constantia, 
magnitudine  animi,  felicitate,  populum  Romanum  foedissima 
crudelissimaque  servitute  liberatum.  Cumque  rem  publicam, 
urbem,  templa  deorum  immortalium,  bona  fortunasque  om- 
nium liberosque  conservarint  dimicatione  et  periculo  vitae 
suae,  uti    ob    eas   res,  bene    fortiter   feliciterque  gestas,   C 
Pansa  A.  Hirtius  consules,  imperatores,  alter  ambove,  ant 
(si  aberunt)  M.  Cornutus,  praetor  urbanus,  supplicationcs 
per   dies   quinquaginta    ad    omnia    pulvinaria    constituat. 
38.  Cumque  virtus  legionum  digna  clarissimis  imperatoribus 
exstiterit,  senatum,  quae,  sit  antea  pollicitus  legionibus  exer- 
citibusque  nostris,  ea  summo  studio  re  publica  recuperata 
soluturum.      Cumque  legio  Martia  princeps  cum  hostibus 
conflixerit,  atque  ita  cum  majore  numero  hostium  conten- 
derit,  ut  cum  plurimos  caederent,  caderent  non  nulli,  ci.m- 
que  sine  ulla  retractatione  pro  patria  vitam  profuderint ;  cum- 
que si  mill  virtute  reliquarum   legionum  milites  pro  salute 
et   libertate    populi  Romani    mortem   oppetiverint,  senatui 
placere  ut  C.  Pansa  A.  Hirtius  consules,  imperatores,  alter 
ambove,  si  eis  videatur,  eis  qui  sanguinem  pro  vita,  libertate, 
fortunis  populi  Romani,  pro  urbe,  templis  deorum  immor- 
talium profudissent,  monimentum  quam  amplissimum    lo- 
candum  faciundumque    curent ;    quaestores^&<?  urbanos  ad 


250  The  Struggle  against  Antony,  [Phil.  XIV. 

earn  rem  pecuniam  dare,  attribuere,  solvere  jubeant,  ut 
exstet  ad  memoriam  posteritatis  sempiternam  scelus  crude- 
lissimorum  hostium  militumque  divina  virtus ;  utique, 
quae  praemia  senatus  militibus  ante  constituit,  ea  solvan- 
tur  eorum  qui  hoc  bello  pro  patria  occiderunt  parenti- 
bus,  liberis,  conjugibus,  fratribus ;  eisque  tribuantur  quae 
militibus  ipsis  tribui  oporteret,  si  vivi  vicissent,  qui  morte 
vicerunt. 


NOTES. 


NOTES, 


Defence    of    Roscius. 
Argument, 

[Omitted  portions  in  brackets.] 

Chap.  i.  Exordium.  Cicero's  reasons  for  undertaking  the  case.  —  [2.  Political  aspect 
of  the  trial,  showing  (a)  why  others  refused  to  undertake  it ;  (6)  why  the  jury  ought  to  be 
especially  cautious  \—Narratia.  6.  The  murder.  —  7.  Circumstances  pointing  to  Magnus 
as  the  procurer:  Chrysogonus  informed,  and  a  conspiracy  made  with  him  by  Capito  and 
Magnus  —8.  Proscription  and  sale  of  property:  Chrysogonus  buys  it  up  for  a  nominal 
sum.  Sex.  Roscius  dispossessed.  — 9.  Amerians  take  up  his  cause  and  apply  to  Sulla,  but 
are  staved  off  by  Capito,  who  was  on  the  committee.  —  10.  Roscius  flies  to  his  friends  at 
Rome :  the  conspirators  commence  the  prosecution.  —  11.  Commiseration  of  his  client's  posi- 
tion, with  review  of  the  circumstances.  —  13.  Partitio :  (a)  the  charge  ;  (6)  the  reckless  villany 
of  the  two  T.  R.  ;  (c)  influence  of  Chrysogonus.  —Defensio  :  I.  14.  The  crime  not  in  accord- 
ance with  the  character  of  the  defendant :  no  motive  can  be  shown :  no  enmity  between 
father  and  son.  —  15-17.  His  rustic  employment :  this  is  no  evidence  of  ill-will.  —  19.  Alleged 
intention  to  disinherit :  no  proof.  —  20.  No  case  made  out:  hence  the  accuser  (Erucius)  is 
attacked  for  bringing  such  a  charge.  —  21.  The  case  rests  only  on  the  negligence  ot  the 
Court,  and  supposed  friendlessness  of  defendant.  —  22  For  the  conspirators'  manner  changed 
when  they  found  there  would  be  a  real  defence.  —  Recapitulation  :  no  motive  existed  ;  enor- 
mity of  the  crime,  and  severity  of  its  punishment.  —  23-26.  Instances  from  real  life  and 
fiction.  —  27,  28.  No  means  of  committing  the  crime.  —  [29.  Again  :  the  accuser's  presumption 
in  trying  to  force  a  conviction.  —  II.  30  Countercharge:  T.  Roscius  the  probable  murderer : 
in  his  case  there  are  motives.  —  31.  It  was  for  his  advantage.  —  32.  He  was  the  murdered 
man's  enemy.  —  33.  He  had  opportunities  (compare  the  two  cases).  —  34.  His  acts  after  the 
murder:  hasty  message  to  Capito  (his  character).  —  36.  His  testimony  at  the  trial.  —  37. 
Speedy  announcement  to  Chrysogonus  —  apparently  from  the  Roscii,  for  they  have  received 
the  reward  and  possess  the  property.  —  38,  39.  Capito's  perfidy  to  the  committee. —  41. 
Magnus  refuses  the  slaves  for  question.  —  42.  Influence  of  Chrysogonus.]  —  III.  43.  Chry- 
sogonus the  purchaser:  the  sale  illegal,  for  proscriptions  had  ceased.  —  44-47.  Lawlessness 
and  insolence  of  Chrysogonus:  Sulla  artfully  excused.  —  48  No  political  necessity  of  con- 
viction.— 49.  Responsibility  of  the  attack  on  Chrysogonus  is  Cicero's:  Roscius  asks  only 
his  life.  —  Peroratio.  50-51  Simulated  appeal  to  Chrysogonus,  to  stir  sympathy  of  the  jury : 
incidental  mention  of  the  powerful  friends  of  the  defendant.  —  52,  53.  But  if  Chrysogonus 
does  not  spare  him,  he  appeals  confidently  to  the  Court. 

PAGE 

S.  §  1.  Credo  .  .  .  periculum  vitant  This  paragraph  maybe 
analyzed  as  an  example  of  the  involved  periodic  style  of  Latin 
writers.  The  main  clause  is  credo  ego  ;  the  rest  of  the  sentence 
is  all  the  object  of  credo  in  the  indirect  discourse  (§  67,  1)  *  The 
main  verb  of  the  discourse  is  mirari  (changed  from  miramini), 

*  The  references  are  to  the  sections  of  Allen  and  Greenough's  Latin  Grammar. 


2  Notes.  [Rose.  Am. 

with  vos  in  the  accusative  as  its  subject.  The  object  of  mirari 
is  the  indirect  question  quid  sit  quod,  etc.,  embracing  all  the 
rest,  changed  from  a  direct  question  quid  est  quod,  etc.  Again, 
the  subject  of  sit  is  all  that  follows,  being  a  clause  with  quod 
(§  70>  5)j  °f  which  surrexerim  is  the  main  verb,  and  all  the  other 
clauses  are  modifiers.  —  The  clause  cum  .  .  .  sedeant  is  a  kind  of 
adverbial  modifier  of  surrexerim,  while  the  clause  qui  .  .  .  sim  . . . 
comparandus  is  a  kind  of  adjective  modifier  of  ego  the  subject 
of  surrexerim,  and  qui  sedeant  is  a  kind  of  adjective  modifier  of 
his.  —  omnes  hi,  etc.,  is  an  independent  sentence,  but  is  connected 
in  thought  with  the  preceding,  and  explains  the  fact  at  which  the 
jurors  are  supposed  to  be  surprised,  i.e.,  I suppose  you  wonder,  etc., 
but  the  fact  is,  etc. 

N.B.  Notice,  as  a  practical  guide,  that  in  Latin  (as  in  all  languages)  the  verb  nextfol- 
loiuing  a  relative  is  its  verb,  —  unless  another  relative  intervenes,  in  which  case  the  latter 
relative  has  its  verb  first,  and  the  first  relative  clause  is  suspended  ;  but  even  then,  the  next 
following  verb  will  belong  to  the  former  relative.  A  careful  attention  to  analysis,  like  that 
above,  and  the  observance  of  this  obvious  but  often  forgotten  rule,  will  carry  a  student  safely 
through  the  most  involved  constructions. 

ego:  not  emphatic  itself,  but  only  expressed  to  set  off  vos,  which 
is.  The  Latin  is  so  fond  of  putting  pronouns  in  antithesis,  that  one 
is  often  (as  here)  expressed  on  purpose. — judices:  not  judges,  but 
raXher  jurors.  They  were  persons  selected  by  law  to  try  facts  (under 
the  presidency  of  a  prcelor  ox  judex  qucestionis),  and  were  often  quite 
numerous,  from  a  single  one  to  fifty  or  more. 

In  the  year  b.  c.  149,  an  important  reform  was  introduced  into  the  criminal  procedure  of 
Rome,  by  establishing  a  Queestio  Perpetua>  or  standing  Criminal  Court,  for  trial  of  cases 
of  extortion  by  provincial  governors:  the  object  of  the  suit  was  res  ? epetere  (to  recover 
property),  and  the  court  was  known  as  the  Qtuzstio  Rcrum  Repetundarum,  or  simply  Repe- 
tundarum.  A  second  court  of  murder — de  Sicariiset  Venejicis  —  was  (according  to  Momm- 
sen)  established  shortly  after,  by  Caius  Gracchus  ;  and  perhaps  others  followed.  The  whole 
system  was  revised  by  Sulla,  and  six  or  eight  separate  courts  were  established,  embracing 
the  entire  field  of  criminal  offences.  Each  was  under  the  presidency  of  a  Prator,  appoint- 
ed by  lot,  or  Judex  Qu&stionis,  appointed  by  the  praetor  for  the  special  case.  These  new 
and  remodelled  courts  went  into  operation  in  b  c.  80,  and  the  case  of  Roscius  was  the  first 
that  came  before  them.  His  trial  was  betore  the  Queestio  inter  Sicarios,  under  the  presi- 
dency of  the  praetor,  Marcus  Fannius  The  judices,  or  jury  in  all  these  courts,  were  origi- 
nally selected  from  the  Senators  ;  Caius  Gracchus  had  transferred  the  right  to  the  Equites, 
or  wealthy  middle  class;  Sulla  restored  it  to  the  Senators,  but  ten  years  later  (b.  c.  70)  a  new 
arrangement  was  made  (see  Verr.  i.  15). 

quid  sit  quod,  why  it  is  that.     Here  quod  . . .  surrexerim  is  a 

clause  of  fact  (§  70,  5),  taking  the  subj.  on  account  of  the  indirect 
question.  —  summi  oratores,  homines  nobilissimi:  notice  the 
inversion  (chiasmos,  §76,  1,/).  —  sedeant:  subj.  because  cum  is 
causal  (§  63,  2,  b),  though  to  be  translated  when,  or  while.  Since 
Sulla's  victory  had  restored  the  aristocracy  to  power,  it  might  be  ex- 
pected that  men  of  rank  {nobilissimi)  would  have  courage  to  come 
forward  to  defend  Roscius :    their  presence  {sedeant)  showed  their 


§  J> 2-]  Defence  of  Roscius.  3 

sympathies.  —  ego :  emphatic,  as  opposed  to  the  orators  and  men  of 
rank.  —  potissimum,  rather  than  any  other  (§  17,  4).  —  aetate  : 
Cicero  was  now  but  26  years  old.  —  auctoritate,  personal  influence, 
paticularly  that  derived  from  rank,  or  office. — sim:  in  direct  disc, 
this  might  be  either  subj.  to  indicate  the  character  of  Cicero,  or  ind. 
to  denote  a  mere  fact  about  him;  but  here  necessarily  subj. 'on 
account  of  the  indirect  question  (§66,2).  —  hi:  strongly  demon- 
strative and  accompanied,  perhaps,  with  a  gesture,  —  these  7tien  here. 
—  injuriam,  injustice.  —  novo  scelere  (abl.  of  means),  the  strange 
charge  of  parricide.  —  conflatam,  got  up,  implying  a  conspiracy  to 
effect  it.  —  oportere :  this  verb  is  always  impersonal ;  its  subject 
here  is  the  clause  injuriam  defendi.  The  verb  defendere  signifies 
not  to  defend,  but  to  strike  down,  hence  to  ward  off,  or  avert.  —  ipsi, 
agreeing  with  the  subject  of  audent;  not  (as  we  might  expect)  with 
that  of  defendere,  which  is  a  complementaiy  i?tflnitive  (§  57,  8,  c). 
Supply  but  in  translating. — iniquitatem  temporum,  i.  e.  the  dis- 
turbed state  of  politics,  while  the  wounds  of  the  civil  war  were  still 
fresh. — ita  fit:  the  subject  is  the  clause  ut  adsint,  etc.  (§  70,  4, 
a). — propterea  =  propter  (compar.  of  prope)  ea,  near  (hence 
caused  by,  or  oti  account  of)  these  things :  distinguish  carefully 
from  praeterea,  which  is  preeter  (compar.  of  prae)  ea,  along  by 
{beyond  and  so  besides)  these  things.  —  officium,  duty,  arising  from 
their  relation  to  the  murdered  man,  who  had  stood  in  relation  of 
hospitiufn  with  some  of  the  highest  families. — adsint:  the  friends 
of  the  parties  to  a  suit  (called  advocati)  attended  court  to  give  them 
the  weight  of  their  influence  (compare  Caes.  B.  G.  i.  4).  Hence 
the  word  suit,  which  originally  meant  following  of  witnesses  and 
friends. 

§  2.  ergo,  at:  for  the  force  of  these  conjunctions,  see  Gr.  §  43,  3, 
b  and  e.  —  officiosior,  with  a  stronger  sense  of  duty.  —  ne  . . .  qui- 
dem,  not .  .  .  either,  enclosing,  as  usual,  the  emphatic  word  (§  41, 
3,  «).  — istius,  i.e.,  which  is  in  your  thoughts  (§  20,  2,  c).  —  sim ,  con- 
junctiva modesties  (§  60,  2,  b).  —  aliis,  dat.  (§  51,  2,  e).  —  prae- 
reptam :  prae  gives  here  the  force  of  getting  the  start  of  others  in 
snatching  it  (compare  prevent,  from  prce-venio).  —  me :  emphatic 
from  its  position  between  quae  and  igitur  (§  76,  2  ).  — Rosci  :  gen. 
(§  10,  4,  b). — reciperem,  undertake  a  case  offered;  suscipere  is 
to  take  it  up  of  one's  own  motion.  (For  the  mood,  see  §  64,  1  ; 
tense,  §  58,  10,  a.) — amplitudo,  position,  from  birth,  wealth,  office, 
or  the  like.  —  do  re  publica,  on  politics. — id  quod,  a  thing  which 
(§  48,  3,  e).  —  dixisset :  as  a  part  of  the  case  supposed  in  si  fecisset, 
this  must  also  be  in  the  plup.  subj.  (see  next  note).  —  putaretur, 
apodosis  of  fecisset  (§  59,  3,  b),  while  the  whole  from  si  verbum, 
etc.,  is  the  apodosis  of  si  quis  dixisset.  Translate,  if  any  one 
had  spoken,  in  case  he  had  alluded  to  politics,  he  would,  etc. 


4  Notes.  [Rose.  Am. 

§  3.  si  dixero  . . .  poterit:  for  the  form  of  condition,  see  §  59, 
4,  e. — similiter,  in  like  manner,  i.e.  as  if  a  man  of  rank  had 
spoken.  —  exire,  etc.,  i.  e.  this  speech  would  not  be  quoted  and 
talked  over,  nor  on  the  other  hand  distorted  and  misinterpreted.  — 
emanare,  leak  out  (cf.  manere). — volgus  =  vulgus  (§  1,  2,  b). — 
deinde  quod :  the  second  reason,  corresponding  to  quia  above. 
—  ceterorum,  opposed  to  ego,  below. 

The  learner  is  greatly  assisted  (as,  indeed,  the  Romans  themselves  must  have  been)  in 
the  understanding  of  a  sentence  like  this,  by  noticing  the  way  in  which  one  word  is  set  off 
against  another.  Thus,  besides  the  ease  just  mentioned,  dictum  obscurum  esse  is  opposed 
to  tetnere  dicto  concedi ;  so  propter  nobilitatem  is  opposed  to  propter  cetatem,  and  occul- 
tum,  etc.,  to  ignosci,  etc.  At  the  same  time,  occultum  is  parallel  with  obscurum,  and  ignosci 
with  concedi.  These  antitheses  are  indicated  in  various  ways,  —  (a)  by  emphatic  and  sim- 
ilar or  chiastic  position,  as  here  ceterorum  precedes  neque  and  ego  precedes  siquid,  though 
the  connective  is  usually  placed  first ;  (b)  by  particles,  as  the  correlative  neque  .  .  .  neque, 
and  vel .  .  .  vel. 

dictum  is  a  noun  limited  by  ceterorum  (in  the  case  of  the  others) ; 
dicto  is  also  a  noun,  though  modified  by  an  adverb  (see  examples 
under  §  72,  2,  a).  —  concedi  (impersonal,  §  51, 2,/),  allowed,  ox  put 
up  with.  —  uondum  . . .  accessi,  /  have  not  yet  gone  into  public 
life,  i.  e.  become  candidate  for  any  office.  Cicero  began  his  political 
career  five  years  later,  with  the  quaestorship.  —  tametsi,  although, 
in  its  so-called  "corrective  "  use,  —  the  concession  coming  after  the 
general  statement,  as  a  kind  of  limitation  of  it.  —  ignosci  has  a 
subject  supplied  from  si  quid  (§  51,  2,  c).  —  ignoscendi  ratio,  the 
idea  of  pardon.  As  Latin  has  few  abstract  nouns,  their  place  is  sup- 
plied in  various  other  ways.  The  thought  is,  not  only  pardoning, 
but  even  official  investigation  (cognoscendi)  has  ceased  in  the  state 
(in  consequence  of  the  stormy  times  of  Sulla).  But  this  thought 
can  hardly  be  expressed  in  any  other  way  than  by  the  general  word 
ratio  with  a  genitive,  which  we  may  translate  as  above. 

"  This  is  boldly  said,  at  a  time  when  the  tyrant  Sulla  was  in  power.  Sulla  never  par- 
doned, and  inquiry  in  legal  form  was  out  of  fashion  ;  at  least  such  a  trial  as  an  innocent  man 
could  rely  on.  The  legislation  of  Sulla  had  excluded  the  Equites  from  the  office  ofj'udices  ; 
and  the  senators,  who  were  his  tools,  were  the  class  from  which  judices  were  now  taken  " 
(Long).  It  should  be  observed,  however,  that  during  the  period  in  which  the  equites  were  in 
possession  of  the  courts,  they  showed  themselves  —  in  spite  of  Cicero's  assertion  ( see  Verr.  i. 
13)  — quite  as  corrupt  as  the  Senators.  The  fact  is,  each  class  was  under  a  temptation  to 
pass  unjust  judgments,  since  the  provincial  governors  belonged  to  the  Senatorial  order,  and 
the  farmers  of  revenue  to  the  Equestrian. 

3.  §  4-  accedit,  is  added:  used  as  a  kind  of  passive  of  addo.— 
quod,  that  (§  70,  5).  —  a  ceteris,  from  the  others,  i.  e.  the  nobles. 
(For  the  use  of  the  prep.,  see  §  52,  2,  c,  Rem.)  —  petitum  sit, 
subj.  by  §  60,  2,  a  :  it  is,  strictly,  subj.  of  ind.  question  after  forsitan 
(=for3  sit  an,  //  is  a  chance  whether). —  ut  dicerent  (sc.  cau- 
sam),  that  they  should  plead :  a  subst.  clause  (§  70,  3,  a),  subject 
of  petitum  sit.  —  dicere  causam  is  the  technical  expression  for  the 


§  3~5-]  Defence  of  Ro scuts.  5 

counsel  {to  argue  or  defend  a  case),  as  well  as  for  the  defendant  {to 
be  brought  to  trial).  —  ut .  .  .  arbitrarentur,  a  clause  of  result,  cor- 
relative with  ita  (§  65,  1).  —  utrumvis,  lit.  either  [of  the  two]  you 
please:  here,  simply,  either  at  their  option.  —  salvo  officio  (abl. 
abs.),  without  breach  of  duty.  —  arbitrarentur;  imperf.  following 
petitum  sit  (§  58,  10,  a).  —  a  me  (opposed  to  a  ceteris)  conten- 
derunt,  have  compelled  it  from  me  i  preserve  the  antithesis  by  in- 
serting, but  as  to  myself  which  is  implied  in  the  position  of  a  me. 
— ei  (simply  correlative  to  qui,  §  20,  2,  d),  men  :  not  a  demonstra- 
tive, like  hie,  etc.  The  noble  friends  of  Roscius  are  here  meant, 
who  would  desire  his  cause  to  be  well  conducted.  —  plurimum 
possunt,  have  the  greatest  weight.  —  debeam,  subj.  of  charac- 
teristic (§  65,  2).  —  ego:  expressed  to  continue  the  emphasis  of  a 
me. — his:  emphatic,  referring  to  the  reasons  just  mentioned  ;  ego, 
as  opposed  to  the  others  present.  —  causae,  dat.  (§  51,  7,  a).  — pa- 
tronus,  advocate  (the  word  advocati  meaning  friends,  as  above). 
The  term  patronus,  protector,  —  properly  the  correlative  of  cliens, 
a  dependant,  —  was  transferred  to  the  counsellor,  as  the  defender  of 
his  client;  all  the  more  easily,  as  the  practice  of  the  law  was  in  the 
hands  of  the  nobles,  who  were  obliged  to  defend  their  friends  and 
dependants  gratis.  It  should  be  noticed,  that  cliens  is  never  used 
in  the  modern  sense  of  client  in  law,  correlative  to  counsellor :  the 
Roman  cliens  was  necessarily  a  poor  man,  or  one  in  humble  station, 
or  a  foreigner.  —  electus,  relictus:  this  antithesis  (in  sound  as  well 
as  sense)  suggests  at  once  that  ingenio  is  in  the  same  construction 
as  periculo,  and  that  possem  dicere  must  be  supplied.  —  unus, 
as  the  one.  —  uti:  older  form  for  ut.  —  uti  ne:  in  purpose  clauses 
(§  64,  1),  the  double  form  is  often  used  instead  of  ne  alone. 

§  5.  municeps  (munus-capio),  lit.  sharing  public  duties,  and 
so,  citizen  of  a  municipiu?n  or  free  Italian  town  with  Roman 
citizenship. 

A  native  Italian  town  which  had  lost  its  original  independence,  and  was  absorbed  in  the 
Roman  state,  ceased  to  be  a  civitas,  and  became  a  municipium  ;  its  citizens  now  possessed 
Roman  citizenship  as  well  as  that  of  their  own  town.  This  Roman  citizenship  was  pos- 
sessed in  various  degrees.  Some  towns  lost  all  rights  of  self-government,  without  receiving 
any  political  rights  at  Rome  in  their  place;  that  is,  their  political  existence  was  extin- 
guished, and  their  citizens  became  mere  passive  citizens  of  Rome,  with  civil  rights,  but  no 
political  ones:  this  worst  condition  of  municipal  liberties  was  called  jus  Cceritum,  because 
the  Etruscan  town  of  Caere  was  taken  as  the  type.  The  most  favored  class  retained  all 
powers  of  self-government,  with  magistrates  of  their  own  election,  at  the  same  time  being 
full  citizens  of  Rome.  All  furnished  their  contingent  to  the  Roman  army,  and  were  under 
the  civil  jurisdiction  of  the  Roman  prator ;  but  they  paid  no  taxes  except  for  their  own 
local  concerns. 

Amerinus,  of  Ameria  (§  50,  1,  a).  —  vicinitatis  :  i.  e.  probably 
the  whole  territory  of  Ameria,  extending  to  the  Tiber.  —  hospitium, 
guest-friendship.  This  was  a  relation  between  individuals  of  differ- 
ent cities  or  states,  at  a  time  when  there  were  no  international  rela- 


6  Notes,  [Rose.  Am. 

tions :  it  included  the  duties  of  hospitality  and  protection,  was 
transmitted  from  father  to  son,  and  was  vouched  for  by  a  ticket  (tes- 
sera). —  domesticus . . .  consuetudo,  intercourse  and  co?npanionship 
in  their  homes.  —  honestatis  gratia  (so  honoris  causa,  §  17), 
with  all  honor  :  it  seems  to  have  been  held  a  liberty  to  mention  the 
name  of  any  person  of  quality ;  and  it  is  generally  done  in  some 
such  form  of  compliment.  —  hoc  solum,  i.  e.  the  hospitium. —  do- 
mestici,  of  his  own  house.  —  ereptum  possident,  have  plundered 
and  now  hold  (§  72,  3,  a)  :  possidere  does  not  signify  to  own,  in 
the  modern  sense,  but  only  to  hold  or  occupy.  — innocentis,  i.  e.  filii. 
§  6.  nobilitatis  fautor,  i.e.  of  Sulla's  party.  —  hoc  tumultu, 
this  last  disturbance  (euphemistic)  :  i.  e.  the  final  scenes  of  the  civil 
war  of  Marius  and  Sulla,  which  Cicero  will  not  call  bellum.  —  in 
discrimen  veniret,  was  at  stake:  subj.  of  characteristic  {at  a 
ti7ne  when,  etc.).  —  opera,  etc.,  labor,  zeal,  influence.  —  se  pug- 
nare,  simply  to  fight  (§  70,  2,  d)  :  object  of  putabat,  while  rectum 
is  in  pred.  apposition  (§  46,  2). — honestate,  honestissimus,  refer 
respectively  to  the  rank  and  dignity  of  these  great  families,  and  the 
credit  which  his  connection  with  them  gave  him  in  his  own  neighbor- 
hood.—  victoria,  i.  e.  of  Sulla's  party.  —  constituta  est,  prae- 
Bcriberentur :  the  first  is  of  absolute,  the  second  of  relative  time 
(§  62,  2),  describing  the  period  by  its  characteristics  (§  65,  2). 

—  proscriberentur  :  the  number  of  the  proscribed  in  Sulla's  time 
was  4,700.  —  frequens :  adj.  for  adv.  (§  47,  6). 

"Whoever  killed  one  of  these  outlaws  was  not  only  exempt  from  punishment,  like  an 
executioner  duly  fulfilling  his  office,  but  also  obtained  for  the  execution  a  compensation  of 
12,000  denarii  (nearly  $2,400) ;  any  one  on  the  contrary  who  befriended  an  outlaw,  even  his 
nearest  relative,  was  liable  to  the  severest  punishment.  The  property  of  the  proscribed  was 
forfeited  to  the  state  like  the  spoil  of  ap  enemy ;  their  children  and  grandchildren  were 
excluded  from  a  political  career,  and  yet,  so  far  as  of  senatorial  rank,  were  bound  to  un- 
dertake their  share  of  senatorial  burdens  "  (Mommsen).  At  first  only  the  names  of  those 
who  had  justly  forfeited  their  lives  were  proscribed  ;  afterwards  it  became  easy  for  friends 
and  favorites  of  the  dictator  (as  Chrysogonus,  attacked  in  the  oration  for  Roscius)  to  put 
upon  the  list  the  names  of  innocent  men,  and  even  of  men  already  dead,  so  as  to  work  con- 
fiscation of  their  property.     These  proscriptions  nominally  ceased  June  1,  b.  c  81. 

4.  §  7-  erant,  see  §  76,  I,  b. — inimicitiae  :  plural  of  the  ab- 
stract, signifying  causes  or  occasions  of  enmity  (§  14,  i,  a).  —  accu- 
satorum  :  prosecutions  might  be  brought  by  private  persons  (as  by 
Cicero  against  Verres)  :  these  Roscii  took  their  places  as  prosecu- 
tors along  with  Erucius  {coadjutor es,  subscriptores).  —  isti  (§  20,  2,  c). 

—  Capitoni  (§  51,  3,  b).  —  palmarum,  prizes  :  sarcastically  said  of 
his  acts  of  violence,  as  of  so  many  victories  in  gladiatorial  fights. 

—  nobilis,  famous  (as  of  artists,  actors,  etc.).  —  hie,  the  one  here 
present  (Magnus)  ;  eum,  referring  to  the  one  just  mentioned,  the 
absent  one  (Capito).  —  lanistam,  a  professional  trainer  or  "  coach  "  : 
used  sarcastically,  like  palmarum,  above.  —  quod  sciam,  so  far  as 
I  know,  sc.  id  (adv.  ace.  §  52,  3,  b)  :  i.  e.  he  must  have  been  a  mere 


§S-JI]  Defence  of  Roscius.  7 

apprentice  (tiro)  at  the  trade  ;  this  is  the  first  of  his  actual  murders 
that  I  know  of. 

§  8.  hie,  this  man  (with  a  gesture),  i.  e.  here  at  my  side ;  iste, 
that  one,  i.  e.  there  on  the  accusers'  bench.  —  cum  . . .  esset,  paren- 
thetical. — iste,  T.  Roscius':  the  repetition  of  the  words  frequens,  etc., 
brings  out  the  point  that  he  was  likeliest  to  be  the  murderer.  —  Pal- 
acinas :  the  reading  is  uncertain,  and  the  place  unknown.  — 
suspitio :  this  word  is  not  formed  immediately  from  the  verb- 
stem  of  susplcio,  but  the  true  derivative  ending  is  -tio,  and  the 
long  vowel  seems  to  indicate  contraction  (§44,  i.  c,  2).  —  res 
ipsa,  the  fact  itself.  —  hunc,  i.e.  my  client. — judicatote  (§  57,  7, 
c)  :  the  second  or  longer  form  of  the  imperative  is  regular  where  the 
action  is  not  to  be  performed  immediately,  especially  when  a  future 
appears  in  protasis  (§  59,  4). 

§  9.  Ameriam  nuntiat,  brings  the  news  to  Am.:  the  ace  of  end 
of  motion  (55,  3,  b).  — quidam,  one.  —  horam  primam  :  the  night 
from  sunset  to  sunrise  was  divided  into  12  hours  ;  these  would  be 
longer  in  the  late  autumn  or  winter,  when  the  murder  is  thought  to 
have  been  committed.  —  nocturnis,  i.  e.  when  the  travelling  would 
be  more  difficult  and  slow.  —  cisiis  :'  the  plural  form  shows  that 
there  were  relays  of  carriages. 

§  10.  quadriduo,  i.  e.  in  the  same  space  of  four  days  :  we  should 
say  within  four  days.  —  in  castra :  the  idea  of  motion,  vividly 
conceived,  suggests  the  ace.  of  place  as  well  as  person  ;  we  should 
say,  TO  Sulla  in  his  camp  AT  V. — Volaterras  :  a  very  ancient  and 
important  town  of  Etruria,  on  a  high  and  very  steep  hill,  about  30 
miles  S.  W.  of  Florence.  "  Here  some  of  the  Etruscans  and  of 
these  proscribed  by  Sulla  made  a  stand  and  were  blockaded  tor  two 
years,  and  there  surrendered  on  terms  "  (Strabo).  —  defertur : 
this  word  implies  an  intentional  conveying  of  the  information,  in  the 
manner  of  a  formal  report,  or  charge. 

45.  fundos,  estates,  i.  e.  lands  or  buildings,  whether  in  town  or 
country. — tris  =  tres  (§  16,  2,  b)  :  the  ace.  termination  in  is  re- 
mained in  this  and  a  few  other  words  for  a  considerable  time  after 
the  form  in  es  became  more  common.  —  Tiberim  (§  11,  i.  3,  a,  1)  : 
the  river  must  add  greatly  to  the  value  of  these  estates,  whether 
for  transportation  or  irrigation.  —  splendidus,  eminent:  the  regu- 
lar complimentary  epithet  of  equites,  and  persons  of  similar  rank  ; 
gratiosus,  in  favor :  referring  to  his  relations  with  great  families. 
—  negotio,  difficulty.  —  de  medio  tolli,  put  out  of  the  way.  — 
ne  teneain,  not  to  detain  you :  a  purpose  clause  after  some 
verb  of  saying,  etc.,  which  is,  as  usual,  omitted  (§  64,  1,  b).  —  so- 
cietas,  partnership.  —  coitur  :  coire,  as  governing  the  accusative 
(52,  r,  e),  here  takes  the  passive. 

§  11.  cum,  etc. :  the  proscriptions  ceased  June  1,  b.  c.  81 ;  the 


8  Notes.  [Rose.  Am. 

murder  was  committed  some  months  after  this  date  (see  below, 
§  39).  — jam  (with  reference  to  time  preceding),  already  (§  41,  3.  b) : 
nunc  (referring  only  to  the  moment  itself),  now. —  defunctus,  rid 
of,  sc.  esse.  — Rosci  limits  nomen.  —  studiosissimi,  devoted  to  the 
party  of  Sulla,  and  so  not  likely  to  be  proscribed.  —  manceps 
(manu  capio),  purchaser  of  confiscated  goods  and  the  like.  —  iste, 
yonder,  on  the  accusers'  benches.  —  nomine,  i.e.  as  agent.  —  im- 
petum  facit,  makes  a  raid  upon,  implying  violence,  as  of  a  charge 
in  battle.  —  duobus  milibus  nummum,  i.e.  about  $100  (§  85)  ; 
they  are  estimated  in  ch.  ii.  to  have  been  worth  $-$oo,ooo{sexagies'). 

§  12.  imprudente,  without  the  knowledge  (prudens  =  pro- 
videns).  —  certo  scio,  /  am  well  aware  (§  41,  3,  c).  — neque  enim, 
negative  of  et  enim  (§  43,  3,  d),  introducing  a  point  obvious  or  in- 
disputable, for,  you  see. — mirum,  predicate  of  the  clause  si  .  .  . 
moliantur,  below  (§70, 5,  r.). — praeparet,  must  provide  for  :  cum  is 
causal,  though  to  be  rendered  when. — pacis  .  . .  rationem,  i.  e. 
the  ordering  of  the  new  constitution.  —  distentus,  pulled  different 
ways.  —  si  aliquid  (more  emphatic  than  si  quid)  non  animad- 
vertat,  if  there  is  something  he  does  not  notice :  protasis  with  si, 
above.  — ut . . .  moliantur,  that  as  soon  as  he  takes  off  his  eyes  they 
may  get  up  something  of  this  sort :  clause  of  purpose  (§  64,  1) ;  de- 
spexerit,  perf.  subj.  (§  66,  2),  for  fut.  perf.  —  hue  accedit,  add  to 
this.  —  quamvis  felix  sit  (§  61,  2),  however  fortunate  he  may  be  : 
Sulla  was  so  impressed  with  his  own  good  fortune,  that  he  assumed 
the  agnomen  Felix,  implying,  by  the  ancient  notion,  peculiar  favor 
of  the  gods.  (See  Manil.  §  47).  —  familia,  household  of  slaves  and 
dependants.  —  qui  habeat,  as  to  have  (§  65,  2,  a).  — libertum,  f  reed- 
man  :  he  still  remained  attached  to  his  former  master  as  patronus, 
often  lived  in  his  family,  did  various  services  for  him,  and  stpod 
towards  him  in  a  relation  somewhat  like  that  of  a  son  under  the 
patria  potestas.  Towards  others  he  was  a  libertinus,  fully  free,  but 
with  some  political  disqualifications  ;  towards  his  former  master  he 
was  a  libertus. 

§  13.  vir  optimus,  sarcastic.  —  qui  . . .  solvisset  (§  65,  2),  though 
he  had  not  yet,  etc. — justa,  the  due  rites  of  burial:  these  ended 
with  a  sacrifice  on  the  ninth  day  (novemdialia)  after  the  death  or 
burial.  —  eicit  =  ejicit :  in  the  compounds  of  jacio,  the  combina- 
tion ji  is  properly,  as  here,  written  with  a  single  letter  (§  1,  3,  d). 

ft.  pecuniae,  property.  —  dominus,  master  in  the  sense  of 
owner.  —  qui  .  . .  fuisset  (§  65,  2),  since  he  had  been,  etc.  —  ut  fit, 
as  generally  happens.  —  insolens,  here,  extravagant,  etc.  —  domum 
suam  (§  55,  3,  b,  e),  to  his  house.  —  auferebat  (§  58,  3,  c),  began  to, 
etc.  —  auctione,  verbal  from  augeo,  i.  e.  increasing  the  bids. — 
usque  eo,  to  that  degree.  —  urbe  tota,  §  55,  -$,f 

§  14.  iter,  right  of  way :  this  was  usually  reserved  in  case  of  the 


§  u-i8.]  Defence  of  Roscius.  9 

sale  of  any  estate  on  which  was  a  family  burial-place  :  by  the  pro- 
scription this  right  was  cut  off.  —  bonorum  exnptio,  the  technical 
term  denoting  purchase  at  public  sale.  — flagitiosa,  flagrant  (cf.  a 
ik burning  shame"),  because  of  the  fictitious  proscription.  —  furta 
refers  to  clam  ;  rapinae  to  palam,  above. 

§  15.  decurionum  :  these  were  members  of  the  municipal  senate, 
or  council.  —  decern  primi :  these  were  a  committee  of  ten,  in 
whom  the  administration  was  vested.  T.  Roscius  Capito  (see  §  16) 
was  one  of  this  committee.  —  qui  vir,  what  sort  of  ma?i.  —  ut . . . 
velit,  that  he  will  consent.  —  decretum  :  the  decree  was  here  read 
to  the  court,  but  is  not  given  in  the  published  speech. — id  quod, 
as  (§  48,  3,  e).  —  nbbilis,  ace.  plur.  (§16,  2,  b). —  ab  eis  qui  pe- 
terent  (§  64,  1),  to  beg  of  them  :  eis  refers  to  the  decern  primi. — 
ne  . . .  adirent,   obj.  of  peterent.  —  vellent,    §  66,   1,  a,  ' 

§  16.  antiqui,  of  the  old  starnp. —  ex  sua  natura,  after  their 
ow?i  nature.  —  ceteros,  subj.  ot  esse  understood,  depending  on  fin- 
gerent,  imagined. —  confirmaret,  assured  them. — appromitteret, 
promised  in  addition. 

Y,  re  inorata,  without  having  pleaded  their  case :  the  primary 
meaning  of  oro  implies  not  entreaty,  but  statej/ient  or  argument 
(cf.  orator).  —  reverterunt :  the  transitive  force  of  this  verb  is 
found  only  in  the  tenses  of  the  perfect  stem;  otherwise  deponent.  — 
isti,  i.  e.  Chrysogonus  and  Capito. — lentius,  more  slackly. —  nihil 
agere,  do  nothing,  not  even  make  a  show  ot  putting  off.  —  deludere, 
make  fools  of  the  Amerians,  i.  e.  treat  them  with  contempt. — id 
quod,  etc.,  as  we  may  easily  infer:  this  point  is  an  inference,  not 
like  the  rest  an  attested  fact.  —  neque,  and  not,  the  negative  quali- 
fying posse  :  and  judge  that  they  can  no  longer,  etc.  In  Latin  the 
connective  attracts  the  negative. 

§  17.  hie,  my  client.  —  cognatorum  (co-gnatus),  blood-rela- 
tions :  these  were  accustomed  to  hold  a  consilium,  or  formal  delib- 
eration, on  important  family  affairs.  —  Ceeciliam,  see  §  50.  —  id 
quod,  etc.,  i.  e.  she  showed  oh  this  occasion  (nunc)  the  generous 
traits  all  expected  in  her.  — quasi  .  .  .  causa,  as  a  model.  —  antiqui 
officii,  old-fashioned  fidelity :  officium  means  the  performance  of 
duties  as  well  as  the  duties  themselves.  —  domo  (§  55,  3,  a), 
without  the  prep.,  while  bonis  requires  ex.  — vivus  . .  .referretur, 
brought  alive  to  trial,  rather  than  murdered  arid  put  on  the  pro- 
scription-list. 

§  18.  consilium  ceperunt :  this  phrase  is  equivalent  to  a  verb 
of  determining,  and  so  has  the  clause  ut  .  .  .  pugnarent  for  its 
object  (§  70,  3,  d).  —  nomen  deferrent,  i.  e.  lay  a  formal  charge. 
—  de  parric,  §50,  4,  b,  r. — veterem,  old  in  the  trade:  the  reign 
of  terror  through  which  Rome  had  just  passed  had  given  ample 
practice. — suspitio,  ground  of  suspicion.  —  crimine,  the  charge 


IO  Notes.  [Rose.  Am. 

itself.  —  poterant:  indie,  as  being  Cicero's  reason,  not  theirs. — 
tempore :  partly  the  character  of  the  time  in  general ;  partly  the 
fact  that  the  courts  were  now  first  reopened,  after  their  reorganiza- 
tion by  Sulla.  —  loqui  :  the  thought  of  the  conspirators  put  in  ind. 
disc,  the  verb  being  implied  in  consilium  ceperunt.  —  tam  diu, 
during  the  long  troubles.  — eum,  any  one. —  qui  primus  :  this  was 
the  first  case  that  came  before  the  Qncestio  inter  Sicarios. — adductus 
esset :  for  fut.  perf.  of  direct  disc.  —  huic :  opposed  to  the 
indefinite  qui  primus.  —  gratiam,  favor  or  influence,  i.  e.  with 
Sulla.  — fore  ut :  the  more  usual  form  for  the  fut.  infin.  pass.,  which 
is  rare  (§  28,  2,  h). — tolleretur,  got  out  of  the  way  :  a  derivative 
meaning  (pr&gnans)  from  the  original  sense  of  lift. — nullo  :  for 
the  abl.  of  nemo,  which  is  never  used.  —  atque  adeo,  or  rather. 

—  quern:  the  antecedent  is  eum,  below. — jkgulandum  (§73. 
5,  c),  i.  e.  for  judicial  murder. 

8,  19.  unde,  where:  i.e.  the  point  whence  the  argument  pro- 
ceeds.—  potissimum  (superl.  of  potius,  as  if  rathest),  soonest,  or 
rather  than  anywhere  else. — summam  :  i.  e.  of  rendering  a  ver- 
dict.—  fidem:  i.  e.  the  protection  required  by  good  faith.  —  pater, 
etc. :  these  nominatives  are  in  no  grammatical  construction,  but  are 
simply  a  list  of  "crimes  (see  §  72,  3,  a).  — infesta,  assailed.  —  ne- 
fariis,  abl.  of  instr.  after  cumulant :  but  translate,  tipon  these  they 
heap  up  other  infamies.  —  hujusce  (emphatic  instead  of  ejus,  the 
regular  pronoun  of  reference,  §  20,  2,  d),  his  own.  — condicionem, 
terms  (or  dilemma)  :  as  containing  the  idea  of  a  bargain,  it  is  fol- 
lowed by  ut  (§  70,  3,  d).  —  cervices :  this  word  is  used  by  early 
writers  only  in  the  plural.  —  insutus  in  culeum  :  the  old  punish- 
ment of  parricide  was  to  be  "  beaten  with  blood-red  rods,  then 
sewed  into  a  sack,  with  a  dog,  a  cock,  a  viper,  and  an  ape,  and  thrown 
into  the  deep  sea"  (see  below,  §  29). — patronos  :  Cicero's  mod- 
esty will  not  allow  him  to  call  himself  a  patronus  (cf.  note  on  §  4). 

—  qui  dicat,  purpose-clause  (§  64,  1)  :  the  antecedent  is  the  subj.  of 
deest,  below. 

§  20.  quantum,  so  far  as  (adverbial  ace).  —  crimen,  the  criminal 
charge:  with  the  other  wrongs  of  the  accused  the  advocate  has 
nothing  to  do. — confictionem,  the  getting  up ». — quid  igitur  est? 
how  then  ?  The  whole  task  implied  in  oportere  is  too  large  to  be 
attempted  in  a  single  plea.  He  has  only  to  argue  the  case  on  the 
charge  :  the  jury  must  see  that  reckless  audacity  and  coercion  shall 
have  no  effect  with  them.  —  primo  quoque  tempore,  the  very  first 
opportunity  since  the  violence  and  disorder  of  the  civil  war. 

§21.  quo  uno  maleficio,  that  in  this  o?ie  cri?ne.  —  voltu,  by  a 
look,  showing  lack  of  filial  affection  (fietas). 

9.  si  . .  .  cogebaut,  would  compel  it  if  the  case  should  require 
(see  §  59,  4,/) :  a  future  protasis,  relative  to  the  time  of  cogebant, 


§  18-29.]  Defence  of  Roscius.  11 

which  is  past.  —  auditum  sit,  fut.  cond.  completed  (§  59,  4,  c). —  tu 
(emphatic),  you,  a  professional  prosecutor.  —  censes  :  the  word  used 
to  express  deliberate  judgment,  after  discussion,  etc.  — mores,  char- 
acter, as  resulting  from  habits  of  life  ;  naturam,  natural  disposition. 

—  tu,  emphatic,  as  opposed  to  accusers  generally.  —  ne  .  . .  causa, 
i.  e.  not  even  as  a  plausible  charge.  —  contulisti,  brought  home. 

§  22.  qui  homo  ?  what  sort  of  man  ?  —  adulescentulus,  some 
young  fellow :  the  diminutive  emphasizes  the  contrast  in  age.  — 
nequam,  agreeing  with  hominibus. — major,  anomalous  for  the 
more  usual  plus  or  amplius  (§  54,  5,  c).  —  videlicet,  no  doubt 
(ironical),  Eng.  viz.  —  de  luxuria,  abl.  of  charge  (§  50,  4,  b,  R.). 
objecit :  the  accuser  made  it  a  point  in  his  charge,  that  the  accused 
was  of  a  gloomy  and  morose  temper,  shunning  all  society. — 
officio,  discharge  of  duty. 

§  23.  justam,  sufficient  or  well-grounded.  — illud,  this,  in  appos. 
with  the  clause  immediately  following,  i.  e.  the  point  previously 
treated  ;  hoc,  the  new  point  now  introduced.  —  eodem,  to  the  same 
point  as  that  treated  in  the  preceding  section. 

10.  qui  odisset,  in  that  he  hated  (according  to  their  argument). 

—  constantissimus,  most  consistent.  —  illud  refers  to  causam  fu- 
isse.  — jam,  by  this  time. 

§  24.  jam  prope  cotidiana,  i.  e.  which  have  come  to  be,  etc.  — 
convenisse  . . .  videntur,  see?n  to  have  converged  ttpon  one  spot  a?id 
to  agree  together :  the  phrase  inter  se  may  express  any  sort  of  re- 
ciprocal relation.  —  ingenio,  power. 

§  25.  expressa  vestigia,  distinct footpri?its.  —  ratione,  contriv- 
ance. 

§  26.  Tarracinensem,  of  Tarracina  (Anxur),  a  colony  on  the 
Latian  coast,  40  miles  from  Rome.  —  non  obscurum,  respectable. 

11.  servus :  here  used  as  an  adjective  (cf.  §47,  3,  c).  —  id  ae- 
tatis,  i.e. too  old  for  the  sound  sleep  of  childhood. — propter,  near 
by.  —  autem,  on  the  other  hand.  —  potissimum,  of  all  others. 

§  27.  non  modo  . . .  possunt,  ?iot  only  cannot,  etc.  (§  41,  2,  e)  : 
the  verb  is  sufficiently  negatived  by  ne. 

§  28.  singulare,  special.  —  rerum  natura,  the  universe,  repre- 
sented by  air  (caelum),  fire  (sole?n),  water,  and  earth,  the  elements 
"  from  which  all  things  are  said  to  be  produced." 

§  29.  obicere,  cast  forth  to.  —  ne  bestiis  . . .  uteremur,  lest 
we  should  find  the  very  beasts  more  savage  (immanioribus,  in 
pred.  appos.).  —  sic  nudos,  naked  as  they  were.  —  ipsum,  even 
that.  —  violata,  defiled.  —  expiari  :  sea- water,  as  well  as  run- 
ning water,  was  regarded  as  having  a  purifying  quality, —  a  notion 
prevailing  in  various  religions,  and  found  in  the  forms  of  ablu- 
tion, baptism,  and  the  like. — tarn  . . .  volgare,  so  cheap  or  so  co??imon. 

—  etenim  :  i.  e.  it  needs  no  argument  to  show,  etc. 


12  Notes.  [Rose.  Am. 


12.  ejectis,  to  waifs.  —  ita,  in  such  a  way. 

§  30.  crimen,  accusation.  —  talibus  viris,  "  to  this  intelligent 
jury.  "  —  causam,  motive.  —  emptores,  i.  e.  men  having  the  strong- 
est interest  in  his  conviction,  with  Chrysogonus  himself  as  their 
presiding  officer. — judicio,  the  trial. — venisses,  you  should  have 
co7ne  (§  57,  3,  d). —  utrum  . . .  an,  i.  e.  which  is  it  —  the  nature  of 
the  question  or  the  character  of  the  court  [another  compliment  to 
the  jury]  that  you  do  not  see  ?  —  admittere,  commit. 

§  31.  esto,  well  then  (to  quit  that  point).  —  causam  proferre, 
to  allege  a  motive.  —  vicisse  debeo,  /  ought  to  be  already  victori- 
ous, i.  e.  by  my  past  argument :  ought  to  have  conquered  is  vincere 
debui  (§  58,  11,  a). — in  alia  causa,  in  another  case,  an  implied 
condition  to  concederem.  —  qua  re,  why ;  quo  modo,  how.  —  ita, 
sic,  i.  e.  I  will  deal  with  you  on  these  terms.  —  meo  loco,  in  my 
place,  i.  e.  in  the  time  allotted  to  the  defence  :  this  was  determined 
for  each  party  by  the  praetor. 

§  32.  ipsum,  sc.  percussisse.  —  per  alios,  for  abl.  of  means, 
when  living  persons  are  intended  (§54,4,^). —  indidemne  Am., 
from  A  meria  itself?  —  hosce  sicarios,  these  cut-throats  of  ours.  — 
convenit,  i.  e.  to  bargain  for  the  murder.  —  unde,  i.  e.  where  did 
he  get  the  money  ? 

13.  caput,  fountain-head.  —  tibi,  dat  for  poss.  (§  51,  7,  a).  — 
veniat,  with  facito  (fac)  for  simple  imperat.  (§  70,  3,/",  r.).  The 
fut.  form  of  the  imperat.  is  used,  because  it  is  a  point  for  the 
accuser  to  reflect  upon  (§  57,  7,  c). — ferum  atque  agrestem,  rude 
and  clownish  (not  simply ■  countrifed). — in  oppido  constitisse, 
to  have  stayed  in  any  town  :  oppidum  is  distinguished  both  from 
urbs,  the  great  city,  and  vicus,  a  country  village,  or  mere  hamlet : 
it  would  be  a  place  of  some  society  and  cultivation. 

§  33-  poterat,  might,  i.  e.  if  I  chose  to  use  it  (§  60,  2,  c).  —  victu 
arido,  dry  or  meagre  way  of  life. — inculta,  uncouth.  —  possis, 
potential  subj.  (§  60, 2,  a).  —  erumpat,  burst  forth  ;  a  strong  word  on 
account  of  audacia,  reckless  daring.  —  autem,  on  the  other  hand. — 
agrestem,  boorish.  —  parsimoniae,  thrift  (in  a  good  sense). 

§  34.  missa  facio,  /  let  that  pass  :  such  phrases  are  often  used 
colloquially  or  with  emphasis,  for  the  simple  verb  (§  72,  3,  c).  —  per 
quos :  these  words  are  the  interrogative  expression  with  which  the 
translation  of  the  clause  should  begin  ;  is  homo  is  put  first  for 
emphasis.  —  suspitiose,  i.  e.  so  as  to  look  suspicious.  —  suspitio, 
culpam  :  i.  e.  in  so  clear  a  case  I  will  not  ask  proof  of  guilt ;  any 
suspicious  circumstance  will  be  enough.  —  credo,  I  suppose  :  iron- 
ical, as  usual  when  thus  used  parenthetically.  —  causa  dicitur,  lit. 
the  case  is  argued  by  the  defendant :  i.  e.  a  charge  is  brought. 

§  35.  quod  [innocenti]  relates  to  id,  having  in  appos.  the 
clause  ut . . .  polliceatur.  —  quaestionem,  question  in  the  technical 


§  29~37-]  Defence  of  JRoscius.  13 

sense,  i.  e.  examination  by  torture,  the  regular  legal  way  of  exam- 
ining slaves.  In  a  few  special  classes  of  cases,  the  slaves  of  the 
accused  could  be  tortured  in  order  to  get  evidence  against  their 
master  (see  Milo,  ch.  22).  The  master  might,  however,  of  his  own 
accord,  offer  them  for  torture  {polliceri)  :  in  this  case  Roscius  had 
lost  his  slaves,  and  so  was  deprived  of  this  privilege.  —  unus  puer, 
modified  by  non.  the  position  makes  the  negative  very  emphatic. — 
minister,  i.  e.  to  wait  upon  him. 

14:.  familia :  this  word,  in  its  primary  meaning,  properly  em- 
braced the  entire  body  of  free  persons,  clients  and  slaves,  under  the 
patriarchal  rule  of  the  paterfamilias.  In  time,  the  meaning  was 
divided,  applying  either  (1)  to  a  group  of  kinsfolk  having  a  common 
name,  —  as  Metellus,  Scipio,  Cicero,  Caesar ;  (2)  to  a  body  (or  gang) 
of  slaves.  The  latter  is  the  meaning  here.  —  Scipio,  Metelle,  these 
were,  probably,  P.  Scipio  Nasica,  father  of  Metellus  Scipio  (a  leader 
on  Pompey's  side  in  the  civil  war),  and  his  cousin,  Q.  Metellus 
Nepos,  brother  of  Caecilia  (§  50),  and  father  of  the  Celer  and  Nepos 
referred  to  in  the  orations  against  Catiline. — advocatis,  sum- 
moned (as  friends  of  the  accused) ;  agehtibus,  taking  active  part. 
The  demand  seems  to  have  been  formal,  and  these  friends  were 
present  to  attest  it.  —  aliquotiens,  several  times.  —  meministisne, 
don't  you  remember  ?  — T.  Roscium,  i.  e.  Magnus.  —  sectantur, 
wait  on. 

§  36.  aureum :  the  Greek  name  Chrysogonus  means  gold-born. 
—  latuit:  because  his  was  the  only  name  that  appeared.  —  alii 
quoque,  i.  e.  other  purchasers  of  confiscated  estates.  — sectorum: 
these  were  th'e  purchasers  of  confiscated  property  in  the  lump,  who 
afterwards  divided  it  (seco)  to  sell  again  in  detail.  The  word  also 
means  both  cut-throat  and  cut-purse,  and  was  perhaps  used  here  to 
imply,  by  the  double  meaning,  that  these  men  connived  at  the  death 
of  the  proscribed. 

§  t>7-  venierunt,  were  sold  (§  35,  2,  b).  — tantus  homo,  such  a 
great  person  :  a  hint  that  more  important  men  than  he  had  suffered. 
In  fact,  all  the  really  eminent  victims  of  the  civil  war  had  perished 
before  the  proscription.  —  Valeria:  the  law  by  which  Sulla  was 
made  perpetual  dictator  and  invested  with  absolute  power  of  life 
and  death  (b.  c.  82)  :  it  was  proposed  by  L.  Valerius  Flaccus  as 
interrex.  Laws  were  designated  by  the  gentile  name  of  their  pro- 
poser :  all  laws,  for  example,  carried  by  L.  Cornelius  Sulla  were 
known  as  Leges  Cornelice. — Cornelia:  this  appears  to  have  been 
enacted  some  time  after  the  lex  Valeria,  in  order  to  regulate  the 
details  of  the  proscription.  Cicero's  ignorance  of  the  law  is  no 
doubt  affected.  —  novi,  I  know  the  thing  or  person  ;  scio,  I  know 
the  fact :  /  am  not  acquainted  with  the  law,  and  do  not  know 
which  it  is. 


14  Notes.  [Rose.  Am. 

15.  proscripti  sunt :  the  indie,  must  mean  those  already  pro- 
scribed when  the  law  was  passed.  Future  cases  would  be  re- 
ferred to  by  the  subj.  or  fut.  perf.  (see  Verr.  ii.  ch.  41,  42). —  ad- 
versariorum  praesidiis,  within  the  enemies'  lines,  i.  e.  in  arms.  — 
bona,  the  property.  —  veteres,  those  of  the  regular  code  :  novas, 
those  of  the  Sullan  revolution. 

§  38.  in  eum,  i.  e.  Sulla.  Here  it  is  necessary  for  the  orator  to 
proceed  with  great  caution  :  even  if  not  himself  present,  Sulla 
would  watch  jealously  the  first  case  before  his  own  criminal  court. 
—  ab  initio,  from  the  beginning  of  this  trial;  omni  tempore,  in 
his  whole  career. — ut . . .  passus  non  sit,  clauses  in  appos.  with 
haec  omnia:  for  the  change  of  tense,  see  §58,5,*/.  —  apud  ad- 
versaries, in  the  enemies'  ranks  =*'m  praesidiis,  above. — postea: 
the  passage  referred  to  appears  to  have  been  lost  out  of  the  oration, 
probably  in  the  gap  in  ch.  45.  The  scholiast  represents  Chrysogo- 
nus  as  saying  that  he  had  used  the  property  in  building  a  villa  at  Veii. 

§  39.  Kal.  Junias,  ace.  in  the  same  constr.  as  diem.  —  aliquot 
post  mensis,  see  introd.  —  tabulas,  the  records  of  confiscated 
property,  which  belonged  to  the  State.  —  nulla,  ?iot  at  all  (§47, 6). — 
redierunt  =  relata  sunt.  —  nebulone,  knave.  —  facetius,  ?noi'e 
neatly :  in  the  case  supposed,  the  proscription  would  be  a  mere 
trick,  and  the  property  would  be  taken  without  even  the  forms  of 
law.  —  corruptee,  tampered  with.  —  ante  tempus,  prematurely.  — 
reduviam  curem,  treat  a  sore  finger  (a  proverbial  expression)  : 
i.  e.  in  a  case  of  life  and  death,  I  deal  only  with  some  trifling  ail- 
ment. — non  rationem  ducit,  he  does  not  take  account  (a  mercan- 
tile phrase). 

§  40.  partim  pro  me,  partly  in  my  own  name.  To  avoid  en- 
tangling the  case  of  his  client  with  politics,  Cicero  makes  himself 
responsible  for  all  that  might  have  a*political  bearing :  he  was  a 
known  partisan  of  the  nobility,  and  could  afford  to  speak  freely. 

10.  ad  omnis  pertinere,  concerns  all.  —  sensu  ac  dolore, 
feeling  and  pain,  i.  e.  painful  feeling.  The  adjective  idea  is  en- 
forced by  dwelling  on  it  in  the  form  of  another  noun  (hendiadys).  — 
jam,  with  the  fut.,  presently. 

§  41.  ego,  opp.  to  Roscio.  —  diem,  fem.  (§  13,  2,  N.).  —  prae- 
finita,  fixed  in  advance,  as  the  limit  (finio).  —  tantulo,  so  little. — 
patronum,  i.  e.  Sulla.  (See  note  on  libertus,  §  12.) — conferre, 
throw  the  responsibility. — imprudente,  without  the  knowledge  of.  — 
egerit,  will  effect;  fut.  perf.  for  fut.  (§  58,  7,  R.). 

§  42.  placet,  do  I  like  ?  i.  e.  do  I  think  it  right  ?  —  impruden- 
tia,  want  of  foresight.  —  etenim  si,  etc.  The  comparison  is 
strained,  and  rather  offensive  to  good  taste  ;  but.  it  is  curious  as 
showing  the  ancient  notions  as  to  the  origin  of  evil,  and  at  the  same 
time  Sulla's  relation  to  the  State  as  "  lord  protector."     (Compare 


§37-46.]  Defence  of  Roscius.  15 

the  oration  for  Marcellus.)  — pernicii  for  perniciei  (§  13,  3).  —  vi 
ipsa  rerum,  by  the  very  violence  of  the  elements.  —  possit,  adepta 
sit,  informal  ind.  disc,  as  the  thought  of  the  person  surprised.  —  si 
. . .  sit,  clause  with  minim  (§  70,  5,  R.). 

17.  §  43.  tametsi,  and  yet. — meo  jure,  with  perfect right (as 
belonging  to  that  party) :  jure  alone  would  mean  justly ;  meo 
limits  it  to  the  speaker's  own  case.  The  passage  that  follows  is  in- 
teresting, as  showing  the  way  in  which  Cicero  regarded  the  general 
issues  of  the  civil  war,  and  the  excesses  of  the  victorious  party.  — 
pro  mea,  etc.,  to  the  extent  of  my  poor  and  feeble  ability. — ut 
componeretur,  that  reconciliation  should  be  made :  a  clause  of 
result  in  appos.  with  id  (§  70,  4).  —  qui  vicerunt,  who  did  (in 
fact)  conquer :  the  subj.  here  would  imply,  whatever  party  might 
conquer.  —  humilitatem,  not  merely  low  rank,  but  meanness  and 
vulgarity  ;  dignitate,  personal  worth,  from  birth  and  services  ;  am- 
plitudine,  rank  or  position.  With  all  his  arrogance,  blood-thirsti- 
ness, and  narrow  conservatism,  Sulla  was,  after  all,  the  representative 
of  orderly  government  against  anarchy  and  mob-law. — retineretur, 
would  be  preserved  (fut.  cond.  §  59,  4,  f),  the  prot.  being  quibus 
incolumibus.  —  quae,  i.  e.  the  reinstating  of  the  nobility.  —  gra- 
dual, rank. 

§  44.  quod  ...  in  eos,  that  those  have  been  punished  (a  mild 
expression  for  proscription).  —  non  debeo,  I  have  710  right. — 
in  eo  studio  partium,  in  favor  of  that  party  :  studium  is  the 
regular  word  for  partisan  favor.  —  id  actum  est,  this  was  the  object : 
the  clause  ut . . .  facerent  is  in  appos.  with  id.  —  postremi,  the 
lowest  in  class  or  character.  —  non  modo  :  understand  non  with 
prohibere. 

§  45.  male  :  to  speak  ill  is  to  utter  abuse  or  calumny.  —  causam 
communicare,  make  coimnon  cause. 

18.  equestrem,  referring  to  the  struggle  for  the  judicia  (§  n), 
and  the  extensive  sympathy  of  the  equites  with  the  party  of  Marius. 
Compare  note  to  Verr.  §  1.  —  servi  :  Chrysogonus  was  a  freedman 
of  Sulla.  —  dominationem,  mastery  or  tyranny. — versabatur, 
displayed  itself.  —  quam  viam  munitet,  whither  it  is  paving  a 
way :  road-building,  both  literally  and  figuratively  among  the 
Romans,  was  spoken  of  by  the  engineering  term  munire. — ad 
fidem  :  i.  e.  after  getting  possession  of  the  political  power,  these  low- 
born fellows  were  aiming  at  the  courts,  the  one  security  of  public 
faith  and  good  government.  —  jusjurandum :  the  jurors  were 
under  oath  to  give  a  righteous  judgment.  —  hicine,  §20,  1,  n. — 
neque  .  .  .  possit :  this  is  exactly  what  good  men  said  in  New  York 
ten  years  ago. — verear  :  subj.  because  it  is  not  a  real  reason,  but 
one  introduced  only  to  be  contradicted  (§  66,  1.  d,  r.). 

§  46.  exspectata,   so  long  waited  for.  —  servoli,   dim.  of  con- 


1 6  JVotes.  [Rose.  Am. 

tempt.  —  bona,  estates;  fortunas  (more  generally),  wealth.  —  id 
actum  est,  this  was  the  object.  —  senserim,  sided  with  them : 
this  verb,  with  its  noun  sententia,  often  refers  to  political  opinions. 

—  inermis  :  i.  e.  had  he  taken  up  arms,  his  regret  would  have  been 
deeper.  —  cuique,  to  every  ma?i  in  proportion  as  he  is,  etc.  (§  17, 
5,  c). —  probe  novit :  note  the  strong  sarcasm.  —  rationem,  re- 
lations :  so  that  what  touches  one  touches  the  other.  —  laeditur, 
etc..  is  injured  being  separated,  etc.  Mommsen  puts  cum  before 
laeditur,  in  which  case  it  means,  "  by  owning  himself  injured  he 
cuts  himself  off,"  etc. 

§  47.  mea,  emphatic :  he  will  avoid  prejudice  to  his  client,  by 
assuming  the  responsibility  of  these  words.  —  istorum,  those  men's. 

—  morum,  the  customs  of  business.  —  more,  in  the  regular  way. 
— jure  gentium:  the  "law  common  to  all  nations"  (Maine),  as 
opposed  to  jus  civile,  or  law  of  the  state.  It  is  thus  used  as  nearly 
equivalent  to  natural  right. 

19.  a  nobis,  i.  e.  once  clear  of  guilt,  and  acquitted  of  a  shock- 
ing crime,  he  will  leave  you  unmolested.  — rogat :  a  feigned  appeal 
to  his  persecutors. — in  suam  rem:  in  a  former  passage,  allusion 
is  made  to  a  charge  that  Roscius  had  fraudulently  kept  back  part 
of  his  father's  property.  —  concessit,  etc.,  has  given  up  [the  im- 
movable property],  counted  and  weighed  [the  rest]  ;  by  par- 
ticularizing and  dwelling  upon  different  kinds  of  property,  a  stron- 
ger impression  is  produced. — anulum,  probably  the  gold  ring 
indicating  his  rank  as  an  eques.  — neque  . . .  excepit,  and  has  re- 
served nothing  else  besides  his  naked  self. 

§  48.  quod,  quia,  §  63,  1.  —  hominem,  i.  e.  the  owner. — praeter 
ceteros  :  i.  e.  even  if  other  purchasers  had  to  refund,  he  the  favorite 
had  no  cause  to  fear.  —  patria,  of  their  fathers. — ne  quando  : 
i.  e.  some  time  when  there  comes  a  political  reaction. 

§  49.  facis  injuriam,  i.  e.  you  act  unreasonably.  —  majorem 
spem  :  Cicero  artfully  suggests  that  Chrysogonus  has  no  confidence 
that  Sulla's  constitution  will  last;  hence  he  wishes  to  remove  a 
dangerous  claimant  in  case  of  another  overturn.  —  monument!, 
memorial,  or  keepsake. 

•JO.  cruenta  (pred.)  :  the  thought  is  strengthened  by  the  use  of 
words  only  appropriate  to  an  actual  killing  and  stripping  of  the  dead. 

§  50.  rem  tuam,  your  interests.  —  quasi  nescias,  as  if  you  did 
not  know  (§  61,  1).  —  spectatissima,  most  estimable:  the  friends 
of  Roscius  are  purposely  exalted,  in  order  to  influence  the  Court.* 

*  Caecilia  is  called  in  §  17  daughter  of  Nepos;  but  the  the  statement  here  is  probably 
correct.  Q.  Csecilius  Metellus  Raliaricus  was  one  of  the  four  sons  of  Metellus  Macedo- 
nicus  —  two  of  consular  rank,  the  third  consul,  and  the  fourth  candidate  for  the  consulship  — 
who  accompanied  the  bier  of  their  distinguished  father  (b.  c.  115).  The  description  of 
father,  uncles,  and  brother  applies,  therefore,  perfectly  in  this  case  ;  but  Nepos,  son  of  Bal- 
iaricus  and  (as  we  assume)  the  omatissimntn  fratrem  referred  to,  had  no  brothers  that 


§46-55-]  Defence  of  Roscius.  17 

—  cum  haberet,  though  she  had.  —  cum  esset,  while  she  was,  etc. 

—  femina,  mulier  :  observe  the  distinction  between  the  words,  the 
latter  being  always  used  when  speaking  of  the  tenderness  of  the 
feminine  nature.  — quanto  :  the  usual  correlative  is  supplied  by 
non  minora,  full  as  great. 

§  51.  quod,  the  fact  that.  —  pro  hospitio,  in  accordance  with 
his  father's  friendly  relations  and  personal  influence  (see  above, 
§  1).  —  pro  eo  quod,  in  view  of  the  fact  that.  —  sin  . . .  vindica- 
rent,  i.  e.  if  all  were  disposed  to  right  this  wrong  :  hinting  that  the 
accusers  would  be  in  danger  of  violence.  —  summa  res  publica, 
i.  e.  the  existence  of  the  state  itself.  —  haec,  these  outrages.  — nunc, 
opposed  to  the  preceding  suppositions.  —  sane,  certainly. 

§  52.  quae  domi :  i.  e.  the  protection  of .  Roscius,  supply  of 
money,  providing  of  witnesses,  etc.  —  fori . . .  rationem,  the  business 
of  forum  and  court,  i.  e.  the  preliminaries  of  the  trial.  —  ut  vide- 
tis,  i.  e.  Messala*  is  here  in  court.  —  sectorum,  see  note  to  §  36. 

—  assidrritate,  constant  presence,  probably  at  the  preliminary  pro- 
ceedings. —  hac  nobilitate,  i.  e.  such  nobles  as  he.  —  haec  res,  the 
present  state  of  things  was  brought  about.  —  ei  nobiles,  i.  e.  the 
nobles  expelled  by  Marius  and  Cinna. 

21  •  §  53-  propria,  his  own;  communis,  common  to  all. — 
pristina,  as  of  the  olden  ti?ne.  —  versata  est,  has  prevailed.  —  id 
quod,  etc.,  which  surely  caii  never  be.  —  actum  est,  all  is  over. 

§  54.  condemnaretis :  for  the  tense,  see  §  58,  10,  a;  so  pot- 
uissent,  have  not  been  able.  —  nimirum,  doubtless.  —  consilium 
publicum  :  the  administration  of  justice,  along  with  all  other  affairs 
of  the  state  originally  vested  in  the  kings,  was  transferred  to  the 
people  in  their  sovereign  capacity,  and  exercised  in  the  coinitia. 
Hence  the  bodies  to  which  it  was  afterwards  delegated  were  con- 
silia,  —  a  term  which  includes  (as  here)  the  body  of  jurors. 

§  55.  an  vero,  or  can  it  be  true  that,  etc.  In  this  use  of  an, 
the  first  question  is  omitted  (§  71,  2,  b),  and  the  second  is  often  a 
reductio  ad  absurdum,  as  here.  The  full  thought  is,  Do  you  not 
agree  with  me,  or  can  it  really  (vero)  be,  etc.  — agi,  is  at  stake ;  ali- 
quid  agere  is  to  aim  at  something.  —  ut . . .  tollantur,  be  got  rid  of, 
in  one  way  or  another.  —  periculo,  often  used  of  defendants. 

22.  sectorem  . . .  accusatorem,  i.  e.  T.  Roscius  Magnus,  at 
otice  purchaser,  enemy,  cut-throat,  and  accuser.  —  probatum  suis, 
vouched  for  by  his  friends. 

are  known,  and  on  the  other  hand  had  two  sons, — neither  of  whom,  however,  was  old 
enough  at  this  time  to  deserve  this  epithet.  Both  were  active  in  the  time  of  Catiline's  con- 
spiracy. Celerwas  consul  B.  c.  60,  the  younger  Nepos  in  57.  Caecilia,  daughter  of  Baliari- 
cus,  married  App.  Claudius,  and  was  mother  of  Cicero's  bitter  enemy  Clodius. 

*  This  is  supposed  to  have  been  the  one  who  was  consul  b.  c.  53  (not  the  consul  of  61). 
In  this  case  he  was  father  of  the  distinguished  orator  and  soldier  of  the  reign  of  Augustus. 
As  appears  from  this  passage,  he  was  too  young  to  undertake  the  case  himself. 

2 


18  Notes.  [Verr.  I. 

§  56.  suscipere  noluit :  the  law  by  which  the  proscriptions 
were  instituted  was  passed  by  the  people,  without  the  intervention  of 
the  Senate.  —  more  majorum,  i.  e.  that  every  capital  judgment 
was  subject  to  an  appeal  to  the  people  in  the  comitia  centuriata. 

§  57.  quibus  :  the  antecedent  is  eis.  —  hominibus,  dat.  (§  51, 
2,  e). —  pati  nolite,  do  not  suffer.  —  consuetudine  incommodo- 
rum,  by  familiarity  with  horrors. 


Impeachment   of  Verres. 
Argument. 

Chap  i.  The  jurors  are  congratulated  on  the  opportunity  of  restoring  the  good  name 
of  the  senatorial  courts :  character  of  the  defendant.  —  2,  3.  Attempts  of  Verres  to  avoid 
the  trial :  he  places  all  his  hope  in  bribery.  —  4,  5.  His  crimes  in  administration,  of  pillage, 
extortion,  and  cruelty,  open  and  flagrant. — 6.  His  attempt  to  contract  in  advance  for  ac- 
quittal. —  7,  8.  His  hopes  in  the  election  of  Hortensiusas  consul  and  Metellus  as  praetor. 
—  9,  10  Cicero's  anxiety.  The  great  effort  to  have  the  case  tried  before  Metellus,  which 
was  to  be  effected  by  delaying  the  trial  till  after  the  holidays. —  n,  12.  Cicero  proposes  to 
display  his  case  at  once,  without  argument,  and  so  prevent  its  being  laid  over :  he  will  meet 
the  domineering  Hortensius  on  that  issue.  —  13-15-  The  senatorial  compared  with  the 
equestrian  courts;  their  corruption  and  ill  repute.  Loss  of  confidence  in  Roman  justice; 
ruin  and  misery  of  the  provinces.  —  16.  The  court  itself  on  trial :  acquital  can  have  but 
one  meaning.  —  17.  Appeal  to  Glabrio  to  prevent  bribery.  —  18.  The  Sicilians  must  not  be 
baffled.  Way  in  which  Cicero  proposes  to  conduct  the  prosecution :  he  will  introduce  wit- 
nesses at  once,  without  previous  argument.  List  of  the  charges,  including  the  plunder  of 
4,000,000  sesterces  from  the  Sicilians. 

PAGE 

25,  §  1.  erat  optandum  (§  60,  2,  c,  not  necessarily  implying 
a  protasis  contrary  to  fact),  what  was  chiefly  to  be  wished.  —  quod 
. . .  pertinebat,  the  one  thing  which  most  tended  (or,  was  of  chief 
importance) .  —  invidiam  infamiamque,  odium  and  dishonor, 
from  the  partisan  use  of  the  courts  by  the  Senators  (see  Rose. 
Am.  §  3).  These  points  are  here  emphasized,  as  being  of  quite 
equal  importance  with  the  conviction  or  acquittal  of  Verres.  In 
fact,  the  trial  turns  more  on  the  character  of  the  court  than  on 
the  guilt  of  the  accused,  which  was  notorious, — vestri  ordinis, 
i.  e.  the  senatorial,  from  which  the  judices  were  at  this  time  taken. 
(See  note  on  judices,  R.  A.  §  1.)  The  word  Ordo  was  used  loosely 
to  describe  any  recognized  body  of  citizens  —  as  freedmen,  publicans, 
clerks  ;  it  was  more  especially  used  of  the  two  powerful  classes  of 
the  Roman  Aristocracy,  the  Senatorial  and  the  Equestrian,  which 
struggled  with  each  other  for  power  during  the  last  century  of  the 
Republic. 


§  i.]  Impeachment  of  Verres.  19 

The  Roman  Aristocracy. 

Senatorial  Order.  —  Strictly  speaking  the  Ordo  Senatorius  was  only  another  name 
for  the  Senate,  the  members  of  which,  by  virtue  of  their  life  tenure  of  office,  and  their 
jsprit  de  corps,  formed  a  united  body  or  "  order  "  in  the  state.  The  list  of  senators, 
amounting  in  general  to  about  300,  was  formerly  made  up  by  the  Censors  from  among  those 
who  had  held  high  magistracies  :  after  the  time  of  Sulla  every  person  who  held  the  quaes- 
torship  —  the  first  grade  of  the  regular  magistracy  (see  note  §  n)  —was  entitled  to  a  seat 
in  the  Senate.  The  number  therefore  fluctuated,  running  up  to  five  or  six  hundred.  The 
elections  were  so  largely  under  the  control  of  the  Senate  and  the  magistrates,  that  it  was 
very  hard  for  any  person  not  belonging  to  the  nobility  (see  note  on  §  15)  to  be  chosen  to  any 
office  :  when  any  such  person,  novus  homo,  entered  the  Senate,  —  such  as  Cato  the  Censor, 
Marius  and  Cicero,  —he  belonged  of  course  to  the  Senatorial  order,  although  he  was  not 
a  noble.  Such  cases,  however,  were  so  rare,  that  it  may  be  laid  down  as  a  general  truth, 
that  the  Senatorial  order  and  the  Nobility  were  identical,  and  M  new  men  "  became  ne- 
cessarily identified  with  the  class  to  which  their  posterity  would  belong,  rather  than  that 
from  which  they  came.  This  double  relation  of  Cicero  — a  member  of  the  Senate,  but 
sprung  from  the  Equestrian  order  — goes  a  great  way  to  explain  what  is  inconsistent  and 
vacillating  in  his  political  career. 

Equestrian  Order.  — The  title  Equites  was  properly  applied  to  the  members  of  the 
eighteen  centuries  equitum  equo  publico  ;  to  whom  a  horse  was  assigned  by  the  state, 
together  with  a  certain  sum  of  money  yearly  for  its  support.  Those  who  served  equo  pub- 
lico must  have  a  fortune  of  4007000  sesterces  ($16,000),  and  the  horses  were  assigned  by 
the  censors,  as  a  rule,  to  the  young  men  of  senatorial  families.  The  centurice  equitum.  were 
therefore  composed  of  young  noblemen,  [see  "  Celsi  Ramnes,"  Hor  A.  P.  v  342].  When 
they  entered  the  Senate,  they  were  (in  the  later  years  of  the  republic)  obliged  to  give  up  the 
public  horse  ;  on  becoming  senators  therefore  they  voted  in  the  centuries  of  the  first  class, 
not  with  the  Equites  (see  note  on  Assemblies,  §  18).  This  aristocratic  body  had,  how- 
ever, long  before  this  period,  ceased  to  serve  in  the  field  ;  they  formed  a  parade  corps  (some- 
what like  the  Royal  Guards  in  England),  from  which  active  officers  of  the  legion,  tribuni, 
were  taken.  When  the  Roman  equites  ceased  to  serve  as  cavalry,  troops  of  horse  were  de- 
manded of  the  allies ;  and  in  the  time  of  Caesar  we  find  that  the  Roman  legion  consisted 
exclusively  of  infantry,  the  cavalry  being  made  up  of  auxiliaries. 

During  the  time  that  the  equites  equo  publico  still  served  in  the  field  as  cavalry,  another 
body  grew  up  by  their  side,  of  equites  equo  privato,  that  is,  persons  of  the  equestrian 
census,  who  had  a  property  of  400,000  sesterces,  who  had  not  received  a  horse  from  the 
state,  but  who  volunteered  with  horses  of  their  own.  This  body  consisted  mainly  of  young 
men  of  wealth,  who  did  not  belong  to  noble  (that  is,  senatorial)  families.  No  very  distinct 
line  was,  however,  drawn  between  the  two  classes,  until  the  Lex  Judiciaria  of  Caius  Grac- 
chus (b.  c.  123),  which  prescribed  that  the  judices  should  no  longer  be  taken  from  the 
senators,  but  from  those  who  possessed  equestrian  census,  and  at  the  same  time  were  not 
members  of  the  Senate  (see  note  on  judices,  R.  A.  §  1).  This  law  did  not  formally  exclude 
nobles  who  were  not  members  of  the  Senate ;  but  the  entire  body  of  nobility  was  so  far 
identified  in  spirit  and  interest  with  this  body,  that  an  antagonism  immediately  grew  np 
between  them  and  this  new  judicial  class.  A  principal  cause  of  the  antagonism  was  that 
members  of  the  Senate  were  prohibited  from  being  engaged  in  any  trade  or  business  ;  while, 
as  has  been  shown  above,  the  Senate,  by  its  control  over  the  elections,  virtually  filled  its 
own  vacancies,  of  course  from  the  ranks  of  the  nobility. 

Since  rich  men  of  non-senatorial  families  were  thus  excluded  from  a  political  career, 
while  Senators  were  excluded  from  a  business  life,  there  were  formed  during  the  last  century 
of  the  republic  two  powerful  aristocracies,  — the  nobles,  or  Senatorial  order,  a  wealthy  gov- 
erning aristocracy  of  rank,  and  the  Equestrian  order,  an  aristocracy  of  wealth,  the 
counterpart  of  the  moneyed  aristocracy  of  our  day.  The  name  Ordo  Equestris-wzs  derived 
from  the  fact  of  its  members  possessing  the  equestrian  census;  that  is,  that  amount  of 
property  which  would  have  entitled  them  to  a  public  horse.  From  the  ranks  of  the  nobility 
were  taken  the  oppressive  provincial  governors  ;  the  equestrian  order  furnished  the  publi- 
cum, the  equally  oppressive  tax-gatherers.  It  is  easy  to  see,  therefore,  that  neither  the  law 
of  Gracchus,  which  placed  the  Court  of  Repetundce  in  the  exclusive  power  of  the  Eques- 
trian order,  nor  that  of  Sulla,  which  gave  it  to  the  Senators  exclusively,  was  calculated  to 
protect  the  provincials  against  extortion. 


20  Notes.  [Verr.  I. 


The  equestrian  order,  ordo  eqitestris,  is  therefore  not  merely  distinct  from  the  centu- 
ria equitum,  but  strongly  contrasted  with  them.  The  one  is  the  wealthy  middle  class,  the 
other  the  young  nobility.  The  term  equites  is  sometimes  applied  to  both,  although  the 
strictly  correct  term  for  the  members  of  the  equestrian  order  was  judices. 

consilio,  foresight.  —  datum,  oblatum,  refer  respectively  to 
optandum  and  pertinebat.  —  summo,  most  critical:  the  year  of 
the  consulship  of  Pompey  and  Crassus.  —  inveteravit  (emphatic 
position),  there  has  come  to  be  deeply  rooted.  —  opinio,  notion  (not  so 
strong  as  opinion,  which  is  sententia).  —  neminem,  more  emphatic 
than  nullum,  and  often  so  used,  especially  by  early  writers. 

§  2.  contionibus  et  legibus,  harangues  and  bills  (proposed 
laws).  The  proposition  of  the  law  which  took  the  exclusive  con- 
trol of  the  courts  from  the  Senators  was  even  now  pending,  and  it 
was  promulgated  before  the  case  was  decided. 

actor,  complainant,  i.  e.  agent  or  attorney  for  conducting 
the  suit  in  personal  processes  {in  personam).  —  ordinis,  the  body, 
i.  e.  the  Senate,  from  which  the  judices  were  at  this  time  taken. 
The  right  of  judicium  was  soon  after  restored  to  the  equites.  — 
communi,  i.  e.  so  far  as  it  affected  the  whole  state.  —  reconciliare, 
etc.,  win  back  the  lost  repute.  —  depeculatorem,  etc. :  for  a  more 
complete  statement  of  these  charges,  see  ch.  iv.  and  v. — juris 
urbani,  i.  e.  as  prator  urbanus.  —  labem,  pest. 

§  3.  vos,  opposed  to  ego,  below.  —  religiose,  according  to  your 
oath.  —  judicaveritis,  fut.  perf.  (§  59,  4,  c).  —  religionem  veri- 
tatemque  ;  here,  feeling  of  obligation  and  regard  for  the  truth.  — 
judicium,  etc.,  i.  e.  the  fault  will  be  with  the  court,  not  with  the 
prosecutors. — equidem,  i.  e.  for  my  own  part.  —  quas  partim, 
some  of  which  (partim  is  properly  adv.  ace.  §  41,  1,  //).  —  de vita- 
rim,  subj.  as  part  of  concession  (§  66,  2). 

3G.  uequo  .  .  .  neque,  following  numquam,  do  not  destroy 
£he  negative,  but  are  more  emphatic  than  aut . . .  aut. 

§  4.  istius,  constantly  used  of  an  opponent.  —  Glabrioni,  the 
praetor  presiding.  —  ordini  . . .  senatorio,  i.  e.  the  senatorial  order, 
nay,  the  very  name  of  senator.  —  dictitat,  constantly  repeats  (§  36, 
b).-^-esse  metuendum  (for  erat  met.  in  dir.  disc,  §58,  11,  b), 
i.  e.  those  would  have  to  fear  if  the  case  were  theirs,  but  he,  etc. — « 
quod,  i.  e.  only  what. — pecunia  belongs  to  both  clauses,  as  is 
indicated  by  their  parallelism. 

§  5.  esset,  imp.  in  prot.  of  a  continued  condition  lasting  till  now. 
—  fefellisset,  he  would  have  foiled  us.  —  cadit :  pres.  of  time  last- 
ing till  now  (§  58,  2,  #).-— corrumpendi  judicii,  of  bribing  the 
court.  —  tempus , . .  offenderet,  he  hit  an  unfavorable  time;  because 
popular  sentiment  was  so  roused  and  exasperated  in  regard  to  the 
corruption  of  the  courts. 

§  6.  iuvenit  qui,  he  found  some  one  who :  for  the  circumstances, 


§  i-io.]  Impeachment  of   Verres.  21 

see  introd.  The  fictitious  case  was  not  brought  against  Verres.  — 
Brundisium,  Brindisi,  the  port  whence  the  greater  part  of  Italian 
travel,  now  as  then,  embarks  for  the  East.  —  obii,  went  throughout. — 
populorum,  communities.  .  The  political  system  of  the  ancients 
was  composed  of  an  indefinite  number  of  petty  communities,  all 
possessing  a  certain  degree  of  independence.  (See  the  beginning 
of  note  on  ?nuniceps,  R.  A.  §  5).  —  qui  . . .  obsideret,  to  block  my 
opportunity, 

§  7.  nunc  :  i.  e.  now  that  his  former  scheme  has  failed. 

$57.  socios,  allies :  citizens  of  communities  which,  although 
embraced  within  the  boundaries  of  Roman  provinces  (see  note 
§11),  had  nevertheless,  for  special  reasons,  been  allowed  to 
retain  a  nominal  independence,  with  their  own  laws  and  magis- 
trates,—  cives,  citizens,  travelling  or  doing  business  in  the  prov- 
inces, or  provincials  who  had  received  the  citizenship. 
.  auctoritates,  documents  ^  i.  e.  credentials,  or  (more  probably)  offi- 
cial testimony  relating  to  the  acts  of  Verres. 

§  8.  bonis  :  here,  as  generally  in  Cicero,  used  in  a  partisan  sense, 
the  aristocracy. — judicia,  courts. — experiatur,  in  apparent  vio- 
lation of  the  sequence  of  tenses  :  the  imperf.  would  make  it  refer  to 
the  time  of  getting  the  money. — tempus  :  the  present  scheme  of 
the  defence  is  by  corrupt  means  to  stave  off  the  judgment  to  a  more 
advantageous  time  (see  ch.  6-8).  — posset,  imperf.  referring  to  the 
time  of  the  purchase.  —  criminum  vim,  the  force  of  the  charges. — 
poterat,  indie,  the  reason  being  Cicero's.  (The  whole  passage  is  an 
instructive  example  of  the  freedom  of  a  living  language  from  its 
own  trammels.  Rules  are  made  for  the  language,  not  language  for 
the  rules.) 

§  9.  non  modo,  not  merely.  —  eloquentia,  gratia:  even  sophis- 
tical arguments  and  personal  influence  were  respectable  means  of 
escape,  to  a  criminal  who  had  no  case  (causa).  —  profecto,  I  am 
sure.  —  aucuparetur,  fish  for  (lit.  set  nets  for  birds).  —  ut . .  .  fi- 
eret,  as  to  have  some  chosen  to  be  put  on  trial  (see  §  6)  :  the  Sen- 
ate itself  was  insulted,  by  selecting  one  of  its  members  to  be  set 
up  as  a  man  of  straw,  that  Verres  might  get  clear.  —  hie,  i.  e.  Verres. 

—  causam  diceret,  stand  trial. 

§  10.  quibus  rebus,  from  this  (abl.  of  means  with  perspicio). 

—  consilio,  "panel,"  i.  e.  the  body  of  jurors. — in  rejectione  ju- 
dicavit,  decided  at  the  challenging  ("  throwing  out ")  of  the  jury  : 
i.  e.  on  seeing  the  kind  of  men  challenged  by  the  two  sides  re- 
spectively. The  regular  number  to  be  challenged  was  three ;  but 
Verres,  as  senator,  was  permitted  to  challenge  more. — ea  spe : 
words  of  this  class,  used  with  a  demonstrative,  allow  a  clause  of 
result  instead  of  the  more  regular  indir.  disc,  (compare  §  65,  2),  as 
in  ut .  . .  constituent  and  ut . . .  arbitraretur,  which  follow. 


22  Notes.  [Verr.  I. 

28.  §  ii.  adulescentiae,  i.  e.  before  he  entered  public  life. — 
quaestura,  qucestorship,  the  first  grade  of  political  honor. 

The  quaestors  were  at  this  time  twenty  in  number,  two  having  charge  of  the  treasury 
and  archives  in  the  city,  while  the  others  were  assigned  to  the  several  military  commanders 
and  provincial  governors,  to  serve  as  quartermasters  and  paymasters.  Aspirants  for  honors 
were  required  to  serve  as  quaestors  before  presenting  themselves  for  the  praetorship,  which 
was,  again,  a  requirement  for  the  consulship.  The  office  of  curule  asdile  was  regularly 
held  —  as  by  Cicero  —  between  the  quaestorship  and  praetorship.  That  this  was  not  neces- 
sary, however,  as  is  often  assumed,  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  there  were  six  praetors,  but 
only  two  curule  aediles.    (See  Mommsen  Rom.  Staatsrecht,  vol.  i.  p.  443.) 

Carbonem :  Carbo  was  the  leader  of  the  Marian  faction  after 
the  death  of  Marius  and  Cinna.  He  was  consul  b.  c.  82,  the  year 
of  Sulla's  return  and  victory.  Verres  was  his  quaestor,  and  went 
over  to  the  enemy  with  the  money-chest,  when  he  saw  which  side 
was  likely  to  prevail.  —  necessitudinem  religionemque  :  the 
quaestor  was  originally  nominated  specially  by  the  consul ;  and  the 
peculiarly  close  and  sacred  relation  (necessitudo)  existing  between 
them  was  known  as  pietas,  —  a  sentiment  of  filial  affection.  (See 
Lange,  Rom.  Alt.  vol.  i.  p.  633.)  The  designation  by  lot  (sors) 
was  also  held  to  be  a  token  of  divine  will,  and  so  sacred  {religio). 
—  legatio  :  the  legatus,  or  aid,  was  a  member  of  the  general's  staff, 
and  stood  in  something  of  the  same  relation  to  him  as  the  quaestor. 
Verres,  as  legatus,  served  Dolabella  much  as  he  had  served  Carbo : 
not  that  either  of  those  infamous  commanders  deserved  better 
treatment. — Asiae  :  the  province  of  this  name,  the  old  kingdom  of 
Pergamus,  embraced  the  western  part  of  Asia  Minor.  The  prov- 
ince of  Dolabella  (b.  C.  80-79)  was  Cilicia.  His  extortions  and 
those  of  Verres  were  in  the  adjoining  regions  of  Pamphylia,  Pisidia, 
and  parts  of  Asia.  The  word  totius  is  therefore  a  rhetorical  ex- 
aggeration. 

The  term  provincia  was  primarily  used  to  designate  the  special  field  of  operations  as- 
signed (by  lot,  agreement,  or  designation  of  the  Senate)  to  a  consul  or  other  military  com- 
mander. When  a  foreign  territory  was  conquered  and  reduced  to  a  subjection  to  Rome, 
the  government  of  it  was  assigned  to  one  of  the  praetors,  or  the  im/>erium  of  a  consul  or 
prator  was  extended  {prorogatum)  for  a  second  year  for  this  purpose.  The  foreign  state 
thus  organized  as  a  Roman  dependency  was  called  by  the  old  name  provincia  ;  and  this 
special  use  of  the  word  is  more  familiar  in  classic  writers  than  its  original  meaning.  Of  the 
states  here  mentioned,  Asia  was  an  organized  province,  while  Cilicia,  Pisidia,  and  Pam- 
phylia were  provinces  only  in  the  early  sense  of  the  word  :  Cilicia,  however,  was  the  regular 
provincia,  or  special  command,  of  a  pro-praetor,  whose  field  of  operations  was  western 
Cilic  a  (Cilicia  Aspera),  with  the  adjoining  coast-line  of  Pamphylia,  and  mountain  region  of 
Pisidia.  —  Cilicia  was  not  formally  organized  as  a  province  until  B.  c.  75.  As  governor  of 
a  province  in  the  later  sense  of  the  word,  the  pro-praetor  exercised  direct  rule  only  over 
those  portions  of  the  country  which  had  been  subjugated  by  Rome,  while  the  geographical 
limits  of  his  province  enclosed  also  allied  and  independent  communities,  civitates  socice 
and  liberce  (see  Kuhn,  Verfassung  des  Rom.  Reich,  vol.  ii.  p.  14) ;  some  of  which  paid 
tribute,  while  others  were  tribute-free,  immunes,  as  well  as  legally  exempt  from  his  au- 
thority in  matters  of  administration.  Practically,  however,  even  these  last  were  under  his 
almost  unlimited  control. 

pro  quaestore,  acting  qucestor :  when  there  was  a  vacancy  in  a 


§  10-13.]  Impeachment  of  Verres,  23 

provincial  quaestorship,  the  commander  might  appoint  any  person 
to  perform  its  functions.  (Mommsen,  R.  S.  vol.  i.p.  187).  —  adduxit : 
Dolabella  was  bad  enough,  but  he  had  to  bear  the  added  infamy  of 
Verres'  outrageous  acts,  and  after  all  Verres  saved  himself  by  turn- 
ing against  him  (oppugnavit),  appearing  as  witness  in  his  trial  for 
extortion. 

§  12.  preetura  urbana:  this  is  the  topic  of  the  first  oration  of 
the  accusatio. 

There  were  at  this  time  eight  praetors,  whose  office  it  was  to  preside  over  the  adminis- 
tration of  justice  ;  after  the  expiration  of  their  year  of  office,  they  went  as  pro-prat  ores  to 
govern  provinces.  Verres  held  the  first  and  most  important  of  the  praetorships,  that  of 
prcetor  urbanus,  who  had  the  charge  of  civil  cases  between  Roman  citizens  ;  the  prcetor 
peregrinus  had  civil  cases  in  which  aliens  were  a  party ;  the  other  six  presided  over  the 
Qucestiones  perpetuce.  The  prcetor  urbanus,  having  charge  of  all  civil  cases  between 
citizens,  had  almost  unlimited  power  of  plunder,  and  this  was  used  by  Verres  without 
scruple.  His  colleague,  the  prcetor  peregrinus,  filled  several  books  with  cases  in  which  he 
interceded,  in  order  to  oblige  Verres  to  administer  justice  in  accordance  with  his  own 
rules.  The  functions  of  the  praetor  were  summed  up  in  these  words  do  {j'udicem,  vindl- 
cias),  dico  (Jus)y  addico  (rem,  etc.). 

aedium,  etc.  The  public  buildings  were  under  the  charge  of 
the  aedile,  not  of  the  praetor  :  the  cases  referred  to  here  were,  there- 
fore, not  connected  with  any  special  official  power  of  Verres,  but 
certain  flagrant  instances  of  corruption  and  extortion  arising  out  of 
contracts  for  public  buildings  in  which  the  praetor  had  it  in  his 
power  to  interfere  for  his  own  advantage.  —  in  jure  dicundo  ;  jus 
dicere  (jurisdictio) ,  declaring  the  law,  was  the  primary  function  of 
the  praetor ;  bo?iorum  addictio  is  the  adjudging  of  property  to  the 
claimant ;  condonatio  {grant)  is  the  giving  it  up  to  the  defendant : 
in  the  case  of  Verres  both  are  presumed  to  be  unlawful.  — instituta, 
precedetits.  The  edicts  of  the  praetors  made  up  a  body  of  common 
law,  not  absolutely  binding,  however,  for  their  successors.  —  posse, 
virtually  a  fut.  infin. 

§  13.  senatus  consulta,  decrees  (or  executive  orders)  of  the 
Senate. 

The  Senate  had  originally  only  advisory  powers.  It  had  therefore,  strictly  speaking, 
no  authority  to  make  laws  or  to  enforce  their  execution  ;  and  its  votes  were  simply  consul- 
ta, i.  e.  matters  agreed  upon,  as  advisable,  while  its  power  was  auctoritas.  When  the 
Senate  came  (in  the  3d  cent.  B.  c.)  to  be  the  actual  governing  power  in  the  State,  these 
consulta  became  ordinances,  in  which  the  Senate  directed  the  administration  of  the  whole 
empire.  The  organization  of  a  new  province,  e.g.,  was  not  by  a  law  of  the  people,  but  by  an 
ordinance  of  the  Senate  ;  and  in  this  ordinance  was  embodied  the  entire  authority  of  Rome 
over  the  province,  except  so  far  as  this  was  prescribed  by  general  laws.  This  suas  leges 
describes  the  native  institutions  of  the  several  communities,  so  far  as  they  were  allowed  to 
retain  them:  communia  jura,  the  principles  of  justice  recognized  by  all  nations;  sena- 
tus consulta,  the  regulations,  laid  down  by  the  Senate,  under  which  the  province  was 
organized  and  governed. 

communia  jura,  the  same  as  jus  gentium,  those  laws  common  to 
all  mankind  (see  note  on  jus  gentium,  R.  A.  §  47).  The  terms 
leges,  consulta,  jura,  include  the  three  sources  of  provincial  law. 


24  Notes.  [Verr.  i. 

—  tenuerunt,  retained.  —  subterfugit,  escaped  his  notice.  —  tan- 
tum,   [only]  so  much. 

ab  eo,  away  from  him,  i.  e.  the  possessor.  —  aratorum,  tenants 
of  public  lands. 

The  territory  of  conquered  communities  in  the  provinces  was  partly  given  or  sold  to 
individuals  or  allied  states,  as  private  property  (ager  privatus),  paying  a  tax  (vectigal)  of 
a  tenth  of  the  products  (decuma)  ;  partly  retained  as  public  domain  {ager  publicus),  which 
was  let  by  the  censors,  generally  for  a  long  term  of  years,  sometimes  as  heritable.  These 
tenants  were  called  aratores-  In  Sicily  the  original  proprietors  received  back  their  old 
estates  on  these  terms,  paying  tithes,  decuma,  just  as  the  proprietors  of  ager  privatus  did, 
from  whom  therefore  they  differed  only  in  right  of  property,  not  in  amount  of  tax  or  mode 
of  payment.  (Marquardt,  Rom.  Alt.  hi.  2.  p  141.)  The  collection  of  the  tenth,  as  well  as 
of  other  indirect  revenues,  was  farmed  out  by  auction  to  publicani,  of  the  equestrian  order ; 
these  paid  a  round  sum  into  the  treasury,  for  the  chance  of  squeezing  a  larger  amount  in 
detail  out  of  the  provincials.  From  these  aratores  Verres  had  required  a  supply  of  corn, 
as  he  was  entitled  to  do,  and  then  commuted  the  demand  for  cash,  valuing  the  corn  at  five 
or  six  times  its  market  value.     (Caecil.  x.) 

socii ;  these  were  the  provincial  states  which  retained  inde- 
pendent self-government,  either  by  treaty  or  by  special  enactment : 
to  this  class  belonged  Messana  and  Tauromenium.  —  cruciati  et 
necati :  a  Roman  citizen  could  not  legally  receive  any  punishment 
touching  life  or  limb,  except  by  judgment  of  his  peers  in  Rome. 
Thus,  Jesus  was  crucified  by  the  Roman  governor  under  the  or- 
dinary provincial  law  applying  to  Jews :  while  Paul,  a  Roman 
citizen  of  the  free  city  Tarsus,  appealed  to  Caesar,  and  was  sent  to 
Rome  for  trial.  (See  extract  from  Verr.  vi.  pp.  51-56). — judicio, 
by  mock  trial. 

20.  rei  facti,  accused,  (rei  from  reus).  The  details  of  these 
charges  are  given  in  the  five  orations  of  the  Accusatio;  it  would 
require  too  much  space  to  repeat  them  here.  —  indicta,  utipleaded. 

—  ejecti,  expelled 'from  the  country.  —  optimae,  best  in  themselves  ; 
opportunissimae,  most  valuable  in  the  circumstances. — populi 
Romani,  obj.  gen. 

§  14.  regum,  the  famous  kings  of  Syracuse,  —  Hiero,  Agathocles, 
etc.  —  imperatorum  :  Marcellus,  who  conquered  Syracuse,  and 
Scipio  Africanus  the  elder,  who  had  Sicily  as  his  province,  and 
crossed  over  from  there  for  the  conquest  of  Carthage.  —  Deum, 
i.  e.  statue  of  a  god.  —  commemorare,  complem.  infin.  for  subj. 
with  ne  or  quominus  (§  57,  8,  d). 

§  15.  at  enim  (a  supposed  objection),  but, you  may  say. — co- 
gnoscere,  learnj  recognoscere,  review. 

In  Chap.  vi.  the  orator  returns  to  the  charge  of  bribery.  He  has  shown  at  close  of 
Chap.  iii.  that  Verres  had  been  disappointed  in  the  character  of  the  jury :  the  two  following 
chapters  show  that  no  favor  could  be  expected  from  an  honest  jury  in  so  patent  a  case.  He 
now  reviews  the  several  schemes  of  bribery,  leading  at  last  to  the  final  plot  of  staving  off 
the  trial  till  the  next  year. 

eloquentiam,   etc.,  see  note  on  §  9;   gratia  and  auctoritate 


§  1 3-1 8.]  Impeachment  of   Verves.  25 

refer  to  his  counsel,  Hortensius  ;  potentia,  to  the  noble  family  of 
the  Metelli. — mania  nomina,  empty  names. 

30.  nobiles,  noble  by  birth  ;  noti,  well known  or  notorious. 

The  Roman  nobility  has  been  shown  (see  note  §  i)  to  have  been  in  the  main  identical 
with  the  Senatorial  order.  It  was  in  point  of  fact  an  hereditary  rank,  although  based  di- 
rectly upon  the  holding  of  office.  Whoever  held  any  curule  office  —  that  is,  Dictator, 
Consul,  Praetor,  Magister  Equitum,  or  Curule  yEdile  —  secured  to  his  posterity  the  jus 
imaginum  ;  that  is,  the  right  to  place  in  the  hall  and  carry  at  funeral  processions  a  wax  mask 
of  this  ancestor,  as  well  as  of  any  other  deceased  members  of  the  family  of  curule  rank. 
All  patricians  were,  as  a  matter  of  course,  nobles :  the  nobiiity  which  governed  Rome  during 
th  j  last  three  centuries  of  the  republic  was,  therefore,  composed  of  the  entire  patriciate,  and 
those  plebeian  families,  members  of  which  had  held  curule  office.  Among  patrician 
families  were  those  of  Caesar,  Sulla,  Scipio,  Lepidus :  the  most  eminent  of  the  plebeian 
nobility  were  Metellus,  Catulus,  LucuLus,  Crassus,  Gracchus. 

§  16.  ut,  how.  —  redemptio,  a  contract  with  another  party  for 
buying  up  the  court.  —  in  condicione,  by  the  terms:  until  the 
jury  was  made  up,  the  bargain  could  not  be  absolutely  concluded ; 
and  when  the  character  of  the  jury  was  known,  the  contractor 
renounced  {renuntiavit)  the  bargain. — rejectio :  after  Cicero's 
careful  challenging,  the  lot  had  fortunately  given  a  trustworthy  jury. 
—  istius  limits  spem. — istorum,  the  partisans  of  Verres. 

§  17.  prseclare,  well  for  the  cause  of  justice.  —  libelli,  lists. — 
color :  in  a  former  case,  in  which  Hortensius  had  been  counsel,  in 
order  to  make  sure  that  the  bribed  jurors  voted  as  they  had  agreed, 
colored  ballots  were  given  to  them.  —  sententiis :  this  is  the 
word  regularly  used  for  a  formal  and  official  expression  of  opinion 
in  the  Senate  {vote)  or  a  court  of  justice  {verdict).  —  cum,  where- 
upon. —  ex  alacri,  from  being,  etc.  —  his  diebus  paucis,  a  few 
days  ago:  the  consular  and  other  elections  were  held  this  year 
towards  the  end  of  July.  — famae  and  fortunis,  dat.  after  insidiae 
comparantur.  —  per  eosdem  homines,  the  same  professional 
bribers;  the  redemptor,  etc.,  referred  to  in  §  16.  —  aperto,  etc., 
when  the  door  to  suspicio)i  had  once  been  opened. 

§  18.  reducebatur  :  the  successful  candidate  was  escorted  home 
by  his  friends  after  the  election. — Campo:  higher  magistrates  were 
elected  in  the  comitia  centuriata,  which  were  in  form  a  military 
organization  of  the  people.  As  the  military  command,  imperium, 
could  not  lawfully  be  exercised  in  the  city  (except  for  the  purpose 
of  celebrating  a  triumph),  these  comitia  met  in  the  Campus  Mar- 
tins, or  military  exercise-ground,  north  of  the  city. 

There  were  at  this  time  two  principal  Assemblies,  both  of  them  having  as  their  basis  the 
thirty-five  local  tribes  into  which  the  whole  people  were  divided  for  administrative  purposes. 
1.  The  Comitia  Centuriata,  or  great  comitia,  which  was  established  at  the  foundation  of  the 
republic  upon  the  basis  of  the  military  organization  of  Servius  Tullius.  At  a  later  period 
it  was  reorganized  upon  the  basis  of  the  tribes ;  and,  although  there  is  no  precise  statement 
as  to  either  the  time  or  the  manner  of  this  reorganization,  there  is  little  doubt  as  to  either. 
It  must  have  been  between  the  First  and  Second  Punic  Wars,  and  in  the  manner  here  de- 
scribed.   The  old  division  of  the  people  into  five  classes,  according  to  wealth,  was  retained : 


26  Notes.  [Verr.  I. 


for  each  tribe  there  were  now  formed  two  centuries  of  each  class,  —  one  of  seniores,  one 
of  juniores,  —  making  in  all  350  centuries.  To  these  were  added  18  centuries  of  equites 
(the  young  men  of  senatorial  families,  see  note  §  1),  guilds  of  smiths,  carpenters,  horn- 
blowers  and  trumpeters,  and  a  century  of  freedmen  and  capite  censi  (those  who  had  no 
property) ;  373  in  all.  Each  century  had  one  vote,  determined  by  the  majority  of  its  voters. 
These  comitia  were  regularly  presided  over  by  the  consul ;  they  elected  all  the  higher  mag- 
istrates, and  had  full  power  of  making  laws,  as  well  as  judicial  power  in  capital  cases,  so 
far  as  this  had  not  been  transferred  to  XhzQu&stiones  Perpetutz.  Legislation  had,  howeve., 
practically  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  Comitia  Tributa.  2.  These  were  simply  the  assembly 
of  the  thirty-five  tribes,  each  tribe  having  one  vote.  They  were  sometimes  presided  over 
by  the  praetor ;  but  of  far  more  importance  was  the  tribal  assembly  of  the  plebeians  exclu- 
sively, presided  over  by  the  Tribune  of  the  People.  Strictly  speaking,  this  was  not  comitia, 
inasmuch  as  it  was  not  composed  of  the  whole  people,  populus,  —  the  patricians  being  ex- 
cluded from  it.  But  the  patricians  were  now  reduced  to  a  few  noble  families,  whose  mem- 
bers would  not  have  cared  to  take  part  in  this  democratic  assembly  even  if  they  had  been 
permitted ;  and  by  the  Hortensian  Law,  b.  c.  287,  acts  of  this  assembly,  plebisciia,  received 
the  validity  of  laws.     (See  Mommsen,  Rom.  Forschungen,  i  p.  208.) 

Curio :  C.  Scribonius  Curio  was  one  of  the  leaders  ot  the  aris- 
tocratic party,  always  a  good  friend  of  Cicero. — honoris  causa, 
see  note  R.  A.  §  5.  —  ratio,  consideration. 

31.  §  19.  F.  Fabianum,  the  Fabian  Arch,  erected  b.  c.  109 
by  Q.  Fabius  Maximus  Allobrogicus,  —  one  of  the  earliest  trium- 
phal arches  in  Rome. — immo  vero,  no,  rather. — renuntio,  the 
word  regularly  used  to  announce  the  result  of  an  election.  —  de- 
fertur  means  a  formal  announcement  by  some  one  person  ;  nar- 
rabat,  telling  of  apiece  of  news. — crimimim  ratione,  the  logical 
relation  of  the  charges.  —  positam,  resting  on. 

§  20.  ratiocinabantur,  reasoned:  the  imperf.  describing  a  state 
of  mind,  and  in  different  persons.  —  aperte,  ?nanifestly.  —  quod, 
the  fact  that.  —  publicse,  official,  from  cities  (as  auctoritates,  above). 

—  existimationem,  opinion,  i.  e.  as  weighed  by  their  established 
tests  in  court. — unius,  i.  e.  Hortensius.  —  moderations,  control. 

—  quidem  (concessive),  it  is  true  :  this  criminal  may  be  rescued, 
but  such  a  thing  will  not  be  allowed  to  happen  again  ;  the  judicial 
power  will  be  given  to  other  hands.  —  nos,  we  Senators. 

§  21  hominis  amplissimi,  i.  e.  Curio.  The  congratulations  of 
so  respected  a  man  showed  the  significance  of  the  fact.  — cupiebam 
dissimulare,  etc.,  /  was  anxious  to  conceal  the  fact,  etc. 

33.  sortirentur,  allotted.  The  particular  offices  (posts)  of 
coordinate  magistrates  were  assigned  by  lot,  for  which  the  regular 
word  is  obtingere.  —  Metello  :  a  brother  of  Q.  Metellus  Creticus, 
consul  elect,  and  of  L.  Metellus,  praetor  in  Sicily.* — factam,  offered 

—  pueros,  slaves. 

§  22.  sane,  yon  may  be  sure.  —  ne  hsec  quidem.  not  this  either. 

—  neque   intellegebam :    i.  e.  his  confidence  in  the  integrity  of 

*  There  were  three  principal  branches  of  the  powerful  family  of  Metelli :  i.  that  of 
Metellus  Pius,  the  colleague  of  Sulla  ;  2.  that  of  Nepos  (second  cousin  of  Pius). whose  sister, 
Caecilia,  was  the  friend  of  Roscius ;  3.  that  of  Creticus,  the  friend  of  Verres  (of  uncertain 
relation  to  the  others). 


§  1 8-26.]  Impeachment  of   Verres.     ,  27 

Metellus  was  so  great,  that  he  did  not  even  yet  see  through  the 
tricks  of  the  defence.  —  certis,  trusty.  —  reperiebam  :  the  imperf. 
denotes  a  succession  of  items  of  information.  —  fiscos,  wicker 
baskets,  used  for  carrying  money.  The  word  came  to  mean  treas- 
ure-chest, or  private  treasury ;  and,  when  the  empire  was  established, 
it  was  applied  to  the  emperor's  privy-purse.  Hence  the  wordfscal. 
—  Siciliense,  i.  e.  that  extorted  in  Sicily. — senatore,  etc.  The 
senator,  a  man  of  the  same  class  as  Verres,  put  the  money  to  be 
used  in  the  elections  and  trial  into  the  hands  of  an  eques,  one  of 
the  class  that  had  the  management  of  all  such  financial  operations. 
He  retained,  however,  say  (quasi)  ten  baskets,  to  be  used  directly 
to  defeat  Cicero's  election  to  the  aedileship.  —  nomine,  on  account 
of.  —  divisores,  managers.  The  money  to  be  used  at  elections  was 
put  into  the  hands  of  sequestres  (election  agents),  who  themselves 
made  use  of  divisores  to  approach  the  voters  personally.  On  this 
occasion,  the  exigency  was  so  great  that  Verres  himself  (istum) 
called  the  divisores  to  his  house,  without  the  mediation  of  se- 
questres. 

§  23.  omnia  debere,  was  bound  to  do  any  thing  for  me.  — 
proximis,  the  last.  —  negasse  audere,  said  they  did  not  dare.  — 
fortem,  stanch  (ironical),  in  allusion  to  audere. — Romilia,  sc. 
tribu.  —  ex  optima  disciplina,  from  the  best  school  (ironical),  i.  e. 
that  of  Verres'  father.  —  H.  S.  (see  §  85,  1-3)  :  the  defeat  of  Cicero 
would,  therefore,  cost  about  $25,000,  which  the  purchasing  power 
ot  money  made  full  twice  as  valuable  then  as  now. 

§  24.  A  lively  description  of  the  embarrassment  in  which  Cicero 
was  placed  at  the  end  of  July  by  the  election  and  the  trial,  both 
coming  on  together.  —  agere  deterrebar,  /  was  deterred  from 
doing  (§  57,  8,  d).  —  petitioni,  canvass.  —  ratio,  ?ny  policy. 

33.  §  25-  noc  iPso  tempore,  in  the  midst  of  all.  —  denun- 
tiatum  esse,  that  a  message  was  sent.  This  compound  implies  a 
peremptory  and  threatening  message.  —  primum  corresponds  to 
arcessit,  etc.,  §  27. — sane  liberos,  quite  free,  i.  e.  in  refusing  to 
come.  If  he  had  been  consul,  instead  of  merely  consul-elect,  they 
would  have  had  to  come.  —  cursare,  run  hither  atid  thither. — 
appellare  et  convenire,  accost  and  greet. 

§  26.  M.  Metellum  (see  §  21),  the  friend  of  Verres,  who  had 
obtained  the  presidency  of  the  court  of  Repetundae  for  the  next 
year.  —  eo,  this  thing,  i.  e.  postponing  the  trial. — praerogativam, 
indication.  In  the  cotnitia  centuriata,  it  was  determined  by  lot 
which  century  should  first  cast  its  vote.  The  vote  of  this  century, 
called  prerogative  (prse-rogo),  was  regarded  as  an  omen,  and  was 
likely  to  decide  the  result.  The  prerogativa  which  Q.  Metellus 
gave  to  Verres,  in  return  for  the  prerogative  of  the  comitia,  is 
described  in  the  next  section. 


28  -  Notes.  tVERR.  I. 


§  27.  alter  consul:  Q.  Caecilius  Metellus  Creticus  (see  §  21). 

The  three  brothers,  fast  friends  of  Verres,  were  so  situated  as  to  promise  the  greatest 
help  the  next  year,  when  Quintus  would  be  consul,  and  Marcus  praetor,  presiding  over  the 
court  of  Repetundce,  while  Lucius  was  already  pro-praetor  in  Sicily.  Certain  of  the 
Sicilians,  therefore,  complied  with  the  summons  of  Metellus,  although  they  had  disre- 
garded that  of  Hortensius.  The  object  of  Metellus  was  to  induce  the  Sicilians  to  with- 
draw the  suit,  or  at  any  rate  to  refrain  from  appearing  as  witnesses. 

34:.  §  28.  alienissimum,  no  kin  of  yours.  —  dictitat,  says  in- 
cessantly (see  next  section). — alicui  follows  videatur. 

§  29.  ceteros,  etc. :  the  Metelli  seemed  born  to  hold  office.  The 
poet  Naevius  wrote,  a  hundred  and  fifty  years  before : 

Fat6  Metelli  R6mae  fiunt  consules. 

To  this  Cicero  alludes  in  the  word  fato.  —  populi  existimationi, 
reputation  with  the  people. — illud,  what  follows.  He  here  points 
out  the  changes  in  the  jury  which  must  follow  from  changes  in  the 
government  with  the  new  year.  —  conlega,  colleague  of  Cicero: 
i.  e.  as  aedile  designatus.  —  expediat,  subj.  of  charact.  (§  65,  2). 
—  Junlano  consilio,  the  jury  of  Ju?iius.  This  was  a  case  four 
years  before,  in  which  wholesale  and  unblushing  bribery  had  been 
proved ;  so  that  the  presiding  praetor,  Junius,  as  well  as  the  entire 
consilium  (body  of  jurors)  had  been  stamped  with  infamy.  Caeso- 
nius,  a  member  of  the  jury,  had  been  proof  against  corruption.  — 
ex  Kal.  Jan.,  after  the  New  Year;  for  at  that  time  he  would  be 
transferred  to  another  office. 

§  30.  Non.  Dec.  (Dec.  5)  :  on  this  day  the  new  quaestors  en- 
tered on  their  office.  —  L.  Cassius  :  the  family  characteristic  here 
stated  was  proverbial  (Cassiani  judices).  —  tribuni  militares,  at 
this  time  legion-commanders. 

The  legion,  consisting  of  6,000  men,  was  commanded  by  six  tribuni,  two  at  a  time 
commanding  for  a  term  of  two  months.  (Mommsen,  R.  S.  i  p.  79.)  The  24  tribunes  of 
the  four  regular  legions  were  elected  in  the  cotnitia  tributa  ;  the  others  were  deputed  by  the 
commanders.  After  the  time  of  Caesar,  a  legatus  was  appointed  over  the  six  tribunes, 
as  chief  officer  of  the  legion. 

non  judicabunt,  will  not  serve  as  jurors.  —  subsortiemur,  i.  e. 
we  shall  draw  another  to  fill  his  place.  This  is  the  regular  use  of 
sub  in  similar  compounds  :  as  suffectus,  subrogatus,  etc.  —  prope 
toto :  the  jury,  therefore,  apparently  consisted  of  no  more  than 
twelve  or  fifteen. 

3«5.  §  31-  Nonae,  etc. :  it  was,  therefore,  about  3  p.m.  of  the  5th 
of  August  (see  §84). — votivos,  in  fulfilment  of  a  vow.  These 
games  were  in  celebration  of  Pompey's  victory  over  Sertorius. — 
continuo,  directly  after.  —  turn  denique,  not  till  then. 

The  votive  games  would  occupy  from  Aug.  16  to  Sept.  i  (August  had  at  this  time  only 
29  days) ;  Sept.  4  began  the  Ludi  Romani,  continuing  till  the  19th.  The  intervening  days 
(Sept.  2,  3)  were  of  no  account  for  the  trial,  so  that  it  could  not  be  resumed  before  Sept.  20, 
a  suspension  of  34  days  {prope  quadraginta).    The  Ludi  Victoria  (Oct.  27  to  Nov.  1) 


§  27-34-]  Impeachment  of   Verres.  29 

were  established  by  Sulla  in  honor  of  his  victory.  The  Ludi  Plebeii  (Nov  4  to  17)  were 
established  in  the  time  ot  the  dissensions  of  the  orders  early  in  the  Republic,  in  imitat.on 
of  the  Ludi  Magni  or  Romani,  and  were  presided  over  by  the  plebeian  aediles. 

perpauci:  the  month  of  December  was  full  of  festivals. — rem 
integram,  i.  e.  from  the  beginning.  The  points  of  the  prosecution 
would  have  been  forgotten,  the  public  interest  would  have  cooled 
down,  and  the  jury  would  be  almost  wholly  new.  The  case  must 
therefore  be  taken  up  de  novo. 

§  32.  nunc,  opposed  to  si  difiisus  essem,  above.  —  jurato, 
on  oath.  The  judices  were  on  oath  ;  the  prcetor,  not.  Metellus 
might  therefore  be  trusted  to  vote  honestly  as  juror,  but  not  to  pre- 
side impartially.  —  legitimo  tempore :  he  had  a  right  to  use  twenty 
days  for  developing  the  points  of  the  prosecution. 

§  33-  perpetua  oratione,  a  continuous  argtiment,  before  bring- 
ing up  the  witnesses.  This  is  what  we  possess  in  the  five  speeches 
of  the  Accusatio,  which,  in  the  usual  order  of  proceeding,  would 
have  been  delivered  before  bringing  up  the  witnesses,  but  which  were 
never  delivered  at  all. — percipi,  reaped:  the  regular  term  for 
gathering  crops. — potuit,  might  have  been.  —  publicis,  official, 
i.e.  of  cities.  —  tabulis,  records;  auctoritatibus,  documents. — 
res  omnis.  Here,  before  stating  his  plan,  Cicero  goes  off  on  an- 
other digression  against  Hortensius,  which  shows  clearly  one  of 
his  principal  motives  in  undertaking  the  prosecution.  —  diluendi, 
refuting  (washing  off). 

30.  explicandis,  unfolding.  —  nunc,  as  it  is.  —  ex  tua  na- 
tura :  Hortensius,  like  M.  Metellus,  was  personally  an  amiable  and 
honorable  man,  though  pledged  to  a  bad  cause.  —  malitiose,  in  bad 
faith.  —  rationi,  sche?ne,  looking  to  the  means;  consilio,  plan, 
looking  to  the   end.     Cicero  contrasts  them  more  than  once. 

§  34.  binos  ludos,  i.  e.  Pompey's  games  and  the  Roman. — 
comperendinem,  adjourn  over  a  day  (perendie). 

After  opening  the  case  (as  in  the  present  speech),  the  usual  course  was  for  the  prose- 
cutor to  present  his  proofs  and  arguments  in  a  connected  speech,  or  series  of  speeches  {per- 
petua oratio),  to  which  the  counsel  for  the  defence  could  answer,  and  then  the  witnesses 
would  be  brought  forward.  The  case  was  now  really  complete  ;  but  it  was  required  at  this 
point  comperendinare,  i.  e.  adjourn  over  the  second  day,  in  order  to  make  sure  that  the 
chain  of  evidence  was  complete.  For  this  actio  secunda,  as  it  was  properly  called,  a  verj 
short  time  only  was  necessary.  The  comperendinatio  was  therefore  a  sign  that  the  trial 
was  near  its  close.  Cicero's  determination  to  bring  this  about  before  Pompey's  games  — > 
i.  e.  within  ten  days  —  settled  the  case  in  his  favor;  for,  as  has  been  shown,  the  only  hop« 
of  the  defence  lay  in  putting  off  the  trial. 

necessarium,  unavoidable :  id  refers  to  eos  velle,  etc.  —  amplum 
et  prseclarum,  honor  and  distinction.  —  periculum,  trial  (from 
the  same  root  found  in  experior).  —  innocentiee,  purity  of  ad- 
ministration in  Sicily:  an  almost  technical  word  for  using  with 
moderation  the  immense  power  in  the  hands  of  a  Roman  official 
in  the  provinces. 


30  Notes.  [Verr.  I. 

§  35.  potentia,  domineering.  —  regnum  judiciorum,  lording 
it  over  the  courts.  —  nunc,  opposed  to  the  time  of  videbatur. — 
homines,  the  corrupt  Senatorial  jurors.  —  inruere,  etc.,  bent  on 
making  themselves  hateful  and  offensive.  —  hoc,  i.  e.  to  break 
down  Hortensius's  control,  and  the  corruption  of  a  few  senators.  — 
nervos  setatis,  the  sinews  of  my  youth.     Cicero  was  now  36. 

§  36.  ordo,  the  Senate.  —  odiosum,  filled  with  hate,  unrelent- 
ing.—  magistratu,  the  aedileship  of  the  coming  year.  —  loco:  the 
Rostra,  the  elevated  place  in  the  Forum  adorned  with  beaks  of 
ships,  from  which  the  magistrates  addressed  the  people. 

37.  secum  agere,  the  technical  expression  for  transacting 
business  in  the  comitia.  The  jus  agendi  cum  populo  belonged  to  the 
curule  aediles  only  in  the  case  here  alluded  to, — an  appeal  from  a  fine 
de  hominibus  i?nprobis.  (Mommsen,  R.  S.  vol.  i.  p.  146.  N.  4.).  — 
munus  sedilitatis,  service  of  the  cedileship. 

The  munera  (services)  are  generally  distinguished  from  the  honores  (honors).  The 
honores  were  conferred  by  election,  the  munera  imposed  by  a  magistrate.  Strictly  speak- 
ing, however,  as  in  this  case,  the  term  muntts  included  bolh  ;  the  more  so,  as  the  aedileship 
was  quite  as  much  a  burden  as  an  honor.     (Kuhn   Verf.  des  Rom.  Reichs,  vol.  i.  p.  8.) 

The  iEdiles  (from  aedesy  a  temple)  were  four  magistrates,  who  had  the  general  super- 
intendence of  the  police  of  the  city,  the  care  of  the  games,  public  buildings,  etc.  Two  of 
these  were  lower  in  grade,  and  were  necessarily  plebeians ;  the  other  two,  the  curule  aediles, 
possessed  also  a  limited  jurisdiction,  with  power  of  imposing  fines.  The  aedileship  was  not 
a  necessary  step  in  a  political  career,  but  it  was  eagerly  sought,  between  the  quaestorship 
and  the  praetorship,  by  ambitious  men,  for  the  reason  that  the  superintendence  of  the 
public  games  gave  great  opportunity  for  gaining  popular  favor.  A  certain  sum  was 
appropriated  from  the  public  treasury  for  these  games  ;  but  an  aedile  who  wished  to  rise  to 
higher  positions,  and  not  to  be  thought  mean,  took  care  to  add  a  good  sum  from  his  own 
pocket. 

deponere,  deposit  with  the  sequestres  (see  note  §  22)  ;  by  in- 
terpreter (go-betweens)  is  probably  meant  the  divisores.  —  polli- 
ceri,  offer.  —  abstineant,  withhold. 

§  yj.  imperio  et  potestate :  these  words  are  not  contrasted, 
as  implying  classes  or  fields  of  power ;  but  the  idea  of  imperium 
(sovereign  power)  was  contained  in  that  of  potestas  (power  in 
general).  All  magistrates  possessed  potestas;  only  the  consul 
and  praetor  (of  the  regular  magistrates)  the  imperium.  —  com- 
memorabantur,  talked  over ;  agentur,  ?nade  ground  of  action. — 
certis  rebus,  well  ascertained  facts.  —  inter  decern  annos,  i.  e. 
since  Sulla's  Lex  Judiciaria. 

§  38.  quinquaginta.  i.  e.  from  the  law  of  Caius  Gracchus,  B.C. 
123,  to  that  of  Sulla,  b.  c.  80.  —  ne  tenuissima  quidem  suspitio; 
one  of  the  exaggerations  of  the  advocate. 

•  The  condition  of  the  courts  at  the  time  spoken  of  (about  b.  c.  93)  is  thus  described  by 
Mommsen :  "  The  commission  regarding  exactions  [Court  of  Repetundcz\  was  converted 
from  a  shield  of  the  provincials  into  their  worst  scourge  :  the  most  notorious  robber  escaped 
with  impunity,  if  he  only  indulged  his  fellow-robbers  and  did  not  refuse  to  allow  part  of 
the  sums  exacted  to  reach  the  jury  ;  but  any  attempt  to  respond  to  the  equitable  demands 
of  the  provincials  *br  right  and  justice  sufficed  for  condemnation."  If  the  courts  were  really 
worse  in  B.  c.  70  than  they  had  been  in  90,  it  was  simply  because  the  times  were  worse. 


§35~44-j  Impcach?nent  of   Verres.  31 

sublata,  taken  away.  —  populi  Romani,  etc.,  i.  e.  the  power  of 
the  people  to  control  the  senatorial  order.  This  refers  to  the  sus- 
pension of  the  tribunician  power  by  Sulla  (see  note  §  44). — Q.  Ca- 
lidius,  praetor,  B.  C.  79 ;  condemned  for  extortion  in  Spain. 

It  seems,  from  an  old  note,that  Calidius,  being  condemned  de  repetundis,  with  bitter 
irony  assailed  the  bribed  jurors  on  account  of  the  smallness  of  the  bribe,  saying  that  it  was 
not  respectable  (honestum)  to  condemn  an  ex-praetor  for  so  small  a  sum.  The  allusion 
shows  that  the  corruption  was  notorious  and  universal. 

H.  S.  triciens  (see  §  85),  3,000,000  sestertii,=  $150,000.  —  prae- 
torium  :  an  ex-magistrate  always  preserved  the  dignity  of  the 
office  he  had  held,  —  as  consularis,  prostorius,  adilicius. —  honeste, 
in  a  gentle?nanly  manner. —  P.  Septimio  (Scaevola),  condemned 
b.  c.  72  ;  the  damages  were  placed  higher  than  they  would  have 
been,  because  of  his  connection  with  the  odious  consilium  Junianu?n 
(see  §  29).  The  amount  extorted  was  estimated  in  a  separate 
process  {litis  a>stimatio)  ;  and  the  money  taken  in  bribery  was 
included  in  the  reckoning. 

§  39.  peculatus,  embezzlement,  and  majestas  (sc.  minuta),  trea- 
son (any  thing  affecting  the  dignity  or  the  power  of  the  state),  were 
the  object  of  two  of  the  Qucestiones  perpetual  of  Sulla. 

The  fact  came  out  on  these  trials.  Evidence  under  Roman  law  was  not  confined  to  the 
immediate  issue,  but  might  bear  on  other  crimes  of  the  accused,  as  now  in  France.  All 
the  offenders  here  mentioned  were  apparently  connected  with  the  infamous  judicium  Ju- 
nianum.     (See  Or. pro  Cluentio,  ch.  30,  seq) 

3S.  sortiente,  drawing  the  jury.  —  exirent,  etc.,  were  drawn 
for  [the  case  of]  a  defendant,  to  condemn  htm  without  a  hearing* 

§40.  jam  vero,  and  finally  (introducing  the  climax  of  all). — 
illam,  i.  e.  the  one  next  described  :  hoc  factum  esse,  etc.  — 
discoloribus  signis,  see  note  on  color,  §  17. — acturum  esse, 
will  attend  to.  —  tandem,  tell  me. — violatum,  etc.  (a  kind  of 
hendiadys),  that  like  violence  has  been  done. — hominem,  i.  e. 
Hortensius  ;  cujus,  obj.  gen.  —  secum  . . .  agi,  he  was  doing  very 
well.  —  queestum,  gains.  —  in  rem  suam,  into  his  own  pocket.  — 
patronis,  see  note,  R.  A.  §  4. 

§  41.  reic.  judicibus  (loc.  abl.),  at  the  time  of  challenging. — 
tolleretur,  should  be  abolished.  —  victoriae,  i.  e.  in  the  courts. 
They  can  satiate  the  avarice  of  any  man,  but  cannot  give  enough 
to  clear  him  when  guilty. 

39.  §  42-  comparata  sunt,  were  established. 

§  43.  loco,  point,  in  the  argument. 

§  44.  tribuniciam  potestatem :  the  overgrown  power  of  the 
tribunes  of  the  people  had  been  greatly  abridged  by  Sulla,  but 
restored  by  a  law  of  Pompey  early  in  this  year,  b.  c.  70. 

The  Tribuni  Plebis  (or  Plebi),  ten  in  number,  were  the  magistrates  of  that  portion  of 
the  people  (a  state  within  the  state)  known  as  the  Plebs.  The  Plebeians  at  this  epoch, 
however,  composed  the  whole  people,  with  the  exception  of  the  few  families  of  the  patri- 
cian aristocracy  (such  getites  as  the  Cornelian,  Julian,  iEmilian,  Claudian).     Not  being 


32  .  Notes.  [Verr.  I. 

magistrates  of  the  city  or  the  whole  people,  but  only  of  a  single  class,  the  Tribunes  did 
not  possess  the  imperium,  had  no  real  executive  power,  and  were  not  magistrates  in  the 
strict  sense  of  the  term.  On  the  other  hand  they  had  two  very  important  and  wide  reach- 
ing powers:  i.  Negative,  that  of  interfering,  jus  intercedendi  ("veto  '?),  to  arrest  almost 
any  legislative  or  executive  act.  2.  Positive,  to  hold  the  assembly  of  the  plebs,  organized  by 
tribes.  In  this  assembly  the  plebeian  magistrates  (tribunes  and  plebeian  asdiies)  were 
chosen,  and  laws  were  passed,  plebi  scita,  which  of  course  were  originally  binding  only 
upon  the  plebs,  but  which,  by  the  Hortensian  Law,  b  c.  287,  received  the  force  of  leges 
(see  note,  p..  17).  Fines  were  likewise  imposed  by  this  assembly,  and  this  is  the  power 
al  uded  to  in  the  passage.  Sulla  had  restricted  this  power  of  imposing  fines,  by  punishing 
its  abuse.  He  had  further  made  the  legi  lative  power  of  the  plebeian  assembly  depend 
upon  the  initiation  of  the  Senate.  But  these  salutary  provisions  were  abolished  by  Pompey, 
the  people  fancying  that  the  corruptions  of  the  courts  could  be  remedied  by  restoring  this 
mischievous  power  to  the  tribunes. 

verbo,  in  name ;  re  vera,  in  fact;  illam,  the  tribunician  power.  — 
Catulum  :  Q.  Lutatius  Catulus  was  the  best  and  most  eminent  man 
of  the  aristocracy.  —  fugit,  has  escaped.  —  referente,  bringing  for- 
ward, the  technical  expression  for  bringing  a  matter  before  the 
Senate  for  action. 

The  prefix  re,  implying  the  repetition  of  an  act,  describes  the  original  process.  In  case 
of  proposing  a  law,  it  was  necessary,  first,  ferre  ad  populum,  then,  referre  ad  Senatum, 
for  ratification,  which  ratification  could  only  be  refused  on  religious  or  constitutional 
grounds ;  but,  in  order  to  guard  against  any  unfair  use  of  this  power,  it  was  established 
that  the  ratification  should  come  before  the  action  of  the  comitia  The  order  of  proceed- 
ings was  then,  to  lay  the  matter,  referre,  before  the  Senate,  then  bring  it,  ferre,  before 
the  people. — Momm.  Rom.  Forsch.  i.  p.  245. 

rogatus  :  each  Senator  in  turn  was  asked  his  opinion,  sententia, 
by  the  consul,  or  other  presiding  officer.  — patres  [et]  conscrip- 
tos  (the  conjunction  is  often  omitted  in  such  combinations)  : 
patres  were  the  patrician  members  of  the  Senate ;  conscripti,  the 
plebeians  enrolled  in  that  originally  patrician  body.  —  fuisse  desi- 
deraturos,  would  have  missed  (§  67,  1,  c). 

§  45.  contionem  habuit,  made  a  speech  ;  contio  means,  strictly, 
an  assembly,  for  the  purpose  of  discussion  merely.  —  ad  urbem, 
i.  e.  in  the  Campus  Martius.  Pompey  was  elected  in  his  absence, 
and  while  still  clothed  with  the  military  imperium  :  he  could  not 
therefore  enter  the  city  to  meet  the  citizens,  but  called  them  to  him 
outside  the  walls.  —  ubi,  in  which.  —  in  eo,  at  that  point. 

40.  strepitu,  confused  noise.  —  clamore,  shout.  —  volunta- 
tem,  i.  e.  what  they  felt. 

§  46.  in  speculis,  on  the  look-out.  —  religione,  regard  for  oath. 
—  tribunicium,  i.  e.  reinstating  the  tribunes.  —  unum  senatorem : 
there  does  not  seem  to  be  any  reproach  in  this,  as  if  it  were  only 
one:  rather,  one,  it  is  true;  but,  under  the  circumstances,  that 
means  nothing.  —  vel  tenuissimum,  a  man  of  no  means. 

§  47.  hoc  est  judicium,  i.e.  this  will  be  a  test.  —  nihil  sit,  i.  e. 
there  is  no  disturbing  influence. 

Cicero  was  mistaken  in  the  hope  here  expressed,  that  an  honest  verdict  in  this  case 
might  yet  prevent  a  reorganization  of  the  courts.    The  Aurelian  law,  passed  shortly  after 


§  45-53-]  Impeachment  of    Verres,  33 

this  time,  provided  that  the  judices  should  be  taken,  one-third  from  the  Senators,  the  rest 
from  the  equestrian  order  ;  one-halt  of  the  equestrians  (one-third  of  the  whole)  being 
required  to  have  held  the  office  of  Tribunus  JErarius,  that  is,  President  of  one  of  the  35 
local  Tribes.  The  title  eerarius  was  due  to  the  fact  that  the  duties  of  these  officers  were 
largely  financial.  This  regulation  remained  in  force  until  the  dictatorship  of  Cassar,  B.  c. 
45,  when  this  third  decuria,  of  Tribuni  iErarii,  was  abolished. 

§  48.  agam,  conduct,  —  res,  facts.  —  manifestas,  a  technical 
word,  denoting  direct  proof,  not  circumstantial  evidence.  —  a  vobis 
contendere,  urge  upon  you.  —  certain,  definite.  —  rationem,  plan. 
—  consequi,  get  hold  of.  —  eorum,  i.  e.  the  defence. 

§  49.  vos,  opposed  to  former  juries,  which  have  occasioned  the 
scandal.  —  post  haec,  etc.,  since  the  reorganization  of  the  courts 
by  Sulla.  —  utimur,  have  the  benefit  of.  —  splendore,  personal 
distinction,  from  wealth  and  exploits  ;  dignitate,  dignity,  from  rank 
and  office.  —  consilium,  body  of  jurors  ("  panel  ").  —  offensum, 
slip  (a  mild  word). 

41.  §  50-  opto,  pray.  Observe  the  adroit  union  of  compli- 
ment and  threat  in  this  passage,  which  at  the  same  time  forms  the 
transition  to  the  appeal  to  the  praetor  presiding. 

§  51.  is,  referring  to  the  Senate.  —  qui  sis,  what  sort  of  a  man 
you  are.  —  reddere,  payback:  he  owes  life  and  position  to  his 
ancestors.  —  legis  Acilise  ;  this  (probably  B.  c.  101)  provided  that 
there  should  be  neither  ampiiatio  (further  hearing)  nor  co7nperen- 
dinatio  (see  note  §  34)  in  cases  of  repetundcz.  All  earlier  laws 
were  superseded  by  the  Cornelian  law  of  Sulla. 

§  52.  summse  auctoritates,  strongest  influences,  especially 
family  traditions,  &c.*  —  nocenti  reo,  etc.,  for  the  criminal,  his 
great  wealth  is  of  more  account  for  a  suspicion  of  guilt,  than  for 
any  way  of  safety. 

§  53.  mini  certum  est,  lam  resolved.  —  non  committere,  to 
take  no  step  :  committere  governs  the  ut  clause,  in  the  sense  of 
bringing  it  to  pass  by  mistake  or  fault.  —  nobis  (eth.  dat),  our. 

42*  novo  exemplo,  an  unheard-of  manner.  —  lictores  : 
each  consul  was  attended  by  twelve  lictors,  who  had  the  power 
of  arresting  and  coercing.  The  consul  elect,  of  course,  had  no 
such  attendants,  but  could  only  send  messages  by  his  slaves.  — 
eorum  ;  this  word  connects  the  Metelli,  &c,  with  Verres  in  the 
original  conspiracy.  — jus  suum,  their  [lost]  rights.  —  potestatem 
(contrasted  with  imperium)  :  a  hint  that  not  only  their  liberties, 
but  their  lives,  were  in  peril. 

*  The  elder  Glabrio  married  Mucia,  daughter  of  P.  Mucius  Scaevola,  "  the  founder 
of  scientific  jurisprudence  in  Rome,"  who  was  consul  B.  c.  133,  the  year  of  the  legislation 
and  death  of  Tiberius  Gracchus,  and  showed  himself  not  disinclined  to  a  moderate  reform, 
and  at  any  rate  opposed  to  the  violent  course  of  the  aristocracy  on  that  occasion.  He  was 
grandfather  of  the  younger  Glabrio.  The  father  in-law  was  M.  ^Emilius  Scaurus,  for  many 
years  princeps  senatus,  a  man  distinguished  for  dignity  and  moderation,  but  not  charac- 
terized by  any  very  great  qualities,  and  not  free  from  the  corruption  of  the  times. 


34  Notes.  [Verr.  v. 

§  54.  comitiorum,  etc.  The  trial  came  just  between  the  elec- 
tion and  the  games  of  Pompey.  At  the  same  time  censors,  for  the 
first  time  since  Sulla's  domination,  were  in  office,  and  were  making 
a  registry  of  property  and  voters,  to  which  citizens  from  all  parts 
of  Italy  were  obliged  to  report.  —  censendi,  of  being  registered. — 
vestrum,  nostram,  and  omnium  are  predicate  after  esse.  —  quid 
agatur  depends,  on  the  verbal  noun  scientiam.  —  omnium,  i.  e. 
not  the  inhabitants  of  Rome  alone. 

§  55.  principes  :  these  were  the  two  distinguished  brothers,  L. 
and  M.  Lucullus.  —  testibus  :  the  case  was  usually  argued  first.  — 
ita  testis  constituam,  etc. :  this  is  the  criminum  ratio  (§  19). — 
crimen  totum,  the  impeachment  as  a  whole ;  crimen  (below), 
the  special  charge  of  extortion,  stated  formally  in  the  next  section. 
—  dantur,  are  offered  (see  note  §  34).  — in  singulas  res,  to  each 
point.  —  illis,  the  counsel  for  the  defence.  —  altera  actione,  i.e. 
after  the  cojnperendinatio  :  in  this  sense  the  speeches  of  the 
Accusatio  are  correctly  called  Actio  Secunda.  —  heec,  etc.,  this  is 
all  the  Accusatio  there  will  be  hi  the  first  Action. 

§  56.  quadringentiens  sestertium  (§  85),  40,000,000  sestertii, 
=  $1,600,000. 

4:3.  fuisse  (for  fuerat,  §  59,  3,  d),  there  would  have  been. — 
Dixi,  /  have  done ;  a  formal  ending,  particularly  appropriate  to  so 
unexpectedly  brief  a  speech. 


The  Plunder  of  Syracuse. 

The  passage  which  follows  is  from  the  fourth  oration  of  the 
Accusatio,  the  most  famous  of  all,  known  as  the  De  Signis,  for  the 
reason  that  it  treats  chiefly  of  the  works  of  Art  stolen  by  Verres. 
Cicero  has  been  describing  the  plundering  of  many  temples  and 
public  buildings  ;  and  in  this  passage  he  recounts  in  detail  the  case 
of  one  chief  city,  Syracuse,  as  a  climax. 

Syracuse  was  far  the  largest  and  richest  of  all  the  Greek  cities  of  Italy  and  Sicily.  It 
was  a  colony  of  Corinth,  founded  b.  c.  734,  and  in  course  of  time  obtained  the  rule  over 
the  whole  eastern  part  of  Sicily.  Syracuse  remained  independent,  with  a  considerable 
territory,  after  the  western  part  of  the  island  (far  the  largest  part)  passed  under  the  power 
of  Rome  in  the  First  Punic  War  ;  but  in  +he  Second  Punic  War  (b.  c.  212)  it  was  captured 
by  Marcellus,  and  ever  after  was  subject  to  Rome.  It  was  at  this  time  the  capital  of  the 
province. 

§  i.  unum  etiam,  still  one  more,  connects  the  incident  here  re- 
lated with  the  one  described  last. — in  medium  proferam,  publish. 
—  aliquando,  at  last  (implying  impatience).  —  nemo  fere,  hardly 
any  one.  —  annalibus,  chronicles  :  there  were  as  yet  no  regular  his- 
tories.—  hanc,   illo,   indicate    nearness  and   remoteness   of  time 


§  I-4-] 


The  Plunder  of  Syracuse. 


^35 


(§  20,  2,  a,  U). —  imperatoris  :  this  title,  which  properly  belonged 
to  every  possessor  of  the  military  imperiiwi,  was  by  usage  assumed 
by  the  commander  after  his  first  considerable  victory.  —  cohortem, 
train  of  courtiers,  &c. :  the  provincial  magistrates,  representing 
the  Roman  i?nperiutn,  had  many  of  the  insignia  of  royalty.  — 
constitutas,  well  ordered.  —  annalibus,  chronicles. 

This  is  a  brilliant  antithesis ;  nevertheless,  the  orator  exaggerates,  as  on  so  many  occa- 
sions. '"  Not  only  did  Marcellus  stain  his  military  honor  by  permitting  a  general  pillage 
of  the  wealthy  mercantile  city,  in  the  course  of  which  Archimedes  and  many  other  citizens 
were  put  to  death ;  but  the  Roman  Senate  lent  a  deaf  ear  to  the  complaints  which  the 
Syracusans  afterwards  presented  regarding  the  celebrated  general,  and  neither  returned  to 
individuals  their  property  nor  restored  to  the  city  its  freedom."     (Mommsen.) 

§  2.  locis,  i.  e.  in  the  other  speeches  of  the  Accusatio.  —  forum  : 
every  ancient  town  had  its  central  market  place  (Jorum,  or  uyopa), 
an  open  space,  used  for  trading,  public  assemblies,  and  the  adminis- 
tration of  justice.  The  same  feature  exists  in  European  towns  to 
the  present  day.  —  clausus  fuisset :  Marcellus  had  been  obliged 
to  starve  out  the  city.  —  Cilicum  :  Cilicia  was  the  chief  seat  of  the 
organized  bands  of  pirates  who  ruled  the  Mediterranean  at  this 
time  (see  oration  for  Manilian  Law).  —  illis  rebus,  i.  e.  the  plunder 
of  temples,  &c. 

4-4.  §  3-  mazimam  :  the 
circuit  of  its  walls  was  180 
stadia  =  about  20  miles.  —  ex 
omni  aditu  limits  praecla- 
ro  ad  spectum,  glorious  to 
the  sight.  (For  descriptions  of 
Syracuse,  see  Cic.  de  Rep.  iii. 
31  ;  Livy,  xxv.  24.)  — in  aedi- 
ficatione,  etc.,  i.  e.  enclosed  by 
the  buildings  of  the  city.  An- 
cient harbors  (as  at  Athens) 
were  often  at  a  considerable 
distance. —  conjunguntur  :  Or- 
tygia  (the  site  of  the  original 
town)  had  an  independent  har- 
bor on  each  side,  connected 
by  a  narrow  channel.  — insula, 
i.  e.  Ortygia.  —  continetur,  is 
made  continuous. 

§  4.  quattuor  :  the  heights  of  Epipolae,  west  of  the  town,  were 
sometimes  reckoned  as  a  fifth  city.  —  Hiero  II.,  King  of  Syracuse 
(b.  c.  270  to  about  216),  was  during  most  of  his  reign  a  steadfast 
ally  of  Rome.  —  Dianae :  the  Quail,  oprvf,  was  sacred  to  Diana 
(Artemis)  ;  hence  the  name  Ortygia.  — extrema,  end  of .  —  istius, 
i.  e.  of  Diana.  —  Arethusa  :  fabled  to  have  fled  beneath  the  sea  from 


%  jg 


36 r  Notes.  [Verr.  V. 

the  pursuit  of  the  river-god  Alpheus  (see  Classical  Dictionary). 
Another  fresh-water  fountain  rises  in  the  harbor,  about  eighty  feet 
from  the  shore.  —  munitione,  construction :  used  of  any  em- 
bankment (compare  munire  viam,  etc.). 

§  5.  Achradina,  the  plain  and  table-land  just  north  of  Ortygia  : 
the  name  is  supposed  to  have  been  derived  from  the  wild  pear- 
trees,  axpadeg,  which  still  abound  there.  —  porticus,  arcades. — 
prytaneum,  the  building  in  which  the  city  was  conceived  to  have 
its  home.  Here  was  the  hearth,  sacred  to  Vesta,  whence  colonists 
carried  the  sacred  fire  to  kindle  a  new  hearth  in  the  prytaneufn  of  their 
new  home.  It  was  also  used  for  courts  of  justice,  public  banquets, 
&c.  —  curia,  senate  house,  the  building  where  the  administration 
of  public  affairs  was  conducted.  —  urbis,  i.e.  Achradina. — per- 
petua,  running  its  whole  length.  —  continentur,  are  lined  in  con- 
tinuous row.  —  Tycha,  Doric  form  of  Tvxv,  Fortuna.  —  gymna- 
sium, the  place  for  exercise  and  baths,  with  porticos,  groves,  and 
halls,  somewhat  like  the  ther?n&  of  Rome  under  the  Empire,  only 
that  the  Greeks  gave  more  attention  to  physical  and  intellectual  exer- 
cises, and  less  to  the  luxuries  of  bathing.  —  coaedificata,  built  on. 
■ —  Neapolis,  "  the  new  city."  —  quam  ad  summam,  at  the  highest 
point  of  which. 

4L5,  §  6.  Marcellum  :  Marcus  Claudius  Marcellus,  of  a  noble 
plebeian  family  (all  other  Claudii  were  patricians),  was  the  ablest 
general  the  Romans  had  in  the  early  years  of  the  Second  Punic 
War,  but  illiterate  and  cruel;  called  "  the  Sword  of  Rome."  He 
was  killed  in  battle,  B.  C.  208.  —  ornatu,  adornments.  —  habuit 
rationem,  had  regard  for  (compare  Livy,  xxv.  31).  —  deportare  : 
the  Romans,  like  Napoleon,  were  in  the  habit  of  carrying  off  with 
them  whatever  works  of  art  and  other  treasures  might  redound 
to  the  reputation  of  their  city.  —  victorias,  the  right  of  victory  j 
humanitatis,  the  part  of  humanity. 

§  7.  Honoris,  Virtutis  :  it  was  a  characteristic  of  the  Roman  re- 
ligion to  worship  and  build  temples  to  abstractions.  The  temple 
of  Virtus  was  built,  and  that  of  Honor  restored,  by  Marcellus.  — 
in  aedibus,  etc.,  i.  e.  his  own  house,  garden,  and  suburban  estate. — 
ornamento,  i.  e.  as  being  free  from  stolen  treasures.  —  deum,  i.  e. 
statue. — jurisdictionem,  the  special  function  of  the  praetor.  —  ne 
qua  injuria,  lest  some  injustice.  —  comitatum,  train. 

§  8.  religionum,  things  sacred;  consuetudinis,  i.  e.  things  hal- 
lowed by  use.  — Agathoclis,  tyrant  of  Syracuse,  B.  c.  317-289. 

40.  profana  fecissent :  the  Romans  had  a  formula  by  which 
they  called  away  (evocare)  and  gained  over  to  their  side  the  tute- 
lary deities  of  any  cities  that  they  were  besieging.  Of  course,  the 
temples  of  these  gods  then  lost  all  their  sanctity,  and  became 
profane  buildings.    The  true  name  of  Rome  and  that  of  its  tutelar 


§4-12.]  The  Plunder  of  Syracuse.  37 

divinity  were  said  to  be  kept  as  a  mystery,  lest  they  should  become 
known  to  an  enemy,  who  might  thus  disarm  the  city  of  its  protec- 
tor. The  formula  is  thus  given  by  Macrobius,  Saturn,  iii.  9 :  — 
Si  dens,  si  dea  est,  cui  populus  civitasque  Carthaginiensis  est  in 
tutela,  teque  maxime  ille  qui  urbis  hujus  populique  tutelam  rece- 
pisti,  precor  venerorque  veniamque  a  vobis  peto,  ut  vos  populum 
civitatemque  Carthaginiensem  deseratis,  loca  templa  sacra  urbem- 
que  eorum  relinquatis,  absque  his  abeatis,  eique  populo  [civitati] 
metum  formidinem  oblivionem  iniciatis,  proditique  Romam  ad  me 
meosque  veniatis,  nostraque  vobis  loca  templa  sacra  urbs  acceptior 
probatiorque  sit,  mihique  populoque  Ro?nano  militibusque  meis 
prcepositi  sitis,  ut  sciamus  intellegamusque.  Si  ita  fecerilis,  voveo 
vobis  templa  ludosque  facturum.  —  deformatos,  disfigured. 

§  9.  in  quibus  erant,  upon  which  were  represefited.  —  ima- 
gines, portraits.  —  Siciliae  regum,  i.  e.  those  rulers  of  Syracuse 
and  other  cities  who  had  exercised  dominion  beyond  their  own 
cities.  —  cognitione  formarum,  acquaintance  with  their  features. 

§  10.  valvis,  folding  doors,  opening  inward.  They  were  found 
especially  in  temples.  —  tam . .  .  cupidum,  that  I  am  so  eager  (in 
appos.  with  quod). — liquido,  with  a  clear  conscience. — illi,  i.e. 
the  Greeks,  as  too  fond  of  art. 

4L7 •  argumenta,  stories  (in  relief). 

§  11.  Gorgonis,  the  head  of  Medusa,  a  favorite  subject  of  ancient 
art.  —  gramineas  hastas,  bamboo  stalks.  —  in  hoc  nomine,  at  this 
point  (i.  e.  wondering  why  they  were  mentioned).  —  commoveri, 
startled.  —  satis  esset  (§  58,  10,  d)  :  i.  e.  they  were  only  curi- 
osities. —  id  merely  repeats  hastas.  —  bullas,  studs. 

§  12.  nam  explains  (ironically)  why  he  mentions  the  valueless 
bamboos,  &c.  Those  have  no  excuse  ;  but  the  Sappho  was  so  fine, 
etc.  —  Silanionis  :  an  artist  of  the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great. 
—  quisquam  (see  §  21,  2,  h).  —  potius,  etc,  rather  than  this  most 
tasteful  a?id  cultivated  man,  Verres.  —  nimirum,  of  course.  — 
delicati,  pampered.  —  eat,  must  go  (§  57,  3).  —  ad  sedem  Felici- 
tatis  :  the  temple  of  Felicitas  was  adorned  with  the  spoils  of  con- 
quered Corinth.  Catulus  had  adorned  his  temple  of  Fortuna,  and 
Metellus  his  portico,  with  splendid  works  of  art.  — istorum,  Verres 
and  his  friends.  —  Tusculanum,  villa  at  Tuscuium  (about  15  miles 
south-east  of  Rome),  where  the  wealthy  Romans,  Hortensius  among 
the  rest,  had  splendid  country-houses.  —  forum  ornatum,  i.  e.  on 
festal  days  (see  Livy,  ix.  40).  —  commodarit,  lent :  such  works  of 
art  were  often  placed  temporarily  on  the  forum.  —  operari,  mere 
day-laborer  :  in  allusion  to  the  works  of  art  that  Verres  had  manu- 
factured under  his  own  eye.  —  studia,  fine  tastes;  delicias,  lux- 
urious pleasures. 


38  Notes.  [Verr.  v. 

48.  ad  ferenda,  etc.,  to  carry  (as  a  porter)  than  to  carry  off 
(as  a  connoisseur)  :  a  sarcasm  on  Verres'  coarse  and  sturdy  build. 

§  13.  pernobile,  very  famous.  —  Grseculus,  in  contemptuous 
allusion  to  his  pretence  of  taste.  —  subtiliter  judicat,  is  a  fine 
connoisseur.  —  nunc,  at  this  moment. 

§  14.  Paeanis,  Apollo,  as  god  of  healing.  —  Aristaeus,  son  of 
Apollo,  discoverer  of  the  olive,  and  of  various  improvements  in 
husbandry.  [The  gloss  Liberi  filius  is  incorrect :  patre  below  does 
not  mean  his  father,  but  is  a  common  attribute  of  Liber,  as  well  as 
of  Mars  and  other  gods.]  —  parinum  (corrupt  and  meaningless)  : 
the  common  reading  is  parvum  :  perhaps  the  old  conjecture 
Parium,  of  Parian  marble,  is  best. 

§  15.  Joveui:  identified  from  some  fancied  resemblance  with 
Zevg  ovpiog,  god  of  favorable  weather.  —  Flamininus  :  T.  Quinctius 
Flamininus,  who  defeated  Philip  of  Macedon  at  Cynoscephalae, 
b  c.  197.*  —  in  Ponti  ore:  the  Thracian  Bosporus  (Straits  of 
Constantinople).  —  Capitolio:  the  Capitol,  or  Temple  of  Jupiter 
Capitolinus,  had  three  cello?,  or  chapels,  sacred  to  the  Capitolian 
triad,  —  Jupiter,  Juno,  and  Minerva.  This  was  now  the  most  illus- 
trious temple,  "  the  earthly  abode  "  of  Jupiter. 

4-0,  incolae,  residents :  i.  e.  persons  of  foreign  birth,  who 
made  Syracuse  their  home,  without  having  obtained  citizenship.  — 
advense,  visitors. 

§  16.  adventu,  by  his  coming.  In  fact,  the  chief  plunder  was 
two  or  three  years  after  his  arrival. 

§  17.  mensas  Delphicas,  tables  with  three  legs,  like  the  Delphic 
tripod.  — vasa  Corinthia  were  made  of  a  kind  of  bronze,  of  peculiar 
beauty  and  very  costly. 

§  18.  fanorum,  shrines :  this  word  is  of  the  same  root  (fa)  as 
fatum,  nefas,  &c,  and  indicates  whatever  is  consecrated  by  signs 
(the  expressions  of  Divine  will)  to  religious  purposes.  (Hartung, 
Rel.  der  Rom.  i.  p.  137.)  It  is  therefore  the  consecrated  spot, 
rather  than  the  temple  or  altar  erected  upon  it. 

«JO.  §  19-  desierunt,  ceased,  i.  e.  by  the  transference  of  the 
courts  to  the  Senators.  —  Crasso  :  Lucius  Crassus,  the  famous 
orator,  and  Ouintus  Scaevola,  pontifex  maximus,  the  famous  jurist 
and  statesman,  were  close  friends  and  colleagues  in  nearly  every 
office.  They  were  curule  aediles,  b.  c.  103,  and  gave  the  first  exhibi- 
tion of  lion-fights.  The  splendor  of  their  aedileship  was  the  work  of 
Crassus,  a  man  of  elegant  and  luxurious  tastes,  while  Scaevola  was 
moderate  and  simple  in  his  habits.  —  Claudio.  This  was  (accord- 
ing to  Drumann)  a  brother  of  Claudia,  the  wife  of  Tiberius  Grac- 

*  There  may  be  some  confusion  here  with  T.  Quinctius  Cincinnatus,  who  brought  a 
bust  of  Jupiter  Imperator  from  Praeneste  to  Rome,  and  placed  it  in  the  Capitoline  temple. 
At  any  rate,  it  was  destroyed  in  the  burning  of  the  Capitol  b.  c.  83.    (Comp.  Liv.  vi.  20.) 


§  J» 2-]         Crucifixion  of  a  Roman   Citizen.  39 

chus.     In  his  aedileship,  B.  c.  99,  he  exhibited  fights  of  elephants. 

—  commercium  :  Crassus  and  Claudius  would  have  bought  these 
objects  if  anybody  could -have  done  it.  (Supply  commercium  with 
fuisse.y 

§  20.  referri,  be  entered,  has  for  subject  pretio  .  .  .  abalienasse. 

—  rebus  istis,  things  of  that  sort.  —  apud  illos,  i.  e.  the  Greeks 
generally.  —  socios  (see  note  on  provincia,  Verr.  i.  §  11). 

§  21.  Reginos  :  Rhegium,  Reggio,  was  a  very  ancient  Greek  city, 
at  the  point  of  Italy  nearest  Sicily.  It  was  a  colony  of  Chalcis,  prob- 
ably founded  in  the  eighth  century  b.  c,  and  became  a  Roman 
municipium  after  the  Social  War,  b.  c.  90.  —  merere  velle,  would 
take. — ilia,  that  famous  (§  20,  2,  b). — Tarentinos  :  Tarentum 
was  the  largest  Greek  city  in  Italy,  a  colony  of  Sparta,  founded  in 
the  eighth  century  b.  c,  subjugated  by  Rome  just  after  the  invasion 
of  Pyrrhus,  B.  C.  272. 

O I .  Satyrum.  The  satyrs  were  divinities  of  nature,  inhabiting 
the  woods,  represented  with  pointed  and  hairy  ears,  knobs  upon 
the  forehead,  &c.  —  buculam,  the  celebrated  bronze  cow  of  Myron. 

The  towns  here  mentioned  as  centres  of  Greek  art  are  the  following: — Thespice,  a 
city  of  Bceotia,  always  allied  with  Athens  :  the  statue  of  Eros  (Cupid)  was  one  of  the  most 
famous  works  of  Praxiteles.  Cnidus,  a  Dorian  town  in  Asia  Minor:  the  statue  of  Venus 
there  was  accounted  one  of  the  finest  of  all  the  works  of  Praxiteles.  Cos.  an  island  on  the 
coast  of  Asia  Minor:  here  was  the  picture  of  Venus  by  Apelles.  Ephesus,  one  of  the 
chief  Ionian  towns  of  Asia  Minor:  it  was  now  at  the  height  of  its  splendor  and  commercial 
greatness.  Cyzicus,  a  Greek  city,  on  a  peninsula,  on  the  southern  coast  of  the  Propontis 
(Sea  of  Marmora).  Rhodes,  then  the  chief  commercial  city  of  the  East,  and  a  powerful 
independent  state  :  Ialysus  was  a  native  here.  Athens  :  the  works  of  art  here  mentioned 
at  Athens  were  by  the  most  famous  artists,  —  Scopas,  Protogenes,  and  Myron. 

longum  est,  it  would  be  tedious  (fut.  cond.,  §  60,  2,  c). 


Crucifixion  of  a  Roman  Citizen. 

The  fifth  speech  of  the  Accusatio  is  entitled  De  Suppliciis, 
because  it  details  the  cruelties  of  Verres.  The  passage  here  given 
is  one  of  the  most  graphic  and  celebrated. 

§  1.  nunc,  opposed  to  the  time  of  the  actio  prima,  which  he  has 
just  referred  to.  —  hoc  genere,  this  one  class,  i.  e.  bloody  execu- 
tions, as  contrasted  with  the  variety  of  charges,  below.  —  tot  horas 
dicam,  §  58,  2,  a.  —  quae  sint,  §  65,  2.  — tenerem,  §  58,  10,  a.  — 
rem,  the  facts  (emphatic).  — in  medio,  before  you. 

§  2.  Consanus,  of  Consa  (Compsa),  a  town  in  Samnium.  —  in 
illo  numero  :  Cicero  has  been  describing  the  treatment  of  a  num- 
ber of  fugitives  from  the  insurrectionary  army  of  Sertorius  in  Spain, 
who  had  made  their  way  to  Sicily  after  the  death  of  Sertorius,  b.  c. 
72,  and  the  overthrow  of  his  faction  by  Pompey. — nescio  qua, 


40  Notes.  [Verr.  vi. 

§  67,  2,  e.  —  lautumiis,  the  stone-quarries,  at  Syracuse,  used  as  a 
prison.  —  Messanam,  the  present  Messina,  the  point  of  Sicily 
nearest  Italy. 

Messana  was  at  first  called  Zankle  (sickle),  fiom  the  shape  of  the  tongue  of  land  which 
forms  the  harbor.  It  was  one  of  the  group  of  Grecian  colonies  founded  in  the  eighth  cen- 
tury b.  c.  The  name  was  changed  three  centuries  later,  in  honor  of  the  Greek  Messene. 
It  was  one  of  the  very  few  privileged  towns,  civitates  foederatce,  of  Sicily  (see  note  on 
aratorum,  Verr.  i.  §  13).  It  was  specially  favored  by  Verres,  and,  as  is  represented  by 
Cicero,  was  an  accomplice  of  his  iniquities. 

Reginorum  :  Rhegium  is  almost  in  sight  of  Messana.  —  odore, 
breath. 

•S3,  recta,  sc.  via.  —  praesto  futurum,  would  be  on  hand. — 
advenienti,  at  his  arrival. 

§  3.  in  prsetorio,  the  house  (or  palace)  of  the  prcetor,  as  an  im- 
perial magistrate.  —  ante,  Lib.  iv.  23.  —  adjutricem,  acco?nplice  ; 
consciam,  confidant.  —  Mamertinum.  The  city  of  Messana 
had  been  treacherously  taken  possession  of  by  a  body  of  mer- 
cenaries, who  called  themselves  Mamertini  (children  of  Mars), 
about  b.  c.  282.  Although  the  name  of  the  city  was  not  changed, 
yet  its  citizens  were  from  this  time  called  Mamertini.  —  defertur, 
is  reported  (officially).  —  ipse,  Verres. 

§  4.  exspectabant,  were  on  the  watch  to  see.  —  quo  tandem, 
how  far :  tandem  (as  also  nam)  gives  a  sense  of  wonder  to  the 
question,  which  cannot  be  preserved  in  English  in  an  indirect  ques- 
tion.—  expediri,  to  be  got  ready,  by  untying  the  fasces  (rods  and 
axe),  which  were  the  badge  of  the  praetor's  imperium. — meruisse, 
etc.,  stipendia,  served  as  a  soldier.  —  cum  splendidissimo  :  cum 
indicates  that  he  had  been  his  comrade,  not  his  subordinate.  — 
Panhormi  (all harbor),  the  present  Palertno  :  in  spite  of  its  Greek 
name,  this  was  originally  a  Phoenician  settlement.  —  negotiaretur, 
was  in  business,  i.  e.  as  agent  of  some  banking-house  (cf.  Verr.  i. 
§  20).  —  fugitivorum,  escaped  slaves,  whose  insurrection  had  made 
the  frightful  servile  war  of  Spartacus,  B.  c.  73-71. 

§  5.  civitatis,  citizenship.  —  dolorem,  cries  of  pain.  —  cum, 
§  62,  2,  b  (r.  2).  —  commemoratione,  claim. 

53.  crux,  the  special  punishment  of  slaves.  —  perfecit,  gained 
(by  his  prayers) .  — infelici,  ill-oi7iened.  —  pestem,  cursed  instru- 
ment. —  aerumnoso,  overwhelmed  with  calamity. 

§  6.  lex  Porcia,  which  forbade  the  scourging  of  citizens  (see 
Liv.  x.  9).  —  leges  Semproniae  (of  Caius  Gracchus),  which  gave 
the  right  of  appeal  in  capital  cases,  even  against  the  military  im- 
perium. In  civil  life  it  had  existed  ever  since  the  foundation  of  the 
republic.  (Mommsen,  Hist,  of  Rome,  iii.  p.  140.  See  Catil.  iv.  5  ; 
Rabir.  4).  —  tribunicia  potestas,  see  note  Verr.  i.  §  44.  — hucine, 
§  20,  1,  R.  —  beneficio,  favor,  in  conferring  authority  upon  him.  — 
admovebantur,  were  applied.  —  quemquam,  §  21,  2,  h. 


§  2-i4]        Crucifixion  of  a  Roman   Citizen.  41 

§  7.  agere,  treat;  statui  modum,  set  a  limit.  —  Glabrionem, 
subj.  of  facere.  —  consilium,  jury  :  he  feared  that  lynch  law  would 
get  the  start  of  a  legal  verdict.  —  repetisse,  injlicted :  lit.  exacted; 
punishment  being  regarded. as  a  forfeit.  The  original  root  PU 
{purify)  is  found  in  purus  and  putare. —  veritus  esset  has  for 
its  subject  populus  Romanus. 

§  8.  quid  .  .  .  sit,  what  will  happen  to  you.  —  istum,  i.  e.  whom 
you  misrepresent.  —  repentinum,  of  a  sudden,  having  never  been 
such  a  thing  before.  —  speculatorem,  spy. 

«54*  a<*  arbitrium  tuum,  as  many  as  you  like.  —  municipes, 
fellow-townsmen.  —  necessarios,  see  note  on  necessitudincm, 
Verr.  i.  §  II. — sero,  too  late  (for  you,  but  not  too  late  for  the 
court).  —  judices,  obj.  of  doceant. 

§  9.  patronis,  see  note,  R.  A.,  §  4.  —  istuc  ipsum,  that  single 
fact.  —  nuper  tu  ipse,  here  Cicero  draws  on  his  imagination  for 
his  facts.  —  ideo,  for  this  season,  i.  e.  qUod,  etc.  — jam,  i.  e.  after 
you  have  said  that.  —  Tauromenitano  :  Tauromenium  was  an 
allied  state  of  Sicily,  between  Messana  and  Syracuse.  —  argen- 
tariam  [rem],  banking  business. 

§  10.  ex  eo  genere,  i.  e.  non  qui,  etc.  —  induatur,  etc.  (§  23, 
3,  N.),  tie  himself  up  and  strangle  himself  (as  in  a  noose). 

5«5.  usurpatione,  claim. 

§  1 1.  quo  =  ad  quos.  — cognitoribus,  vouchers.  — legum  exis- 
timationis,  obj.  gen.  with  periculo  ;  continentur,  restrained.  — 
sermonis  .  .  .  societate,  by  fellowship  in  language,  rights,  and 
interests. 

§  12.  tolle,  a  sort  of  protasis  (§  60,  1,  b),  of  which  the  apod,  is 
jam  . . .  preecluseris,  below.  —  quod  velit,  any  he  pleases  (§  65,  2). 
—  quod  .  .  .  ignoret,  because  one  may  not  know  him.  —  liberas 
civitates,  the  allied  states  in  the  provinces,  which  were  not  strictly 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  praetors.  —  magnum  fuit,  would  it 
have  been,  etc.  (§  60,  2,  c).  —  adservasses,  you  should  have  kept.  — 
dum  veniret,  till  he  should  come.  —  cognosceret,  should  he  know 
(understand  si :  compare  Greenough's  "  Analysis  of  the  Latin 
Subjunctive,"  pp.  10,  11,  note).  —  locupletem  refers  properly  to 
landed  property,  and  very  likely  has  this  meaning  here.  Landed 
proprietors  (freeholders)  ranked  as  peculiarly  respectable,  until 
the  great  growth  of  commerce  within  the  last  few  centuries 

«50,  §  13.  fretum,  the  strait  of  Messina,  which  separates  Sicily 
from  Italy.  —  servitutis  :  the  cross  was  the  special  punishment 
of  slaves.  — alumnum,  foster-child ;  i.e.  adopted  citizen. 

§  14.  parricidium  :  for  the  peculiar  horror  with  which  this  crime 
was  regarded  by  the  Romans,  see  note,  R.  A.,  §  19.  —  in  comitio  : 
the  comitium  was  a  portion  of  the  Forum,  somewhat  elevated,  and 
set  apart  from  the  rest ;  it  was  used  for  the  most  ancient  comities 


42 


Notes. 


[Verr.  VI. 


the  curiata  (in  which  the  people  were  assembled  by  the  thirty  he- 
reditary curies),  for  hearing  lawsuits,  and  for  contiones.  (Its  posi- 
tion is  a  subject  of  great  controversy  :  probably  it  was  at  the  end 
of  the  Forum  towards  the  Capitoline  hill.) — defigere,  plant. — 
quod  :  i.  e.  that  point  which.  —  celebritate,  thronged  condition. 
—  potuit,  sc.  fieri.  —  praetervectione,  etc.,  on  the  track  of  all  who 
sail  to  and  fro  by  the  Straits  of  Messina. 

THE    ROMAN     FORUM. 


SCALE  OF  FEET. 


"'■UU^ 


The  Forum  Romanum  was  an  open  space,  about  600  feet  long,  and  200  feet  wide  at 
its  broader  end,  which  lay  against  the  steep  slope  of  the  Capitoline  Hill.  It  was  sur- 
'rounded  by  the  principal  buildings  of  the  city,  something  as  represented  above  —  though 
the  exact  position  of  most  of  them  is  uncertain.  The  space  bounded  by  the  broken  line 
is  flagged  ;  at  the  broader  end  was  the  Comitium,  higher  than  the  rest ;  between  them 
the  Rostra,  from  which  a  speaker  could  face  either  part.  Statues  and  monuments  were 
set  here  and  there  in  the  space,  and  rows  of  shops  or  booths  (tabernce)  were  on  each  side. 

The  line represents  the  probable  route  of  the  triumphal   procession  along  the 

Sacra  Via,  passing  by  the  Clivus  Capitolinus  and  the  100  steps  up  to  the  temple  of 
Capitoline  Jupiter.  The  two  summits  at  the  left  were  covered  with  temples ;  and  the 
Palatine,  at  the  right  (below)  with  the  finest  private  residences.  Portions  of  the  pave- 
ment have  been  uncovered  at  a  depth  of  15  to  20  feet  below  the  present  level  of  the 
streets,  and  53  feet  below  the  higher  portion  of  the  Sacra  Via,  as  it  passes  over  the 
Velia,  the  low  hill  at  the  right. 

The  known  or  probable  sites  are —  i.  Tabularium.  —  2.  Temple  of  Concord.  —  3.  Dun- 
geon {career). — 4.  Senaculum  (open  platform  in  the  space  called  Volcanal,  and  con- 
nected with  the  Grcecostasis,  for  the  reception  of  ambassadors).  —  5.  Curia  Hostilia. — 
6.  Basilica  Porcia.  —  7.  Curia  ^Emilia.  —  8.  Temple  of  Saturn.  —  9.  Basilica  Sempronia. 
— 10.  Temple  of  Castor.  —  11.  Temple  of  Minerva.  —  12.  Temple  of  Vesta.  — 13.  Regu. 
— 14.  Fabian  Arch.  — 15.  Altar  of  the  Penates  (on  the  Velia). 


§  i.]  The  Manilian   Law,  43 

The  Manilian  Law. 
.  Argument. 

Chap.  i.  Exordium.  Why  this  is  Cicero's  first  appearance  before  a  political  assembly. 
—  Nar ratio.  2.  Statement  of  the  case :  Mithridates  and  Tigranes  have  made  war  on  the 
Roman  domain.  The  war  is  demanded  by  the  dignity  and  safety  of  the  State.  —  Con- 
fir nun 'io-  I.  3,  4.  Conduct  of  Mithridates:  his  preparations  for  war;  massacre  of  Roman 
citizens ;  success  of  former  commanders.  —  5.  Present  lameness  of  the  Roman  people 
contrasted  with  their  ancient  pride.  The  allies,  whose  safety  is  at  stake,  demand  Pompey 
as  commander.  —  6.  The  chief  revenues  are  at  stake,  endangered  by  mere  suspicion  of 
calamity  —  7.  The  general  financial  ruin  resulting  from  disaster  to  the  publicani.  — 
II.  8.  Magnitude  of  the  war:  (objection  that,  though  important,  it  is  not  formidable:) 
successful  campaign  of  Luculius  —9.  But  Mithridates  has  gained  new  strength;  fresh 
nations  are  roused,  and  the  Roman  army  disheartened;  possible  disaster.  —  III.  10.  Who 
then  should  be  appointed?  Military  experience  of  Pompey.— 11,  12.  His  successes, 
especially  in  the  Piratic  war.  State  of  things  in  that  war,  even  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Rome.  —  13,  14.  His  moral  qualities :  blamelessness,  humanity,  self-restraint,  easy  man- 
ners. —  15.  His  prestige  and  influence,  especially  as  derived  from  the  Piratic  war. — 
16.  His  reputation  in  the  East,  largely  resulting  from  his  brilliant  fortune.  — 17.  More- 
over, he  is  on  the  spot.  —  Confiitatio.  Objection  of  Hortensius,  that  all  power  ought  not  to 
be  siven  to  one  man.  —  18.  Refuted  by  the  precedent  of  the  Gabinian  Law.  — 19.  (Inciden- 
tally Gabinius  should  be  assigned  to  Pompey  as  legatees.)  —  20.  Objection  of  Catulus, 
that  the  proposition  is  against  precedent.  —  21.  Evaded  by  referring  to  other  violations  of 
precedent  in  Pompey's  case. —  22.  Appeal  to  the  people  against  these  objections.  Peculiar 
qualities  are  needed,  which  exist  in  him.  —  23.  His  especial  virtue  of  moderation  and  self- 
restraint. —  Peroratio-  24.  Cicero  advocates  hjs  cause  purely  from  devotion  to  the  com- 
monwealth. 

The  speech  on  the  Manilian  Law  is  pronounced  by  Halm  to  give  a  better  example 
of  the  systematic  plan  of  a  deliberative  oration  than  any  other  of  antiquity.  It  was 
delivered  in  a  contio,  or  public  meeting  of  Roman  citizens,  held  for  debate  or  address 
merely.  The  contio  could  be  called  by  any  magistrate  who  had  any  matter  to  lay  before 
the  people,  and  was  held  regularly  in  the  Comitium,  or  elevated  part  of  the  Forum.  (See 
note  on  Verr.  V.  §  14.)  After  a  rogatio  (proposition  of  a  law)  had  been  offered,  the  contio 
was  called,  in  order  that  the  voters  might  hear  the  arguments  on  both  sides ;  and  any 
person  might  speak  to  whom  the  presiding  magistrate  gave  permission.  When  the 
rogatio  had  been  thus  discussed,  the  comitia  (see  note  on  Verr.  I.  §  18)  voted  upon  it, 
Yes  or  No. 

PAGE. 

|>8o  §  1.  frequens  conspectus  vester,  the  sight  of  you  in  full 
assembly.  —  hie  locus,  the  Rostra.  —  agendum,  taking  public 
action  (see  note,  R.  A.,  §  55).  —  amplissimus,  dignified  (of  the 
magistrates'  power)  ;  ornatissimus,  honorable  (of  private  glory). — 
Quirites,  fellow-citizens  :  the  name  by  which  the  Romans  were 
addressed  when  acting  in  a  civil  capacity.  The  word  is  usually 
derived  from  quiris,  spear  (a  Sabine  word)  :  by  Lange  and  others 
it  is  connected  with  curia,  the  earliest  political  division  of  the 
people.  —  hoc  aditu,  this  avenue  :  i.  e.  addressing  them  on  po- 
litical questions.  —  optimo  cuique   (§  17,  5,  c),  i.  e.  such  as  the 


44 


Notes.  [Manil. 


magistrate  would  permit. — rationes,  plan:  the  plural  indicating 
the  details  which  would  enter  into  it. 

In  the  structure  of  this  opening  sentence,  notice  the  antithetic  balancing  of  one  word 
or  clause  against  another,  which  marks  the  Latin  periodic  style  (see  §  76,  4)-  It  consists 
of  two  pans, — the  first  Concessive,  introduced  by  quamquam,  the  second  Adversative, 
introduced  by  tamen.  So,  in  the  first,  conspectus  balances  locus,  which  is  brought  into 
relief  by  autem  (and  again);  while  ad  agendum  amplissimus  and  ad  dicendum  orna- 
tissimus  are  balanced  in  like  manner  against  each  other.  In  the  second,  the  relative 
cause  qui .  .  .  patuit  (virtually  concessive)  is,  as  usual,  embodied  in  the  main  clause, 
bringing  the  relative  as  near  as  possible  to  its  antecedent  aditu  ;  voluntas  and  rationes 
are  set  in  antithesis  by  sed ;  while  the  main  verb,  prohibuerunt,  as  usual,  comes  last.  The 
log  cal  form  of  the  whole  is,  "  Though  political  speaking  is  agreeable,  yet  I  have  been 
prevented,"  &c 

By  stating  first  the  leading  thought  [hoc  aditu,  etc.),  and  putting  the  verb  at  the  end 
(the  most  emphatic  place),  Latin  is  able  to  make  the  main  clause  active,  thus  partly  dis- 
guising the  antithesis.  But  here,  as  elsewhere,  it  is  of  great  help  in  reading  to  observe 
these  two  rules :  (1)  that  Latin  puts  first  the  main  idea,  the  key  to  the  whole  ;  and  (2)  that 
it  constantly  deals  in  antitheses,  often  forcing  them  when  they  do  not  naturally  occur  (as 
in  amplissimus  and  ornatissimus),  each  thought  or  expression  having  its  pendant,  like 
ornaments  which  go  in  pairs.  (See  note  on  the  opening  sentence  of  the  oration  on 
Roscius,  p.  1.) 

cum,  while.  —  antea,  i.  e.  until  his  time  was  claimed  by  public  in- 
terests of  the  state.  —  auctoritatem  :  the  position  itself  (locus) 
of  the  speaker  carried  weight.  —  statuerem,  ?nade  it  a  principle. 
—  perfectum  ingenio,  i.  e.  the  fruit  of  fully  developed  mental 
power.  —  elaboratum,  laboriously  wrought,  needing  more  practice 
than  youth  could  give.  —  temporibus,  occasions  or  exigencies  (a 
common  word  to  denote  the  condition  of  an  accused  person).  A 
Roman  lawyer  was  not  regarded  as  doing  a  service  for  hire,  but 
was  expected  to  defend  his  friends  gratuitously.  He  was,  indeed, 
prohibited  from  receiving  pay.  No  bargain  was  made,  but  it  was 
understood  that  the  obliged  party  gave  a  liberal  present  to  his 
patronus. 

§  2.  ita,  accordingly,  referring  to  the  idea  contained  in  trans- 
mittendum.  —  neque  .  .  .  et,  here  the  first  clause  is  really  conces- 
sive :  it  may  be  rendered  while  . . .  yet.  —  caste,  with  clean  hands; 
integre,  in  good  faith  to  the  client.  —  judicio,  i.  e.  their  action  in 
electing  him.  The  term  judicare  is  applied  to  any  act  that  amounts 
to  a  formal  expression  of  judgment,  though  not  a  technical  de- 
cision.—  fructum,  reward,  i.  e.  the  several  grades  of  office  he  had 
already  filled  :  he  was  now  praetor.  —  amplisssimum  (emphatic  by 
position),  the  richest.  —  dilationem,  adjournment :  there  were 
many  things  which  could  break,  up  an  assembly  and  put  off  the 
business,  especially  unfavorable  auguries,  the  announcement  of 
which  was  a  favorite  device  of  politicians.  —  praetor  primus  :  the 
eight  praetors  were  regarded  as  colleagues,  and  determined  their 
several  functions  —  as  urbanus,  peregrintis,  or  president  of  qu&s- 
tiones  perpetuoz  —  by  lot.  Praetor  primus  means,  therefore,  only 
that  Cicero  was  the  first  of  the  eight  who  got  a  majority.     If  any 


§  i-5-]  The  Manilian  Law.  45 

failed  of  the  requisite  number  of  votes,  he  must  be  voted  for  again ; 
and  if  the  proceedings  were  broken  off,  the  whole  election  began 
anew,  including  those  already  chosen.  Hence  Cicero  was  thrice 
declared  elected  (ter  renuntiatus  sum).  —  centuriis,  abl.  of 
means.  —  quid  aliis,  etc.,  i.  e.  to  win  like  distinction. 

50.  honoribus,  see  note,  Verr.  I.  §  36.  —  ad  agendum 
(loosely),  for  speaking.  —  vigilanti,  wide-awake.  —  forensi  usu, 
the  practice  of  the  forum  (where  the  courts  were  held).  —  quoque, 
i.  e.  as  well  as  to  military  or  public  acts. 

§  3.  atque,  and  further  (emphatic).  —  laetandum  (§  35,  1,  b), 
a  thing  to  be  glad  of.  —  mihi  following  insolita  (§  51,  4,  b). — 
latione,  style,  i.  e.  as  affected  by  his  new  position  on  the  rostra. — 
oratio,  language;  brationis,  argument  (abstracts  from  oro,  in  its 
original  sense  of  to  speak).  —  singulari,  unparalleled (as  compared 
with  the  excellence  of  others)  ;  eximia,  exalted  (as  compared  with 
absolute  perfection).  —  virtute,  good  qualities,  generally.  —  copia, 
ample  material. 

§  4.  atque  (the  strongest  of  the  copulas),  and  now,  to  come  to 
the  point.  —  vectigalibus  ac  sociis,  tribictaries  and  allies  (of 
which  latter  some  were  tributary  and  others  not).  —  infertur,  used 
of  offensive  war.  —  Tigrano  :  he  was  king  of  Armenia,  and  son-in- 
law  of  Mithridates. 

Armenia,  the  mountain  region  east  of  Asia  Minor,  was  never  thoroughly  incorporated 
in  the  empire  of  Alexander,  and  after  his-death  became  an  independent  kingdom.  Tigranes, 
by  help  of  Mithridates,  enlarged  his  dominions  by  conquest,  and  built  a  new  and  splendid 
capital,  Tigranocerta.  The  two  allied  kings  seemed  about  to  get  the  mastery  of  the  whole 
East ;  but  the  defeat  of  Tigranes  by  Lucullus  (b.  c.  69),  with  the  capture  and  destruction 
of  his  capital,  reduced  his  short-lived  empire  to  less  than  its  former  dimensions.  This 
remote  and  inaccessible  kingdom  remained  practically  independent  until  the  conquest 
of  the  Turks  in  the  eleventh  century. 

relictus,  i.  e.  before  the  contest  was  fully  decided.  Tigranes,  on 
the  other  hand,  had  been  only  harassed  (lacessitus),  not  seriously 
attacked.  —  Asiam  :  i.  e.  the  province  of  this  name,  occupying  the 
western  half  of  Asia  Minor,  and  bordering  on  the  dominions  of 
Mithridates.  —  quorum  .  .  .  occupatae,  whose  large  properties,  in- 
vested in  managi?tg  your  revenues,  are  endangered.  The  revenues 
were  farmed  out  to  societates  (companies)  of  publicani,  who  were 
members  of  the  equestrian  order  (see  §  15).  —  necessitudine, 
close  relation  :  Cicero  was  of  an  equestrian  family. 

§  5.  Bithyniee  :  this  territory  had  been  bequeathed  to  the 
Roman  republic  by  Nicomedes  III.  (b.  c.  74).  —  exustos,  burnt 
to  ashes.  —  Ariobarzanis,  king  of  Cappadocia,  which  had  been 
overrun  by  Mithridates.  —  Lucullum  (see  Introd.)  :  Lucullus  was 
related  to  both  branches  of  the  family  of  Metellus,  and  married 
Clodia,  sister  of  the  notorious  Publius  Clodius.  It  was  chiefly 
this  mischievous  demagogue,  who  was  serving  with  his  brother-in- 
iaw,  that  stirred  up  the  dissensions  and  mutinies  which  robbed 


46  Notes.  [Manil. 

Lucullus  of  the  fruits  of  his  victories.  —  discedere,  is  on  the  point 
of  going.  — qui  successerit,  i.  e.  Glabrio. — non  satis  paratum, 
not  adequately  furnished.  —  sociis,  i.  e.  of  Asia  ;  civibus,  Romans 
engaged  in  business  there.  —  imperatorem,  in  pred.  appos.  with 
unum. 

GO.  §  6.  certissima  :  because  the  province  of  Asia  was  the 
richest  and  most  fruitful  of  all.  —  agitur,  is  at  stake.  —  ornamenta, 
requisites  (from  orno,  equip}. 

§  7.  civis  Romanos,  etc.  This  massacre  (b.  c.  88),  in  which 
80,000  persons  perished,  was  intended  by  Mithridates  as  a  step  to 
the  entire  expulsion  of  the  Roman  power  from  Asia.  —  significa- 
tion litterarum,  signal  by  letter.  —  luce,  contrasted  with  late- 
bris.  —  versari,  to  move  freely. 

§  8.  etenim,  for  (you  will  notice).  —  triumphavit  de,  not 
triumphed  over,  but  led  a  triumph  for  [victory  over].  The  word 
is  repeated  in  emphatic  antithesis  to  the  clause  sed . . .  regnaret. 

The  triumpJuts  was  the  solemn  procession  in  which  the  imperator  entered  the  city 
at  the  head  of  his  victorious  army,  ascended  the  Capitoline,  and  performed  sacrifice  to 
Jupiter  Capitolinus.  The  victory  must  have  been  a  considerable  one  (5,000  of  the  enemy 
must  have  fallen),  won  by  the  commander  himself  in  a  war  waged  against  foreign  enemies. 
Triumphs  were  therefore  never  celebrated  for  victories  in  a  civil  war. 

regnaret,  i.  e.  they  left  him  his  kingdom.  —  verum  tamen,  but 
still.  —  quod  egerunt,  for  what  they  have  done  :  quod  implies 
the  antecedent  propter  id,  or  a  similar  phrase.  —  res  publica  : 
Sulla  hastened  to  make  an  unsatisfactory  peace,  that  he  might 
return  to  Italy  and  restore  order  there. 

01.  §  9  autem,  now  (opposing  M.  to  the  Roman  generals).— 
reliquum,  that  followed. — belli,  obj.  gen.  —  Bosporanis,  people 
of  Bosporus. 

The  kingdom  of  Bosporus  (so  named  from  the  Cimmerian  Bosporus,  the  entrance  to 
the  Sea  of  Azof),  was  a  flourishing  Grecian  state,  embracing  the  Crimea  and  adjoining 
lands:  capital,  Panticapceiim  (Kertsch).  This  region  was  then,  as  now,  a  chief  source 
of  the  supply  of  wheat  for  Europe.  It  was  seized  by  Mithridates,  who  placed  his  son 
Machares  as  ruler  there. 

ad  eos  duces,  i.  e.  Sertorius  and  his  comrades. 

Sertorius  was  the  ablest  general  of  the  Marian  faction  in  the  civil  wars.  After  the  vic- 
tory of  Sulla,  and  the  complete  overthrow  of  his  own  party,  he  continued  to  hold  Spain, 
wliere  he  attempted  a  new  republic,  entering  into  alliance  with  Mithridates  and  other 
tnemiis  of  Rome. 

A3  imperio,  for  supremacy. 

§  10.  alterius  corresponds  to  altera,  below.  — firmamenti,  out- 
ward sjipport ;  roboris,  intrinsic  strength.  —  Cn.  Pompei  :  in 
fact,  neither  Pompey  ("  the  boy ")  nor  Metellus  Pius  ("the  old 
woman")  was  able  to  subdue  Sertorius,  who  was  treacherously 
assassinated  (b.  c.  72).  —  rerum  gestarum,  deeds.  —  haec  ex- 
trema,  these  late  disasters.  —  tribuenda,  attributable. 


§  S-H-]  The  Manilian  Law.  47 

§  11.  animum,  feeling.  —  putetis,  i.  e.  from  your  point  of  view. 
—  superbius,  too  haughtily. 

In  b.  c  148,  the  Roman  ambassadors  required  the  Achaian  League  to  give  up  all  its 
recent  acquisitions ;  at  which  ihe  incensed  i  01  ulace  insulted  the  ambassadors  and  drove 
them  away.  In  the  war  that  followed,  Corinth  was  captured  by  Mummius  and  destroyed, 
while  Greece  was  made  into  a  province  by  the  name  of  Achaia. 

legatum  consularem,  M.'Aquilius,  colleague  of  Marius  (b.  c.  101). 

A  legatus,  in  the  military  sense,  was  an  Aid  or  Chief  of  Staff,  appointed  by  the  com- 
manding officer  with  the  concurrence  of  the  Senate, — sometimes  a  man  of  higher  rank 
and  greater  experience  than  the  commander  himself,  as  notably  in  the  case  of  P.  Scipio 
Africanus,  who  thus  attended  his  brother  Lucius  in  Asia.  Aquilius-  who  had  earned  a 
triumph  in  his  consulship  by  suppressing  the  second  slave  revolt  in  Sicily  —  was  taken 
prisoner  (b.  c.  88)  when  acting  as  legatus  in  the  war  against  Mithridates,  and  put  to  death 
by  molten  gold  poured  down  his  throat.  He  was  not,  of  course,  protected  by  the  jits 
legationis,  which  applied  only  to  the  sacred  office  of  ambassador ;  and  Cicero  here  merely 
uses  the  similarity  of  title  to  work  upon  the  passions  of  his  hearers. 

0«2.  §  12.  videte,  see  to  it=see  whether  it  be  not.  —  ut,  as, 
correl.  with  sic.  —  illis,  i.e.  your  ancestors.  —  non  posse,  subj. 
of  sit.  —  quid,  a  regular  formula  of  transition  :  again.  —  periculum 
ac  discrimen,  a  dangerous  crisis  :  the  former  word  signifying  the 
trial ;  the  latter,  the  decision.  —  exspectare,  look  to.  —  certum,  a 
particular.  —  sine  summo  periculo,  i.  e.  by  offending  Lucullus 
and  Glabrio. 

§  1 3.  sentiunt,  feel.  —  propter,  at  hand.  —  quo,  abl.  of  means 
with  aegrius.  —  adventu  ipso,  by  his  mere  coming.  —  maritimuni : 
the  war  against  the  pirates  had  just  been  finished  by  Pompey  with 
great  glory.  —  ceterarum  provinciarum  :  the  Gabinian  Law  gave 
Pompey  power  over  the  entire  Mediterranean,  and  the  coasts  fifty 
miles  inland.  The  province  of  Bithynia,  and  most  of  Asia,  were 
therefore  excluded  (not  Greece,  however :  but  Grcecia  may  here 
mean  the  Greek  cities  in  Asia).  The  Manilian  law  extended  this 
power  over  the  entire  East.  —  quorum  .  .  .  commendetis  (§  65, 
2,  f),  worthy  for  you  to,  &c.  —  ejus  modi  homines,  men  of  that 
stamp  :  the  expression  is  none  too  strong  for  the  average  type  of 
provincial  governors. 

§  14.  the  events  here  alluded  to  are  the  following  :  — 

Antiochus  the  Great,  king  of  Syria,  was  defeated  by  Scipio  Asiaticus  at  Magnesia, 
B.  c.  190.  Philip  V.,  king  of  Macedonia,  was  defeated  by  Flamininus,  at  Cynoscephalae, 
B.  c.  197.  The  ^Etolians  had  helped  Rome  against  Philip,  and  then  joined  Antiochus 
against  her.  They  were  obliged  to  submit  after  the  battle  of  Magnesia.  Carthape  had 
been  forced  into  a  third  war  in  b.  c.  149 ;  and  was  taken  and  destroyed  by  Scipio  /Emiii- 
anus  in  B.  c.  146. 

G3.  agatur,  etc.,  it  is  a  question  of  your  richest  revenues. 

The  province  of  Asia,  like  Sicily  (see  note  on  aratorum,  Verr.  I.  §  13),  paid  the  tenth 
of  all  products,  decumce.  The  collection  of  this  was  farmed  out  by  the  censors  to  com- 
panies of  publicani.  This  method  was  instituted  by  Caius  Gracchus,  in  order  to  gain  over 
to  his  side  the  equestrian  order,  to  wh'ch  the  publicans  belonged.  All  other  provinces 
regularly  paid  a  stipendium,  or  fixed  tax,  which  they  raised  themselves. 

The  description  given  below  of  Asia  Minor  is  no  longer  true,  since  bad  government  and 
bad  cultivation  have  exhausted  its  remarkable  natural  wealth. 


48  Notes,  [Manil. 

tanta,  so  great  [only].  —  vix  contenti,  i.  e.  they  will  hardly  pay 
the  costs  of  their  own  defence.  —  agrorum,  whence  the  tithes 
of  grain,  &c.  —  pastionis,  pasture  land,  let  to  publicans,  who  paid 
a  tax  called  scriptura  (so  called  from  the  register  that  was  made 
of  the  number  of  the  cattle  grazing  on  the  pastures).  —  exportan- 
tur :  the  portoria  were  tolls  and  customs1  duties  paid  upon  goods 
both  exported  and  imported  :  the  rate  was  2j,  or  (in  Sicily)  5  per 
cent,  ad  valorem. 

§  15.  inruptio,  inroad.  —  pecuaria,  etc.  :  parallel  with  the  classifi- 
cation of  vectigalia,  given  before  :  portu,  etc.,  repeat  them  inversely. 

§  16.  exercent,  manage,  refers  to  the  societates  publicanorum, 
who  took  contracts  for  collecting  the  revenues  ;  exigunt,  collect,  to 
the  agents  and  slaves  who  attended  to  the  details  of  the  collection. 

—  excursio,  cavalry-raid.  —  familias,  see  note  R.  A.  §  35. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  the  Roman  slaves  were  not  merely  rude  Gauls  and  Thra- 
cians,  but  educated  Greeks  and  Asiatics.  They  served  in  noble  families  as  secretaries, 
stewards,  and  tutors ;  and  would  naturally  be  employed  by  the  great  tax-collecting  cor- 
porations as  clerks  and  agents. 

saltibus,  mountain  pastures  (like  those  of  Vermont  or  New  Hamp- 
shire). Here  again  we  have  allusion  to  three  classes  of  revenue  : 
scriptura  (in  saltibus),  decuma>  (in  agris),  portoria  (in  portubus). 

—  custodiis,  police-guards,  stationed  to  prevent  smuggling,  at  the 
custom-houses  and  toll-houses.  —  posse,  will  be  able,  in  connection 
with  conservaritis  (fut.  perf.). 

§  17.  ne  .  .  .  quidem,  not .  .  .  either. —  quod  pertinet,  which 
bears  upon,  &c.  The  antecedent  is  genere.  —  nam  et  corresponds 
to  deinde  (§18).  —  honestissimi,  respectable;  ornatissimi,  well- 
provided,  i.  e.  with  the  requisites  for  their  enterprise,  being  men 
of  wealth. 

04.  rationes,  business  enterprises;  copias,  fortunes.  —  in 
illam  provinciam,  i.e.  the  farming  of  revenues.  —  ipsorum,  etc., 
for  their  own  sake.  —  ceterorum  omnium,  i.  e.  the  senators  and 
commonalty. 

§  18.  ex  ceteris  ordinibus  appears  here  to  refer  to  other  com- 
panies besides  the  publicani,  who  carried  on  business  in  the  pro- 
vinces.—  negotiantur,  see  note  on  negotiatores,  Verr.  I.  §  20. — 
eorum  (redundant)  limits  partim.  —  conlocatas,  invested.  —  pri- 
mum  answers  to  deinde,  §  19.  —  illud  parvi  refert,  etc.,  it  is  of 
slight  consequence  that  we  can  afterwards  win  back  by  victory  : 
publica  agrees  with  vectigalia;  his,  i.  e.  the  publicani.  —  redi- 
mendi,  leasing  the  revenues  :  the  word  regularly  used  for  taking  a 
contract  by  bid. 

§  19.  memoria,  loc.  abl.  (§  54,  10).  —  cum  amiserant  (state- 
ment of  fact  in  absolute  time,  §  62,  2,  b,  R.),  when  (as  you  remem- 
ber), &c.  —  solutione  .  .  .  concidisse  (description  of  a  financial 


§  H-22.]  The  Manilian  Law.  49 

panic),  when  payments  were  suspended,  credit  fell. — ut  non 
trahaut  without  dragging.  —  prohibete,  this  verb  is  used,  like 
defendere,  in  the  sense  either  of  ward  off,  or  of  defend.  —  ratio 
pecuniarum,  system  of  money  transactions.  —  in  foro,  see  Verr. 
vi.  §  4.  —  versatur,  centres.  —  pecuniis,  finances.  —  ruere,  be 
ruined.  —  ilia,  haec,  used  of  distance  in  place.  —  num  .  .  .  sit, 
whether  you  ought  to  hesitate  :  dubitandum,  impersonal,  and 
followed  (as  usual)  by  the  complem.  infin.  in  the  sense  of  utrum 
or  quin. 

§  20.  potest  (emphatic  position),  etc.,  it  may  be  said  (in  answer 
to  my  argument).  —  belli  genus,  i.  e.  the  war,  in  its  character. 

65.  elaborandum  est,  i.  e.  I  must,  etc.  —  ornatas,  equipped; 
instructas,  organized.  —  obsessam,  invested  ;  oppugnatam,  at- 
tacked by  the  active  operations  of  siege.     This  was  b.  C.  74. 

§  21.  in  Italiam  :  the  fleet  which  Mithridates  was  despatching 
to  Italy,  with  a  contingent  furnished  by  Sertorius,  was  defeated  by 
Lucullus  near  the  island  Lemnos.  —  studio,  zeal  for  one  party ; 
odio,  hate  for  the  other.  —  Pontum,  i.  e.  the  Euxine  Sea.  —  ex 
omni  aditu,  at  every  approach.  —  Sinopen,  Amisum,  towns  on 
the  north  coast  of  Asia  Minor.  In  fact,  they  both  made  a  very 
stubborn  resistance  :  nno  aditu,  etc.,  may  be  meant  only  to  apply 
to  the  "numerous  other  cities."  —  aditu,  approach;  adventu, 
arrival.  (It  is  a  frequent  practice  thus  to  use  two  words  meaning 
almost  precisely  the  same  thing,  but  viewed  from  different  points, 
giving  the  emphasis  of  repetition  without  its  tautology.)  —  alios 
rege3  :  his  son  Machares,  king  of  Bosporus,  and  his  son-in-law  Ti- 
granes,  king  of  Armenia.  ("  All  Cicero's  talk  about  the  campaign 
of  Lucullus  is  so  vague  that  it  is  impossible  to  extract  a  fact  out 
of  it."  —  Long.)  —  supplicem,  in  appos.  with  se.  —  salvis,  i.  e.  with- 
out harming  the  allies  :  integris,  without  impairing  the  revenues. 

§  22.  prhnum:  the  corresponding  particles  are  omitted  ;  the 
next  point  begins  at  §  23.  —  Ponto  :  on  whose  eastern  shore  was 
Colchis,  the  scene  of  the  adventures  of  the  Argonauts  and  the 
golden  fleece  (see  Classical  Dictionary).  —  quam  prsedicant, 
who,  as  they  tell.  (The  usual  form  of  indir.  disc,  that,  cannot 
be  used  with  a  relative  in  English.)  — persequeretur,  was  likely 
to  follow.  The  same  form  would  be  used  in  dir.  disc.  —  conlectio 
dispersa,  the  scattered  gathering,  giving  vividly  the  idea  of  his 
wandering  about  to  pick  them  up. 

06.  vim  auri,  etc.,  the  immense  treasures  which  Mithridates 
had  accumulated  in  his  several  fortresses  came  into  the  hands 
of  Lucullus  :  not  money  simply,  but  works  of  art,  &c.  —  quas 
et  . . .  et  =  quas  partim  . . .  partim.  —  dum  with  pres.  (§  58,  2,  e). 
—  ilium,  hos,  distance  and  nearness  of  time. 

§  23.  Tigranes  :  he  did  not,  however,  welcome  his  father-in-law, 

4 


50  Notes.  [Manil. 

but  for  some  time  treated  him  coldly  and  suspiciously.  —  confir- 
mavit,  reassured.  —  eis  nationibus,  near  Armenia. —  opinio,  notion. 
—  fani :  "  The  temple  of  the  Persian  Nanaea,  or  Anaitis,  in  Elymais 
or  the  modern  Luristan  [that  part  of  Susiana  nearest  to  the  Euphra- 
tes], the  most  celebrated  and  the  richest  shrine  in  the  whole  region 
of  the  Euphrates."  (Mommsen.)  Such  a  rumor  would  at  once 
fire  the  population  of  the  whole  East.  —  urbem :  Tigranocerta,  the 
new  capital  of  Tigranes,  situated  in  the  south-west  part  of  his  king- 
dom, near  the  river  Tigris.  The  city  was  destroyed  by  Lucullus.  — 
commovebatur,  was  affected.  After  all  his  successes,  Lucullus 
had  made  somewhat  the  same  mistake  as  Napoleon  in  his  Russian 
expedition,  and  had  found  himself  in  an  awkward  situation,  far 
from  his  base  of  operations,  and  in  the  midst  of  infuriated  enemies. 

§  24.  hie,  o?i  this  point.  —  eztremum,  the  last  thing  to  be  ex- 
pected.—  opes  . . .  misericordiam,  a  short  expression  for  win  over 
to  pity  and  draw  out  their  resources.  —  ut  . . .  videatur,  a  result- 
clause  following  qui  . . .  regno,  which  implies  the  motive. 

G7.  §  25.  ut . .  .  attingeret,  in  appos.  with  eo  following  con- 
tentus.  (It  should  regularly  be  quod  with  the  indie,  but  the  form 
appears  to  be  determined  by  acciderat.)  —  poetae  :  Naevius,  who 
wrote  a  Bellum  Punicum,  and  Ennius,  author  of  Amiales,  re- 
counting events  of  Roman  history.  Both  lived  in  the  third  century 
B.  C.  —  calaniitatem  :  defeat  of  Triarius  (b.  c.  67),  who  was  lead- 
ing reinforcements  to  Lucullus.  Only  a  severe  wound  of  Mithri- 
dates  saved  the  Roman  army  from  utter  destruction.  —  sermone, 
common  talk. 

§  26.  ofFensione,  disaster  (a  mild  word).  —  tamen,  i.  e.  though 
it  was  so  disastrous. — vestro  jussu,  i.  e.  the  Gabinian  law  (see 
Introd.).  —  imperi:  the  military  imperium  was  held  by  the  highest 
grades  of  magistrates,  and  could  be  extended  after  the  term  of  office 
by  the  Senate.  The  holder  of  a  command  thus  "  prorogued  "  was 
called  proconsul  or  propraetor.  —  diuturnitate  :  Lucullus  had  now 
held  command  seven  years  from  b.  c.  74.  —  veteri  exemplo,  by 
old  precedent.  —  stipendiis,  properly,  pay  j  here,  campaigns.  — 
confecti,  worn  out.  —  conjungant,  unite  to  wage.  —  cogitatas  : 
i.  e.  by  apprehensions  as  well  for  their  independence  as  for  their 
religion.  —  integrae  nationes,  the  other  Asiatic  nations  that  would 
be  drawn  into  the  war. 

§  27.  satis  . . .  videor,  /  have  shown,  as  I  think,  at  sufficient 
length.  (Latin  prefers  the  single  personal  clause  to  our  impersonal 
parenthetical  form,  "  it  seems  that  I.") — esset,  is  (imperfect  by 
sequence  of  tenses).  —  videatur  (as  above).  —  utinam  haberetis, 
J  wish  you  had  (§68,  1).  —  nunc  vero,  but  now  (opposed  to 
the  hopeless  wish,  utinam).  —  cum  sit,  where  there  is  (subj.  of 
charact.).  —  unus,  but  one.  — Pompeius,  etc.  This  wonderful  exag- 


§23-31-]  The  Manilian  Law.  51 

geration,  which  puts  the  exploits  of  Pompey  above  those  of  Alex- 
ander, Hannibal,  Scipio,  and  other  generals  of  antiquity,  probably 
suited  well  enough  the  temper  of  the  assembly.  —  superarit,  subj. 
of  charact.  (§  65,  2). —  virtute,  excellence  (not  valor  only). 

§  28.  rei  militaris,  military  science.  —  auctoritatem,  prestige. 
—  scientior,  better  versed.  —  ludo,  school. 

08.  bello,  etc.,  abl.  of  circumstance.  —  ad  patris  exercitum  : 
Pompey,  then  seventeen  years  old,  served  with  his  father,  Cn.  Pom- 
peius  Strabo,  consul  b.  c.  89,  the  last  year  of  the  social  War.  — 
summi  imperatoris  :  his  father,  who  commanded  on  the  side  of 
the  Senate  against  Cinna,  B.  c.  87  :  summi  does  not  here  imply 
supreme  abilities,  but  supreme  command.  —  imperator :  in  b.  c.  83 
the  young  Pompey  raised  an  army  —  largely  from  his  father's  im- 
mense estates  in  Picenum  —  and  joined  Sulla,  who  complimented 
him  as  imperator,  although  he  had  not  yet  held  even  the  quaestor- 
ship.  —  conflixit,  grappled.  — quisquam  :  for  the  use  of  this  word 
after  comparative  as  well  as  negative  constructions,  compare  the 
French  rafter  que  (than).  —  inimico,  a  private  adversary  (e.g. 
before  a  court).  —  confecit,  reduced.  —  imperiis.  The  first  civil 
office  held  by  Pompey  was  the  consulship  (B.  c.  70)  :  all  his  former 
offices  he  exercised  as  a  simple  eques  equo  publico  (see  note, 
Verr.  I.  §  1).  When  the  Censors,  in  his  consulship,  held  the 
transvectio  equitiun,  or  formal  inspection  of  the  equites  equis pub- 
licise and  asked  him  the  usual  question  whether  he  had  served 
all  his  campaigns,  "  All,"  he  answered,  "  and  all  under  my  own 
imperium"  —  exercuerit,  given  him  exercise.  —  civile,  the  war 
of  Cinna  and  Sulla.  —  Africanum,  the  war  with  Hiarbas  of 
Numidia  ;  Transalpinum,  certain  hostilities  in  Gaul,  on  his  way 
to  Spain  ;  Hispaniense,  the  war  of  Sertorius  ;  servile :  Pompey, 
on  his  return  from  Spain  (b.  C.  71),  fell  in  with  and  cut  to  pieces 
the  remnants  of  the  troops  of  Spartacus  ;  navale,  the  war  with 
the  pirates,  in  which  Pompey  was  at  present  engaged. 

§  30.  Sicilia.  After  Sulla's  final  victory  in  Italy,  in  which  he 
was  materially  aided  by  the  young  Pompey,  he  intrusted  to  him 
the  subjugation  of  Sicily  and  Africa,  where  Carbo,  with  the  rem- 
nants of  his  power,  had  taken  refuge. 

00.  iterum  :  in  extirpating  the  last  remains  of  the  insurrection 
of  Spartacus  ;  ssepius  must  include  his  earlier  campaigns  in  Italy, 
in  Sulla's  time.     The  whole  passage  is  a  rhetorical  exaggeration. 

§  31.  omnes  orse,  etc.  There  was  no  extravagance  in  this  : 
the  suppression  of  piracy  was  the  most  glorious  part  of  Pompey's 
career.  —  tarn  vetus  :  the  piratical  forces  were  made  up  of  the 
wreck  of  those  numberless  armies  beaten  and  broken  up  in  the 
wars  of  the  past  half-century  or  more.  When  the  lesser  states 
lost  their  independence,  their  bravest  men  would  often  prefer  the 


52  Notes.  [Manil. 

outlaw  freedom  of  piracy  to  personal  slavery,  or  even  to  political 
subjugation.  In  fact,  the  pirate  State  in  Cilicia  made  a  sort  of 
independent  republic,  unrecognized  and  defiant. 

§  32.  fuit :  i.  e.  is  no  longer.  —  propugnaculis,  outworks.  — 
Brundisio  :  i.  e.  the  short  passage  to  Greece.  —  legati  :  the  case 
is  not  known  ;  probably  not  an  ambassador,  but  a  military  aid.  The 
plural  is  perhaps  used  rhetorically  for  the  singular.  —  redempti, 
bought  off,  ransomed. —  duodecim  secures,  twelve  lictors,  who 
carried  axes  in  bundles  of  rods  {fasces),  the  symbol  of  the  military 
imperhun.  The  praetors  in  Rome  were  attended  by  two  lictors  ; 
as  governors  of  provinces,  they  had  six :  here,  two prcetors. 

§  33.  Cnidum,  etc. :  all  of  these  were  important  cities,  although 
none  of  them  of  the  first  rank.  —  vestros  portus :  i.  e.  those  of 
Cajeta,  Misenum,  and  Ostia,  mentioned  below. 

70.  vitam  ac  spiritum,  i.  e.  ports  of  entry  are  the  breath  of 
life  to  a  state  like  Rome,  which  must  import  its  daily  supplies 
of  food.  —  potestatem  :  ace,  because  it  is  implied  that  they  fell 
into  their  power.  —  Caietae,  now  Gaeta,  a  port  on  the  southern 
coast  of  Latium  :  who  was  the  praetor  here  referred  to  is  not  known. 

—  Miseno,  the  northern  promontory  of  the  Bay  of  Naples  :  it  had  a 
fine  harbor,  which,  under  the  empire,  became  the  principal  naval 
station  of  the  Tuscan  Sea.  —  liberos,  a  rhetorical  use  of  the  plural 
for  the  singular,  also  illustrating  the  masculine  form  for  either  sex : 
it  was  a  daughter  of  the  distinguished  orator  Marcus  Antonius,  who 
had  celebrated  a  triumph  for  a  victory  over  the  pirates,  B.  c.  102.  — 
Ostiense  :  Ostia,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber,  was  the  seaport  of 
Rome  :  the  harbor,  however,  was  choked  up  with  sand,  and  early 
in  the  empire  it  was  necessary  to  construct  another  artificial  harbor 
in  its  place.     It  is  not  known  who  was  the  consul  here  referred  to. 

—  consul :  the  dignity  of  the  commander  showing  the  importance 
of  the  fleet.  —  esset,  subj.  of  charact.  —  tantam  .  .  .  lucem  :  the 
position  of  these  words  emphasizes  those  enclosed  by  them. — 
Oceani  ostium,  the  Strait  of  Gibraltar. 

§  34.  sunt,  agreeing  directly  with  haec,  instead  of  est  with  the 
indir.  question  as  subject  (compare  ace.  of  anticip.  §  67,  2,  c). — 
tanti  belli,  etc.,  the  rush  of  so  great  a  war  sped  over  the  sea. 

§  35.  The  geographical  allusions  may  be  explained  as  follows  :  — 

Hispaniis :  Spain  was  occupied  by  Rome,  in  the  time  of  the  Second  Punic  War,  and 
made  into  two  Provinces  :  H.  Citerior,  extending  to  the  Iberus  (afterwards  enlarged 
so  as  to  comprise  half  the  peninsula)  ;  H.  Ulterior,  the  territory  beyond.  —  Gallia : 
Gallia  Transalpina  (or  Narbonensis),  the  whole  southern  coast  of  Gaul,  was  made  into  a 
province,  B.C.  120.  —  Illyrici  Maris:  Illyria  was  always  a  chief  seat  of  piracy:  it  had 
been  dependent  upon  Rome  since  b.  c  178  — Achaiam  :  this  term  was  usually  applied  to 
the  Peloponnesus,  so  that  by  Graecia  is  here  intended  Hellas  proper.  The  independence 
of  Greece  ceased  with  the  capture  of  Corinth  by  Mummius,  b.  c.  146 ;  still  the  chief  part 
of  the  country  remained  nominally  free,  and  no  regular  province  was  organized  until  the 
time  of  Augustus.  —  Duo  maria,  the  Adriatic  Sea  {Mare  Suj>erum)t  and  the  Tyrrhenian 


§3i-39-]  The  Manilian  Law.  53 

{Mare  Inferutn).  —  Ciliciam  :  Cilicia  as^era,  the  western  part,  had  been,  since  B.  C.  103, 
the  regular  post  of  a  prajtor  or  propraetor  (see  Verr.  I.  §  n) :  in  b.  c.  75  it  was  organized 
as  a  province,  with  the  adjoining  districts  of  Pamphylia,  Isauria,  &c.  Pompey  completed 
the  conquest  of  the  whole  country.  —  C retettsibus :  Quintus  Metellus,  the  proconsul  (the 
friend  of  Verres),  had  reduced  Crete  nearly  to  submission,  deriving  from  this  his  cognomen 
Creticus.  The  Cretans,  alienated  by  his  harshness,  sent  to  Pompey,  that  he  might  receive 
their  surrender,  rather  than  Metellus,  which  Pompey  was  very  willing"  to  do.  Civil  war 
nearly  broke  out  between  the  two  commanders  in  consequence.  Pompey,  however,  who 
had  his  hands  full  in  Asia,  withdrew  from  the  field  and  left  tlu  honors  to  his  rival 

71.  premebantur,  felt  the  weight. 

§  36.  imperatoris  :  of  a  commander.  —  quid  ceterae,  how  with 
the  others  t  —  adniinistrae,  handmaids.  —  innocentia  :  the  word 
especially  used  to  denote  cleanness  of  hands  in  the  governor  of  a 
province  (see  Verr.  I.  §  34).  —  temperantia,  self-restraint.  —  hu- 
manitate,  courtesy.  —  quae,  subj.  of  sint :  translate  these. 

§  37-  putare  (in  its  earlier  meaning  of  reckon),  etc.,  count  as 
such.  —  centuriatua  :  the  office  of  centurion.  Two  centurions 
commanded  each  manipulus  of  200  men.  The  Legion  was 
divided  into  thirty  maniples ;  and  after  the  time  of  Marius,  also 
into  ten  cohorts  of  three  maniples  each  :  under  the  empire  the 
maniple  was  divided  into  two  centurioz,  each  commanded  by  a  cen- 
turion. The  centurions  were  advanced  from  the  ranks  by  appoint- 
ment of  the  commander  :  hence  venire.  —  amplum  cogitare,  have 
any  grand  ideas.  —  serario  :  the  treasury  was  in  the  Temple  of 
Saturn,  under  the  superintendence  of  the  two  city  quaestors.  The 
actual  management  of  the  funds  was  in  the  hands  of  a  large  body 
of  clerks,  scriboz,  who  formed  a  permanent  collegium.  —  provinciae, 
sc.  retinendae  :  for  which  he  desired  the  influence  of  the  magis- 
trates. Nothing  is  known  as  to  the  circumstances  here  hinted 
at.  —  in  quaestu,  on  speculation.  —  facit  ut,  etc.,  shows  that  you 
know  (compare  note,  §  24). 

§  38.  recordamini,  protasis  (§60,  1,  b). —  quid  existimetis,  in 
dir.  disc,  it  would  be  the  same  form,  as  deliberative  subj.  (§  57.  6). 

7Q,  urbis,  ace.  —  hibernis  :  notice  the  strong  antithesis  ;  so- 
ciorum  limits  civitates.  —  judicando  :  a  great  part  of  the  impera- 
tor's  business  would  be  deciding  cases  of  extortion  by  the  publicani, 
who  were  of  the  same  class  (eguites)  that  held  the  judicial  power 
in  Rome.  By  favoring  them,  he  might  purchase  immunity  for  him- 
self, if  brought  to  trial  on  a  similar  charge. 

§  39.  manus,  vestigium  :  i.  e.  not  only  was  there  no  intentional 
violence,  but  no  unintended  evils  followed  in  its  train. — jam,  here 
simply  a  particle  of  transition,  made  emphatic  by  vero  :  that  which 
follows  refers  to  the  winter  quarters.  —  sermones,  reports,  by  way 
of  common  talk.  — ut  .  .  .  faciat,  to  incur  expense  in  entertaining 
officers  and  soldiers.  —  enim  :  understand,  "and  in  this  he  follows 
old  custom,"  for,  etc.  —  hiemis,  from  winter  (obj.  gen.)  :  avari* 
tiae,  for  avarice  (subj.  gen.). 


54  Notes.  [Manil. 

§  40.  celeritatem,  speed ;  cursum,  extent  of  travel.  —  remi- 
gum  :  galleys,  worked  by  oars  and  independent  of  the  wind,  were 
generally  used  as  war  vessels.  In  the  Mediterranean  (particularly 
in  the  Barbary  states)  their  use  was  continued  till  a  very  late  day ; 
and  for  some  purposes  they  are  still  employed.  Their  trained  crews 
of  rowers  gave  them  a  speed  hardly  less  than  that  of  steam-vessels. 

—  non  . . .  quaedam  . . .  aliqui,  it  was  not  that  some,  &c.  —  amceni- 
tas,  used  of  objects  of  sight,  beauty  of  scenery,  &c.  —  labor,  toil, 
always  with  the  sense  of  effort  and  fatigue.  —  signa,  statues ; 
tabulas,  pictiires  (on  wood). 

§  41.  hac  continentia,  i.e.  such  as  his.  —  jam  videbatur,  was 
now  getting  to  seem.  —  nunc  :  notice  the  emphatic  repetition  ("  ana- 
phora").—  servire  quam  irnperare,  a  rhetorical  exaggeration  for 
preferring  the  condition  of  subject  allies  to  nominal  independence. 
The  language  may  also  refer  to  such  cases  as  that  of  Attalus,  king 
of  Pergamus,  who  left  his  kingdom  by  bequest  to  Rome,  b.  c.  133. 

73  •  §  42.  consilio,  etc.,  compare  §  36.  —  ipso,  of  itself  —  hoc 
loco,  the  Rostra.  —  fidem  vero,  etc. :  render,  and  as  to  his  good 
faith,  &c,  changing  the  construction  so  as  to  keep  the  emphasis. 
So  quam,  etc.,  when  the  enemy  esteemed  it,  &c.  (contrasting  hostes 
with  socios.  —  pugnantes,  in  battle;  victi,  in  defeat.  —  consilio, 
purpose. 

§  43.  3MCtoritas=reputation.  —  impeiio  militari,  distinguished 
from  the  imperiw?i  domi,  or  the  authority  of  the  consul  and  praetor 
within  the  city,  which  was  subject  to  intervention  and  appeal.  — 
ut  ...  ament,  clause  of  result,  following  commoveri. — judicia, 
i.  e.  by  conferring  offices  and  commands. 

§  44.  illius  diei,  i.  e.  of  the  proposal  of  the  Lex  Gabinia,  which 
conferred  upon  Pompey  the  command  against  the  pirates.  (See 
Introd.).  —  commune,  i.e.  against  pirates,  enemies  of  all  mankind. 

—  aliorum  exemplis,  i.  e.  by  way  of  contrast. 

74.  §  45-  prcelio,  the  defeat  of  Triarius  (see  §  25).  —  pro- 
vincia,  i.  e.  Asia.  —  discrimen,  the  turning  poi?it.  —  ad  eas  re- 
giones,  i.  e.  only  into  the  neighborhood,  as  Pompey's  authority 
did  not  reach  the  seat  of  war. 

§  46.  ilia  res,  in  appos.  with  quod  . . .  dediderunt.  —  Creten- 
sium.  The  towns  of  the  same  region  or  race  were  often  united  in 
leagues  or  confederacies,  chiefly  for  religious  purposes.  After  the 
Roman  conquest,  such  communia  were  sometimes  left  in  existence, 
and  even  new  ones  were  organized,  and  these  were  invested  with 
some  subordinate  political  function.  The  existence  of  a  commune 
Cretensium  is  known  from  inscriptions.  (For  the  incident  here 
referred  to,  see  §  35.)  —  ad  eundem,  i.  e.  rather  than  Quintus 
Metellus  Pius  (referred  to  by  ei  quibus),  who  also  had  a  com- 
mand in  Spain.     Nothing  is  known  of  any  such  embassy,  but  from 


§39-54-]  The   Manilian    Law.  55 

the  apologetic  tone  of  what  follows,  it  may  be  inferred  that  there 
was  no  great  honor  in  the  affair.  —  eum  quern,  one  who.  —  ei  qui- 
bus,  while  they,  &c.,  i.  e.  those  jealous  of  Pompey's  reputation. 

75.  §  47-  felicitate :  in  this  quality  is  implied  a  special  favor 
of  the  gods,  which  it  would  be  presumptuous  to  arrogate  to  one's  self, 
although  Sulla  had  done  so  by  assuming  the  cognomen  Felix  (see 
R.  A.  §  12).  —  praestare,  give  assurance  of .  —  Maximo  :  Quintus 
Fabius  Maximus,  "  the  shield  of  Rome  ;  "  Marcello  :  Marcus  Clau- 
dius Marcellus,  "the  sword  of  Rome,"  both  in  the  Second  Punic 
War.  —  Scipioni  :  either  Africanus  the  elder,  or  ^Emilianus  :  from 
§  60,  it  might  appear  to  be  the  latter.  —  Mario  ;  Caius  Marius, 
who  vanquished  Jugurtha,  subdued  the  Cimbri  and  Teutones,  and 
afterwards  engaged  in  civil  war  with  Sulla,  b.  c.  88.  —  ssepius,  re- 
peatedly :  Marius  was  consul  seven  times.  —  fuit  (emphatic),  there 
really  has  been;  fortuna  is  also  emphatic. — invisa,  i.  e.  presump- 
tuous. 

§  48.  non  sum  praedicaturus :  this  affectation  of  silence  is 
called  prceteritio.  —  proprium  ac  perpetuum,  secured  to  him  for 
ever.  —  cum  . . .  turn,  not  less  . . .  than. 

§  49.  cum,  etc.,  recapitulation.  —  quin  conferatis,  §  65,  1,  b. 

7G.  §  50.  erat  deligendus,  §  59,  3.  d.  —  nunc,  as  it  is. — 
utilitates,    advantages.  —  opportunitas,  fortunate   circumstance. 

—  eis  qui  habent,  i.  e.  Lucullus,  Glabrio,  and  Marcius  Rex. 

§  51.  at  enim  (objection),  but,  you  will  say.  —  adfectus,  en- 
joying.  —  Catulus  :  Quintus  Lutr.tius  Catulus,  at  this  time  the 
leader  of  the  senatorial  party ;  an  estimable  man  and  an  expe- 
rienced statesman,  but  no  soldier.  The  beneficia  a?nplissima  are 
the  successive  offices  that  had  been  conferred  upon  him.  —  orna- 
mentis,  endow  me  fits.  —  Hortensius,  the  leading  lawyer  of  the 
time  (see  oration  against  Verres).  —  virorum,  etc.,  see  §  68. 

§  52.  obsolevit,  etc.,  "is  played  out,"  become  stale.  —  Gabinium, 
see  Introd. ;  and  compare  the  oration  Post  Reditum,  chap.  5.  — 
promulgasset,  had  given  ?wtice.  —  ex  hoc  ipso  loco,  i.  e.  in  the 
public  discussion  of  the  law,  before  the  vote,  in  the  contio  (see  §1). 

As  the  Gabinian  Law  was  strictly  a  filebiscitum,  brought  by  a  Tribune  before  the  Ple- 
beian Assembly  of  Tribes  (see  note  on  Verr.  I.  §  18),  it  did  not  require  any  ratification  by 
the  Senate  (Momm.  Rom.  Forsch.  i  p.  239).  The  expression  of  opinion  by  Hortensius 
must  therefore  have  been  in  an  informal  discussion,  after  the  promulgation  of  the  law. 

§  53.  hanc,  i.  e.  which  we  have  now.  —  an  implies  a  strong  nega- 
tive (§  71,  2,  b).  —  legati,  etc.  (see  §§  32,  33). 

77.  commeatu,  supplies,  i.  e.  by  the  embargo  on  their  trade. 

—  neque  jam,  no  longer. 

§  54.  Atheniensium :  the  Athenian  empire  of  the  sea,  in  the 
fifth  century  b.  c,  resulted  from  the  great  victories  in  the  Persian 
war.  —  Karthaginiensium :  the  maritime  power  of  Carthage  was 


56  Notes.  [Manil 

at  its  height  in  the  third  century  b.  c.  —  Rhodiorum  :  the  city  ot 
Rhodes  was  the  chief  naval  power  of  the  Mediterranean  during 
the  last  three  centuries  before  Christ :  its  power  was  broken  b.  c.  42, 
at  its  capture  by  Cassius. 

§  55.  Antiochum  :  Antiochus  the  Great,  king  of  Syria,  defeated 
at  Magnesia,  B.  c.  190.  —  Perseus  :  Perseus,  the  last  king  of  Mace- 
donia, defeated  at  Pydna,  b.  c.  168.  —  Karthaginiensis  :  Carthage 
was  mistress  of  the  sea  at  the  time  when  the  wars  with  Rome 
began  ;  but  in  the  first  Punic  War  she  was  beaten  at  her  own 
weapons.  —  paratissimos,  best  equipped.  —  ei  repeats  nos  :  we,  i.  e. 
that  nation.  —  prsestare,  warrant.  —  Delos,  a  very  small  island  in 
the  ALgzzn  Sea,  sacred  as  the  birthplace  of  Apollo  and  Artemis. 
It  has  an  excellent  harbor,  and  this,  added  to  its  peculiar  sanctity, 
gave  it  high  importance.  It  was  the  nominal  seat  of  the  con- 
federacy of  which  Athens  was  the  head,  after  the  Persian  Wars, 
and  had  at  all  times  a  flourishing  commerce.  In  the  time  of  Cicero 
it  was  the  great  slave  market  of  the  world,  10,000  slaves  being 
sometimes  sold  here  in  a  single  day.  —  commeabant,  resorted.  — 
Appia  Via,  the  principal  highway  of  Italy,  running  from  Rome  to 
the  next  town  in  importance,  Capua.  It  was  commenced  by  Appius 
Claudius  Caecus,  in  his  censorship,  b.  c.  312.  —  jam,  at  length. — 
pudebat :  notice  the  tense.  No  special  case  is  referred  to,  but 
it  is  implied  that  any  magistrate  ought  to  have  felt  shame,  seeing 
that  the  beaks  of  ships,  rostra,  were  the  trophy  over  a  naval  power. 

7H.  §  57-  ne  legaretur :  the  legati,  who  accompanied  the 
general  as  his  staff,  were  generally  nominated  by  him,  but  were 
appointed  by  the  Senate.  (For  the  construction,  see  §  64,  1.)  — ex- 
petenti,  earnestly  requesting ;  postulanti,  claiming  as  a  right.  — 
utrum  . . .  an,  §  71,  2. 

§  58.  C.  Falcidius,  etc.  :  what  distinguished  the  case  of  these 
tribunes  from  that  of  Gabinius,  was  that  there  was  a  law  prohibit- 
ing any  person  from  receiving  an  appointment  under  a  law  pro- 
posed by  himself:  compare  Art.  I.  §5,  clause  2  of  the  United  States 
Constitution.  —  honoris  causa,  see  note  on  Rose.  Am.  §  5. — in, 
in  the  case  of.  —  diligentes,  scrupulous.  —  me  .  .  .  relaturum,  1 
pledge  myself  to  bring  it  before  the  Senate. 

To  bring  business  before  the  Senate  {referre  ad  Senatuni)  was  in  Cicero's  power  as 
praetor.  There  would  be  no  hindrance  to  Gabinius  being  legatus  under  the  Manilian  Law. 
The  praetor  could,  however,  be  forbidden  by  the  edict  of  the  consul  (who  possessed  major 
potestas)  from  bringing  forward  any  business  which  was  not  on  the  order  of  the  day.  If, 
in  spite  of  the  edict,  he  should  persist,  as  he  threatens,  the  act  would  nevertheless  be 
valid.     The  intercession  of  a  Tribune,  however,  he  would  be  obliged  to  respect. 

edictum  :  the  official  proclamation  or  announcement  of  a  magis- 
trate ;  not,  however,  of  a  Tribune,  whose  act  was  intercessio,  which 
could  stop  any  political  action.  —  considerabunt,  i.e.  hesitate  be- 
fore they  set  themselves  against  the  will  of  the  people.  —  socius  : 


§  54-62.]  The  Manilian  Law,  57 

not  as  legatus  (if  it  referred  to  an  official  position,  ascribetur  would 
be  used),  but  simply  as  partner  in  honor  and  credit. 

790  §  59.  cum  quaereret :  compare  cum  dixistis,  just  below 
(§  62,  2,  b).  —  si  .  . .  esset,  if  anything  should  happen  to  kirn,  —  a 
common  euphemism,  then  as  now.  —  quo  minus  ...  hoc  magis, 
§  54,  6,  e. 

§  60.  at  enim,  see  §  51.  —  exempla,  precedents  ;  instituta,  estab- 
lished customs.  —  paruisse,  adcommodasse  :  i.  e.  they  disregarded 
precedents  in  great  emergencies,  —  a  course  which  thus  became 
itself  a  controlling  precedent.  —  temporum,  dep.  on  casus,  con- 
siliorum  on  rationes  (chiastic).  — non  dicam  {prceteritio),  I  will 
not  speak  of.  —  ab  uno  imperatore  :  Scipio  Africanus  the  younger 
(j'Emilianus),  who  captured  Carthage  (b.  c.  146)  and  Numantia 
(b.  c.  133).  At  this  time  it  was  a  law  that  no  person  should  be 
consul  twice.  —  C.  Mario  :  Marius  was  chosen  consul  five  years  in 
succession,  to  carry  on  the  wars  here  referred  to. 

§  61.  quam  . . .  nova :  here  certainly  the  orator  makes  a  point. 
For  the  several  circumstances  see  notes  on  §§  28-30.  —  privatum, 
i.  e.  not  a  magistrate.  —  conficere,  make  up,  the  technical  expres- 
sion for  recruiting  an  army.  —  a  senatorio  gradu  :  the  Senate 
could  not  be  entered  until  after  holding  the  quasstorship,  the  legal 
age  for  which  was  thirty  at  least,  and  regularly  thirty-six,  while 
Pompey  was  at  this  time  (b.  c.  82)  only  twenty-three.  —  in  ea  pro- 
vincia,  i.  e.  Africa  (Momm.  R.  S.  i.  p.  470). 

HO.  exercitum  deportavit :  this  was  one  ot  the  essential  con- 
ditions of  the  triumph.  —  equitem,  i.  e.  having  never  held  a  magis- 
tracy, and  so  not  in  the  Senate.  —  triumphare  :  the  honor  of  a 
triumph  was  properly  accorded  only  to  commanders  who  possessed 
the  imperium  in  virtue  of  holding  a  regular  magistracy  (Momm. 
Rom.  St.  i.  p.  109).  Pompey's  itnperiujn  was  held  irregularly,  by 
special  appointment  of  the  Senate  :  both  his  triumphs,  therefore, 
in  b.  c.  80  and  71,  were  irregular,  which  accounts  for  the  vehement 
opposition  they  met. 

§  62.  duo  consules  :  i.  e.  Mamercus  Lepidus  and  Decimus 
Brutus,  b.  c.  77.  Instead  of  either  of  these  being  sent  to  Spain 
as  proconsul  the  next  year,  against  Sertorius,  Pompey,  a  simple 
eques,  was  taken.  —  quidem,  by  the  way.  —  non  nemo,  a  man  or 
two.  —  Philippus,  a  prominent  member  of  the  aristocracy  (consul 
b.  c.  91),  distinguished  for  his  wit ;  a  man  of  liberal  temper,  but  a 
vehement  partisan.  (For  an  entertaining  anecdote  of  him,  see 
Horace,  Ep.  i.  7.)  —  pro  consulibus,  in  place  of  both  consuls. 

When  it  was  desired  to  retain  the  services  of  a  magistrate  after  his  term  of  office  had 
expired,  his  imperium  was  extended  (prorogatum)  by  the  Senate,  and  was  held  by  him 
pro  consule  or  pro  pratore,  that  is,  as  having  the  power  of  the  magistracy,  while  no 
longer  actually  a  magistrate.  It  was  only  the  military  imperium  that  was  prorogued  :  its 
authority  did  not  extend  within  the  walls  of  Rome,  and  of  course  the  proconsul  possessed 


58  Notes.  [Manil. 

none  of  the  civil  powers  of  the  consul  within  the  city,  —  as,  for  instance,  the  right  of  calling 
together  the  Senate  or  an  assembly  of  the  people  (Momm.  Rom.  St.  i.  pp.  143  and  155). 
Sometimes  a  private  citizen,  like  Pompey,  was  invested  with  the  imperium,  and  called 
proconsul ;  but  this  irregular  proconsulship  did  not  rank  with  the  prorogued  impermm 
of  a  regular  magistrate,  and  did  not  entitle  to  the  honors  of  a  triumph. 

mittere,  for  mitto  of  dir.  disc.  The  simple  present,  along  with 
sententia,  seems  a  regular  form  of  giving  one's  opinion  in  the 
Senate.  —  duorum,  another  exaggeration  :  only  one  of  these  would 
at  any  rate  have  gone  as  proconsul.  —  legibus  solutus,  relieved 
from  the  operation  of  the  taws,  i.  e.  those  limiting  the  age  of  magis- 
trates {leges  annates).  —  ex  senatus  consulto  :  another  irregularity, 
for  the  comitia  were  the  law-making  power,  and  of  course  had  the 
sole  power  of  exempting  from  the  laws.  —  magistratum  :  the  legal 
age  of  a  consul  was  forty-three,  and  that  of  a  praetor  forty.  Pompey 
was  consul  B.  c.  70,  at  the  age  of  thirty-six,  which  was  the  regular 
age  for  the  quaestorship.  —  iterum  :  Pompey  celebrated  his  second 
triumph  Dec.  31,  B.  c.  71,  and  the  next  day  entered  upon  the  con- 
sulship. 

§  63.  auctoritate,  i.  e.  since  they  were  then  prominent  members 
of  the  Senate.  —  comprobatam  :  i.  e.  the  people,  in  electing  Pom- 
pey consul,  had  only  followed  the  example  of  the  Senate  in  con- 
ferring these  repeated  honors.  — judicium,  formal  decision,  i.  e.  in 
the  Gabinian  law.  —  improbari,  disapproved.  —  delegistis  :  this  is 
not  literally  correct.  The  Gabinian  law  merely  prescribed  that  an 
ex-C07isul  should  receive  this  command  :  the  Senate  selected  the 
man.  In  fact,  however,  it  was  a  law  made  for  a  particular  man, 
and  the  Senate  would  not  have  ventured  to  appoint  any  other. 

81.  §  64.  parum  (same  root  as  parvus),  too  little,  or  ill. — 
sin  :  the  protasis  extends  to  attulistis.  —  auctoritati,  §  51,  2,  f 
—  Asiatico  et  regio  :  the  two  adjectives  enhance  the  impression 
of  the  difficulty  of  the  war,  by  emphasizing  its  distance  and  the 
dignity  of  the  enemy.  —  pudore,  respect  for  others ;  temperantia, 
self-restraint. 

§  65.  jam  :  i.  e*.  it  has  now  gone  so  far  that,  &c.  —  requiruntur, 
are  in  demand :  pretexts  of  war  are  sought  for,  with  cities  that  are 
hardly  known  of.  —  inferatur,  fastened. 

§  66.  libenter,  etc.,  /  should  be  glad  to  argue  this  face  to  face, 
&c.  —  nostrum  simulatione,  under  the  guise  of  enemies  :  i.  e.  as  if 
they  were.  —  animos  ac  spiritus,  pride  and  insolence.  —  conlatis 
signis,  i.  e.  in  actual  warfare.  —  nisi  erit  idem,  unless  he  shall 
also  be  one.  —  animum,  desires.  —  idoneus,  etc.  (§  65,  2,  /),  fit  to 
be  sent. 

82.  §  67.  pacatam  :  that  is,  hostilities  have  not  ceased  as 
long  as  there  was  any  money  to  be  extorted.  —  prgetores,  i.  e.  pro- 
prcetors  :  for,  after  the  time  of  Sulla,  the  praetors  regularly  re- 
mained at  Rome  during  their  term  of  office.     The  most  notorious 


§62-71.]  The  Manilian  Law.  59 

case  of  such  dishonesty  was  M.  Antonius  Creticus,  son  of  the 
orator,  and  father  of  the  triumvir.  —  publica,  assigned  to  them  for 
the  support  of  their  fleets  and  armies.  —  jacturis,  expenses,  in  buy- 
ing their  places.  —  condicionibus,  bargains,  with  creditors,  &c. — 
quasi  non  videamus  (§  61,  1,  R.),  as  if  we  did  not  see. 

§  68.  dubitare  quin,  hesitate.  The  usual  construction  in  this 
sense  would  be  with  the  infin.  The  exception  is  allowed,  because 
the  subj.  with  dubitare  quin  makes  a  kind  of  indir.  disc.  Their 
thought,  in  direct  disc,  would  be  credamus,  shall  we  trust?  which 
remains  unchanged  except  in  person.  —  auctoritatibus,  i.  e.  the 
opinion  of  influential  men.  —  est  vobis  auctor,  you  have  as  au- 
thority. 

Servilius  Vatia  Isauricus,  one  of  the  most  reputable  men  of  the  time,  cos.  b.  c  79 :  he 
held  the  proconsulship  of  Cilicia,  B.  c.  78-75,  in  which  time  he  gained  great  successes  over 
the  pirates,  and  obtained  his  agnomen,  Isauricus,  from  the  capture  of  Isaura,  the  moun- 
tain fortress  of  the  Isaurians.  It  was  probably  his  intimate  knowledge  of  the  region  and 
the  kind  of  warfare,  that  led  him  to  support  this  vigorous  measure. 

Curio,  see  Verr.  I.  §  18.  —  Lentulus  :  Cn.  Cornelius  Lentulus  Clo- 
dianus,  cos.  b.  C.  72  ;  not  to  be  confounded  with  Lentulus  Sura, 
cos.  b.  c.  71,  the  accomplice  of  Catiline.  —  Cassius  :  for  the  charac- 
ter of  this  family,  see  note  on  Verr.  I.  §  30. 

83 o  §  69.  de  re  .. .  facultate  :  the  cause  itself,  or  the  power 
of  carrying  it  through.  —  potestate  prsetoria,  official  influence 
as  prcBtor ;  more  official  than  auctoritas.  —  defero,  put  at  your 
service. 

§  70.  templo  :  i.  e.  the  rostra.  The  term  temphtm  was  applied 
to  any  place  consecrated  by  regular  auspices  {augurato).  As  the 
public  assembly  was  held  augurato,  the  place  of  holding  it  must  be 
consecrated.  —  ad  remp.  adeunt,  are  engaged  in  public  affairs  (see 
§  42,  2,  ad).  —  neque  quo,  nor  because  (§  66,  1,  d,  R.).  —  honori- 
bus,  i.  e.  public  office,  which  he  proposes  to  earn,  not  by  the  arts 
of  a  demagogue,  but  by  faithful  professional  labors,  as  a  lawyer.  — 
pericula  relates  to  the  si?nultates  in  the  next  section.  It  was  not 
possible  for  him  to  espouse  this  democratic  measure  so  earnestly, 
without  incurring  coolness  at  least  on  the  part  of  the  aristocracy. 
—  ut,  so  far  as. 

§  71.  ego  :  expressed  not  as  itself  emphatic,  but  to  give  em- 
phasis to  the  whole  expression  :  /  give  you  my  word,  &c.  — 
tantum  . . .  abest  ut  videar,  /  am  so  far  fro?n  seeming  (§  70,  4,  d). 
hoc  honore,  the  praetorship.  —  adfectum,  privi/eged.  —  me  opor- 
tere,  /  am  boimd  (me  is  obj.  of  oportere,  of  which  the  subj.  is 
praeferre,  etc.). 


60  Notes.  [Catil. 

Catiline    I. 
Argument. 

Chap.  i.  Propositio.  Catiline's  audacity  in  appearing  in  the  Senate  when  his  guilt 
is  known.  —  2.  Weakness  of  the  consuls,  in  allowing  him  to  live.  —  3,  4.  Contrast,  in  the 
cases  of  Gracchus,  Melius,  and  Saturninus. — 4.  The  Senatorial  decree  is  suspended  in 
Catiline's  case,  till  all  shall  be  satisfied  of  his  guilt.  His  plans  enumerated.  —  Hortatio. 
5.  He  is  exhorted  to  go  out  and  join  his  confederates.  The  plots  against  Cicero  have 
been  thwarted;  but  now  they  aim  at  the  State.  —  6,  7.  Catiline  has  no  inducement  to 
remain  where  all  good  men  hate  and  shrink  from  him.  —  8.  He  has  offered  to  go  into 
custody :  let  him  depart :  the  Senate  shows  by  silence  its  approval  of  Cicero's  words.  — 
9,  10.  Though  he  insolently  refuses  to  depart,  yet  his  defeat  as  candidate  for  the  consul- 
ship has  made  him  from  a  conspirator  into  a  public  enemy. — Peroratio.  11.  The  State 
remonstrates  against  the  consul's  lenity.  —  12.  But  it  is  a  gain  to  force  him  into  exile,  and 
thus  draw  the  conspiracy  to  a  head.  —  13  For  his  death  would  only  palliate  the  evil.  So 
let  him  go,  taking  with  him  the  ruin  of  his  plot,  the  hate  of  men,  and  the  wrath  of  the 
gods. 

PAGE. 

85.  §  1.  etiam  (et  jam),  still.  —  eludet,  mock.  —  quem  ad 
finem,  almost  equivalent  to  quamdiu,  but  implying  some  shock  or 
crisis  which  must  follow.  —  sese  jactabit,  insolently  display  itself. 
— Palati,  one  of  the  strongest  positions  in  the  city,  commanding  the 
Forum,  and  so  most  likely  to  be  seized  by  the  conspirators. 

The  Palatium,  an  isolated  hill,  of  a  rudely  quadrangular  shape,  was  the  original  seat 
of  the  city  of  Rome,  Roma  Quadrata,  from  which  it  spread  gradually  over  the  other 
hills.  In  the  last  years  of  the  republic,  the  Palatine  became  the  fashionable  place  for 
residences.  Here  was  Cicero's  house  as  well  as  Catiline's.  On  the  brow  of  the  h  11 
towards  the  Sacred  Way  stood  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Stator,  in  which  the  Senate  was  now 
assembled.  It  was  because  of  its  nearness  to  his  house,  as  well  as  because  of  the  strength 
of  its  position,  that  the  consul  selected  this  temple  for  the  meeting  of  the  Senate  on  this 
occasion.  In  the  Empire  the  Palatine  became  the  seat  of  the  imperial  residence,  and  its 
name,  palace,  has  passed  in  this  sense  into  most  modern  languages. 

bonorum,  see  §  21.  —  locus:  the  regular  place  of  meeting  for  the 
Senate  was  the  Curia  Hostilia;  on  special  occasions  it  met  in  other 
places,  but  always  in  a  consecrated  place  (templum  ;  see  note  on 
Manil.  Law,  §  70).  —  horum  (with  a  gesture),  the  senators  present. 
—  ora,  features;  voltus,  expression  (a  sort  of  hendiadys). —  con- 
strictam  teneri,  is  held  fast  bound.  —  proxima,  superiore  :  for 
what  was  done  on  the  night  of  Nov.  6,  see  §  4 ;  as  to  proxima, 
last  night,  we  do  not  meet  with  anything  but  general  assertions. 

§  2.  O  tempora,  etc.,  what  a  time  /  what  a  state  of  things  /  — 
immo,  nay  more :  immo  here  negatives  only  the  form  of  the 
preceding,  as  not  strong  enough.  —  consili,  counsels.  —  vitemus, 
subj.  of  indir.  disc.  —  ad  mortem  :  the  consuls  originally  possessed 
full  powers  of  judgment  in  criminal  cases,  including  punishment 
by  death.     These  highest  powers  of  the  imperium  were  suspended 


§  i -4-1  Catiline  I.  61 

within  the  city  by  laws  which  gave  the  right  of  appeal  to  the  people 
(see  note  on  §  28),  but  the  Senate  could  revive  it  in  cases  of  danger 
by  the  formula  Videant  consules  ne  quid  respublica  cUtrimenti 
capiat,  —  a  proceeding  analogous  to  the  proclamation  of  martial 
law.  This  action  the  Senate  had  taken  Oct.  21,  nearly  three  weeks 
before.  —  oportebat,  implied  cond.  (§  60,  2,  c)  :  the  imperf.  is  used 
with  jam  pridem,  where  we  might  expect  the  pluperf.  (compare 
§  58,  2,  a). 

§  3.  an  vero,  while,  &c,  belongs  both  to  interfecit  and  perfere- 
mus,  introducing  (as  usual)  a  sort  of  reductio  ad  absurdum. — 
vir  amplissimus,  pontifex  maximus  :  observe  how  these  words 
strengthen  the  force  of  the  example. 

P.  Scipio  Nasica  Serapio  was  leader  of  the  mob  of  gentlemen  that  murdered  Tiberius 
Gracchus,  b.  c.  133.  He  held  the  office  of  Pontifex  Maximus,  president  of  the  board 
(collegium)  of  pontifices,  which  had  the  general  superintendence  of  the  State  religion. 
Since  in  all  ancient  states  the  political  constitution  was  based  on  the  State  religion,  the 
pontijices  exercised  great  political  power.  They  were  the  earliest  jurists ;  and  the  office 
of  their  head,  the  pontifex  maximus,  was,  in  Rome,  on  the  whole  the  first  position  in 
dignity  and  influence.  He  was  appointed  by  the  Board  from  their  own  number.  But,  in 
the  last  two  centuries  of  the  republic,  it  was  established  that  the  person  to  be  so  appointed 
should  be  designated  by  popular  election.  This  was  confined  to  the  minority  (seventeen) 
of  the  thirty-five  tribes,  designated  by  lot.  An  absolute  choice  by  the  people  was  regarded 
as  inadmissible  in  religious  offices- 

Tiberius  Sempronius  Gracchus,  a  young  man  of  high  rank  and  great  personal  purity 
of  character,  attempted  to  carry  through  some  important  reforms,  particularly  touching 
the  tenure  of  the  public  lands,  b.  c.  133.  Requiring  more  time  to  make  his  legislation 
effective,  he  attempted  illegally  to  secure  his  own  re-election  as  Tribune ;  when  he  was 
attacked  and  killed  by  a  mob  of  senators  headed  by  Scipio  Nasica.  The  mother  of 
Gracchus  was  a  daughter  of  the  great  Scipio,  the  conqueror  of  Hannibal. 

privatus  :  Nasica  at  this  time  was  only  a  private  citizen  of  consular 
rank.  He  afterwards  went  into  exile,  and  was  made  Pontifex  Maxi- 
mus in  his  absence.  The  word  privatus  is  opposed  to  nos  consules, 
and  the  contrast  is  rhetorically  exaggerated.  —  ilia,  that  case,  plural 
for  singular,  as  frequently  in  Greek.  —  Ahala,  the  magister  equi- 
tum  of  the  famous  Cincinnatus  :  he  killed  without  law  the  eques 
Madius,  on  suspicion  of  his  aiming  at  a  dangerous  power  by  his 
lavish  gifts  of  corn  (b.  c.  439). 

8G.  novis  rebus  (the  classic  expression  for  a  violent  change 
of  government),  revolution.  —  senatus  consultum  :  i.  e.  ut  videant 
consules,  etc.  The  consultum  of  the  Senate  was  its  ordinance, 
regularly  passed  and  promulgated,  and  recognized  as  valid.  If  it 
was  invalid  by  reason  of  informality  or  intercession  of  a  tribune, 
it  was  called  senatus  auctoritas,  and  might  still  be  drawn  up  in 
form,  and  would  still  have  a  certain  modified  authority.  —  vehe- 
mens,  severe,  as  regards  Catiline  ;  grave,  carrying  weight,  as  re- 
gards the  consuls.  —  rei  publicae  (dat.  with  deest)  :  we  know  well 
enough  what  to  do  —  we  have  authority  enough  :  it  is  the  execution 
that  is  remiss. 

§  4.  decrevit  (emphatic),  there  was  once  a  decree,  &c.     This 


62  Notes.  [Catil.  I. 


word  is  used  (as  well  as  censeo,  placet)  to  express  the  intent 
of  the  Senate  ;  the  consultum,  ordinance,  or  any  separate  article 
of  it,  might,  as  regarded  its  purport,  be  called  decretutn. 

Lucius  Opimius  was  consul  b.  c.  121,  when  Caius  Gracchus,  the  younger  brother  of 
Tiberius,  was  attempting  to  carry  through  a  series  of  measures  far  more  revolutionary  than 
those  of  his  brother.  The  Senate,  the  champion  of  the  existing  order  of  things,  took 
alarm,  and  intrusted  the  consul  with  absolute  power.  In  the  tumult  that  ensued,  some 
3,000  were  said  to  have  lost  their  lives,  including  Gracchus  aad  his  leading  associate 
Fulvius. 

The  father  of  the  Gracchi  was  Tiberius  Gracchus,  one  of  the  most  eminent  statesmen 
of  his  day,  distinguished  for  integrity  and  humanity,  as  well  as  ability  and  culture.  Their 
mother  was  Cornelia,  daughter  of  Scipio  African  us,  the  conqueror  of  Hannibal.  Ancestors 
on  both  sides  were  distinguished  in  the  Second  Punic  War,  and  the  brothers  were  likewise 
connected  by  kinship  and  marriage  with  many  of  the  noblest  families  of  Rome. 

The  case  of  Marius  was  in  b.  c.  ioo,  the  year  of  his  sixth  consulship.  He  was  secretly 
in  league  with  the  revolutionists,  —  Saturninus  and  Servilius  Glaucia,  corrupt  demagogues, 
unworthy  imitators  of  the  noble  Gracchi.  When  it  came  to  the  point,  however,  the 
courage  of  Marius  failed  him :  he  deserted  his  accomplices,  and  joined  the  Senate  in 
crushing  the  revolt. 

rei  publicae,  poss.  gen.,  the  punishment  being  looked  on  as  some- 
thing belonging  to  the  party  avenged,  and  taken  from  the  other 
party.  —  remorata._£st,  governing  Saturninum,  etc.  :  the  punish- 
ment is  oddly  regarded  as  waiting  for  them.  —  vicesimum  : 
strictly  speaking,  it  was  now  the  19th  day  from  Oct.  21.  —  horum, 
the  senators.  —  hujusce  modi,  i.  e.  like  those  others.  —  tabulis, 
brazen  tablets,  on  which  the  laws,  &c,  were  inscribed.  The  edict 
is  said  to  be  shut  up  in  them  (until  put  in  force),  like  a  sword 
hid  in  its  scabbard. — •  interfectum  esse  (§  58,  11,  d).  But,  after 
all,  it  would  have  been  hardly  possible,  even  with  the  extraordinary 
power  granted  to  the  consuls,  to  put  the  conspirator  to  death  with- 
out some  overt  act.  —  cupio,  /  am  anxious  (emphatic)  :  a  conces- 
sion, opposed  by  sed,  below.  —  dissolutum,  hasty,  as  having  one's 
actions  out  of  the  control  of  law,  reason,  &c.  —  ipse  :  Latin  in  such 
cases  emphasizes  the  subject,  English  the  object.  —  nequitiee, 
worthlessness. 

§  5.  faucibus,  narrow  pass,  leading  north  from  Etruria.  — 
conlocata,  §  72,  2,  d.  — jam,  at  once.  —  erit  verendum,  etc.  This 
difficult  sentence  is  best  rendered  by  connecting  non  and  potius 
with  verendum :  /  shall  not  have  more  reason  to  fear ;  and  by 
remembering  that  credo  is,  in  this  parenthetical  use,  ironical.  The 
sense  is,  of  course  I  shall  be  accused  of  cruelty  rather  than  slack- 
\  ness.  —  boni  (sc.  dicant)  :  here,  as  usual,  the  well-intentioned, 
i.  e.  those  who  held  the  speaker's  views.  —  ego,  opposed  to  omnes 
boni. 

87.  denique,  i.  e.  then,  and  not  before. — jam,  at  length. — 
fateatur,  §  65,  2. 

§  6.  etiam,  besides  the  forces  on  guard.  —  speculabuntur,  re- 
ferring to  the  spies  in  the  interest  of  the  government,  who  were  in 
the  very  heart  of  the  conspiracy.     Of  these  the  chief  was  Fulvia, 


§4-ii]  Catiline  I,  63 

mistress  of  one  of  the  conspirators.  —  quid,  etc.,  what  is  there  for 
you  to  wait  for  more?  —  nox,  privata  domus  :  the  time  and  place 
of  meeting.  —  inlustrantur  refers  to  tenebris  ;  erumpunt  to  pa- 
rietibus.  —  recognoscas,  review  (§70,  3,  f.  r.).      r^JL^ 

§  7.  dicere,  §  58,  11,  b. —  fore  (subj  C.  Manlium)  :  the  rising 
in  arms  is  put  first,  as  being  the  main  thing ;  the  person  is  less  im- 
portant. —  num,  etc..  was  I  mistakm  in,  &c.  —  idem  has  the  force 
of  also.  —  optimatium,  i.  e.  of  the  senatorial  party.  — in  ante  diem, 
§  56,  1,  /  — sui  conservandi  (§  73,  3,  a) :  this  passage  is  neatly 
turned,  to  save  their  self-respect  by  showing  that  discretion  was  the 
better  part  of  valor.  —  cum  dicebas,  equivalent  to  saying  (compare 
§72,  1,  e).  —  discessu,  loc.  abl. — tamen,  opposed  to  discessu : 
though  the  rest  were  gone. 

§  8.  Preeneste  (Palestrina),  an  important  town  of  Latium,  about 
twenty  miles  from  Rome,  in  a  very  commanding  situation.  Its 
possession  would  have  given  Catiline  an  important  military  post. 
It  was  a  chief  stronghold  of  the  Marian  party  in  the  civil  war. — 
sensistine,  did  you  not  find  f  The  negative  meaning  occasionally 
found  in  this  enclitic  is  probably  its  original  one.  —  coloniam  : 
Praeneste  proudly  declined  the  Roman  franchise,  and  retained  its 
nominal  independence  until  the  time  of  the  Social  War.  Sulla 
established  a  military  colony  there  by  way  of  punishment. — prae- 
sidiis,  the  garrison  manning  the  walls  ;  custodiis,  sentinels  at  the 
gates  ;  vigiliis,  night-guard.  —  agis,  etc. :  notice  the  climax. 

88.  noctem  superiorem,  night  before  last,  i.  e.  Nov.  6  : 
priore  (below)  refers  to  the  same.  —  jam,  you  will  at  once  see. — 
quam  te,  §  67,  1,  b,  R.  —  inter  falcarios,  i.  e.  the  street  of  the 
scythemakers.  —  non  agam  obscure,  i.  e.  I  will  speak  plainly. 

§  9.  gentium,  §  50,  2,  d.  —  quam  rem  publicam,  what  sort  of 
a  state  ?  —  hie,  hie,  here,  right  here. —  sanctissimo,  ve?ierable.  — 
omnium,  §  47,  5,  b.  —  atque  adeo,  and  in  fact.  —  oportebat,  see 
§2.  —  igitur  (resumptive),  as  I  said.  —  quemque,  each  of  the 
conspirators. — placeret,  for  indie;  relinqueres,  for  delib.  subj. 
(both  in  indir.  disc).  —  equites:  these  were  C.  Cornelius  and  L. 
Vargunteius. 

§  10.  id  temporis  (§  50,  2,  c),  at  that  very  time.  —  desiderant, 
have  been  wanting  (§  58,  2,  a).  —  si  minus  (sc.  omnes),  if  not. 

80.  §  11.  atque,  and  particularly.  —  huic,  i.  e.  in  whose  temple 
we  are  sitting.  —  Stator  (sto),  the  one  who  causes  to  stand  firm. 
The  temple  to  Jupiter  Stator  was  vowed  by  Romulus  when  his 
troops  were  giving  way,  and  built  upon  the  spot  where  their  flight 
was  stayed.  (See  note,  §  1).  —  in  uno,  etc.,  risked  upon  one  ma7i 
(i.  e.  Cicero  :  compare  Thucyd.  ii.  35).  —  proximis :  the  consular 
election  was  usually  held  in  July  ;  but  this  year,  on  account  of  the 
disturbed  condition  of  things,  did  not  take  place  until  Oct.  28,  when 


<\ 


64  Notes.  [Catil.  I. 

Manlius  was  in  fact  already  in  arms.  Catiline's  successful  competi- 
tors were  D.  Silanus  and  L.  Murena.  —  nullo  ;  .  .  concitato,  with- 
out exciting  (the  most  common  way  of  expressing  this  idiom  in 
Latin).  —  videbam,  /  saw  all  along  (§58,  3). 

§  12.  nunc  jam,  now  at  length.  —  hujus  imperi,  i.  e.  which  I 
possess  j  that  conferred  upon  the  consuls  by  the  special  act  of  the 
Senate.  Without  this,  they  possessed  an  i?nperiu?n,  it  is  true,  but 
restricted  by  laws.  —  tu,  opposed  to  comitum.  —  hortor,  see  note 
on  desiderant,  §  10. — rei  publicae  limits  sentina  somewhat  in 
the  sense  of  an  adjective,  — political  rabble.  Or,  keeping  the 
original  figure,  we  might  say,  bilge-water  of  the  ship  of  state. 

§  13.  faciebas,  were  on  the  point  of  doing.  —  hostem,  a  public 
enemy,  over  whom  the  consul  would  have  that  right  —  me  con- 
sulis,  ask  ?ny  advice.  — jam,  longer.  —  nota,  brand.  —  domesticae, 
of  the  household  j  privatarum  rerum,  in  private  life,  i.  e.  inter- 
course with  others  out  of  the  family. 

OJ>.  ferrum  . . .  facem  :  i.  e.  arm  him  for  acts  of  violence,  or 
inflame  him  to  deeds  of  lust. 

§  14.  quid  vero,  and  say.  — vacuefecisses  :  this  crime  is  men- 
tioned by  no  other  writer,  and  is  perhaps  one  of  the  orator's 
exaggerations.  —  alio  . . .  scelere  :  Sallust  mentions,  as  a  common 
matter  of  belief,  that  Catiline  killed  his  own  son,  in  order  to  gratify 
his  new  wife,  Aurelia  Orestilla,  —  "a  woman  praised  for  nothing 
but  beauty."  —  facile,  etc.,  I  readily  pass  in  silence. — tanti,  etc.,  a 
c?'ime  of  such  monstrosity.  —  ruinas  :  this  charge  was  undoubtedly 
correct.  The  conspiracy  was  mainly  composed  of  men  of  ruined 
fortunes,  who  hoped  to  better  themselves  in  the  general  scramble 
of  a  revolution.  —  Idibus  :  the  Kalends  and  Ides  —  the  beginning 
and  middle  of  the  month  —  were  the  usual  terms  for  the  payment 
of  debts.  Catiline's  failure  in  his  consular  canvass  had  probably 
stirred  up  his  creditors  to  push  him  for  payment.  —  difficultatem, 
straits. 

§  15.  cum,  causal,  though  to  be  rendered  when.  —  prid.  Kal. 
On  the  1st  of  January,  b.  c.  65,  the  consuls  Cotta  and  Torquatus 
entered  upon  their  office.  It  was  the  intention  of  Catiline  to  take 
advantage  of  their  inauguration  to  murder  the  new  consul  and  seize 
the  government.  The  plot  got  whispered  about,  and  its  execution 
was  put  off  to  Feb.  5,  when  it  failed  again  through  Catiline's  over-, 
haste.  The  act  of  Dec.  31  seems  to  have  been  in  preparation  for 
the  rising.  —  cum  telo  (a  technical  expression),  with  weapons. — 
manum,  a  band  (of  assassins).  —  mentem  aliquam,  change  of 
mind.  —  aut .  .  .  aut,  etc.,  either  obscure  or  few. — non  multa, 
etc.  :  i.  e.  they  were  too  well  known  to  need  recapitulation,  and  too 
numerous  to  admit  of  it.  —  interficere.  "  Cicero  charges  the  man 
with  frequent  attempts  to  murder  him  since  he  has  been  elected 


§  1 1 -20.]  Catiline  I.  65 

consul,  but  be  does  it  in  such  a  way  as  not  to  convince  us  that  he 
is  speaking  the  truth"  (Long).  —  petitiones,  thrusts,  the  word 
regularly  used  for  the  attack  of  a  gladiator.  —  ita  conjectas,  so 
aimed  that  they  seemed  impossible  to  be  shunned.  —  corpore  (a 
proverbial  expression),  i.  e.  dodging  with  the  body. 

§  16.  quae  quidem,  etc.,  /  know  not  by  what  rites  it  has  been 
consecrated  and  set  apart,  that  you  think,  &c. 

91.  vita,  i.e.  that  you  should  desire  to  prolong  it  (in  allusion 
to  §  15).  —  quae  nulla  (§  50,  2,  e,  R.3),  nothing  of  which.  —  neces- 
sariis :  this  word  is  used  of  any  special  personal  relation,  as  that 
of  kinsman,  client,  guest,  comrade,  member  of  the  same  order,  &c. 
(see  note  on  necessitudinem,  Verr.  I.  §  11).  —  quid  quod,  what  of 
this  —  that,  &c.  —  ista,  where  you  are  sitting.  —  consulares  :  these 
voted  as  a  class,  and  probably  sat  together ;  but  it  is  not  easy  to  see 
how  Catiline  could  have  sat  among  them.  —  ferendum  is  the  pred. 
of  the  clause  quod  .  .  .  reliquerunt. 

§  17.  servi,  emphatic,  displacing  si.  —  carere  aspectu,  be  de- 
prived of  seeing.  —  tibi  debitum,  your  due.  —  aliquo  concederes, 
would  retire  somewhere. — nunc,  opp.  to  si,  etc. —  te  nihil  cogi- 
tare,  that  you  think  of  nothing. 

§  18.  quae  (i.  e.  patria)  . . .  agit,  she  pleads  with  you.  —  socio- 
rum,  i.  e.  the  allied  cities  of  the  province  of  Africa,  which  Catiline 
governed  as  propraetor,  b.  c.  67.  —  leges  et  quaestiones,  probably 
both  as  praetor  in  Rome  and  as  propraetor  in  Africa. — neglegen- 
das  implies  only  evasion  ;  evertendas,  violence.  —  superiora  ilia, 
your  former  crimes. 

9£B.  me  .  .  .  abhorreat,  subj.  of  est  ferendum.  —  quicquid 
increpuerit,  at  the  least  noise,  modifies  timeri.  —  abhorreat,  is 
i?iconsisle?it  with.  —  hunc  .  .  .  eripe,  rescue  me  from,  &c,  lit, 
snatch  it  from  me  (§  51,  2,  e) .  —  aliquando,  some  time  or  other 
(implying  impatience). 

§  19.  in  custodiam  dedisti,  i.  e.  in  free  custody,  on  parole.  This 
appears  to  have  been  late  in  October,  when  Catiline  was  prosecuted 
on  the  Lex  Plautia  de  vi.  —  M.'  Lepidum,  the  consul  of  b.  c.  66.  — 
ad  me  :  ua  proposal,"  says  Long,  "  which  might  be  viewed  either 
as  evidence  of  his  innocence  or  his  impudence."  —  parietibus,  loc. 
abl. ;  mcenibus,  abl.  of  means.  Observe  the  emphasis  of  the 
contrast.  —  Metellum:  Q.  Metellus  Celer,  consul  B.  c.  60  ;  he  did 
good  service  in  the  campaign  against  Catiline.  He  was  nephew  of 
Coecilia,  the  friend  of  Roscius  (see  note  R.  A.  §  50).  —  virum  opti- 
mum, that  excellent  man  (ironical).  —  demigrasti,  moved  over. — 
sagacissimum,  keen-scented j  fortissimum,  energetic  and  fearless. 
—  videtur  debere,  does  it  seem  that  he  ought? 

§  20.  refer  :  Halm  conjectures  that  the  members  of  the  Senate 
were  secretly  trying  to  persuade  Catiline  to  go  into  voluntary  exile, 


66  Notes.  [Catil.  I. 

when  all  prosecutions  would  be  dropped.  —  id  enim,  for  that  is 
what  you  demand.  —  placere  has  for  subj.,  te  .  .  .  exsilium.  -^ 
abhorret,  is  contrary  to:  because  the  Senate  had  no  power  to 
pronounce  such  a  judgment.  —  tacitorum,  i.e.  their  silence  gives 
consent  to  my  words. 

03  o  §  21.  Sestio  :  whom  Cicero  afterwards  defended  in  one  of 
his  greatest  orations  (see  p.  147).  —  M.  Marcello  :  a  prominent 
member  of  the  aristocracy,  consul,  b.  c.  51  ;  not  to  be  confounded 
with  the  person  of  the  same  name  mentioned  §  19.  He  took  a 
leading  part  in  the  civil  war  against  Caesar,  and  was  afterwards 
defended  by  Cicero  (see  p.  210).  —  consuli,  though  consul.  — jure 
optimo,  with  perfect  right. — vim  et  manus,  violent  hands. — 
videlicet  cara,  alluding  to  his  demand  to  have  the  matter  sub- 
mitted to  the  Senate.  —  quorum,  §  48,  3,  b,  r.  —  haec  (with  a  ges- 
ture), all  that  is  round  us,  the  city,  &c.  —  prosequantur,  escort. 
It  was  the  custom  for  those  who  were  going  into  voluntary  exile 
to  be  thus  accompanied  to  the  gate  by  their  friends.  If  Catiline 
would  depart,  the  whole  Senate  would  forget  his  crimes  and  pay 
him  this  honor  (perhaps  ironical). 

§  22.  te  frangat,  i.  e.  break  down  your  stubbornness.  —  duint, 
§  30,  6,  e  2.  —  tametsi  (corrective),  although.  — tempus,  moment. 
—  est  tanti,  it  is  worth  the  price  (§  54,  8,  a). 

§  23.  inimico,  a  private  eneiny,  thus  attributing  to  Cicero  per- 
sonal and  private  motives  of  opposition.  —  si  vis,  if  you  choose. — 
recta  (sc.  via),  straightway.  —  latrocinio,  partisan  warfare,  as 
opposed  to  regular  war  {jus turn  bellum). 

04  o  §  24.  quamquam,  and  yet  (corrective,  cf.  tametsi,  §  22). — 
Forum  Aurelium,  a  small  place  on  the  Via  Aurelia,  about  fifty 
miles  from  Rome.  The  Via  Aurelia  was  the  road  which  led  along 
the  sea-coast  of  Etruria,  by  which  Catiline  left  the  city  the  following 
night.  The  word  Forum,  market-place,  was  used  for  the  highest 
class  of  inferior  towns  (market  towns)  within  the  territory  of  a 
colony  or  municipiipn. —  aquilam  :  the  silver  eagle  had  been 
adopted  by  Marius  as  the  standard  of  the  legion,  and  the  eagle  in 
question  was  said  to  have  been  actually  used  in  the  army  of  Marius. 
The  place  in  the  camp  where  the  eagle  was  kept  was  in  fact  con- 
secrated :  hence  the  word  sacrarium.  —  ut  possis,  exclam.  clause 
with  ut,  §  70,  4,  c.  —  necem,  slaughter,  or  death  by  violence. 

§  25.  haec  res,  i.  e.  exile.  —  non  modo,  to  say  nothing  of. — 
atque  connects  perditis  and  derelictis  ;  ab  connects  fortuna  and 
spe  to  derelictis.  —  conflatam,  got  together  (like  molten  metal). 

§  26.  bacchabere,  will  revel.  —  studium,  taste  for. — meditati 
sunt,  have  been  practised ;  feruntur,  are  talked  about.  —  facinus, 
deed  of  violence,  contrasted  with  stuprum,  debauchery ;  just  as 
bonis  otiosorum,  property  of  peaceful  citizens,   is  with  somno 


§  20-31.]  Catiline  /.  67 

maritonim,  the  repose  of  husbands.  —  ubi  ostentes,   an  oppor- 
tunity to  display.  —  confectum,  shattered. 

§  27.  reppuli :  the  consul  who  presided  over  the  election  had 
it  in  his  power  to  exercise  great  influence.  That  of  Cicero  on 
this  occasion  was  perfectly  legitimate,  in  maintaining  order  and 
checking  Catiline's  adherents.  —  exsul,  consul :  observe  the  play 
upon  words.  —  latrocinium  :  rebellion  is  regularly  described  by 
words  which  ally  it  with  disorder  or  highway  robbery  ;  as,  tu- 
multus. 

95 o  querimoniam,  i.  e.  for  not  having  suppressed  the  con- 
spiracy more  vigorously.  —  detester  ac  deprecer  (construed  with 
a  me,  above),  remove  by  protest  and  plea.  —  animis  mentibus- 
que,  hearts  and  minds.  —  evocatorem  servorum,  a  summoner  of 
slaves,  i.  e.  to  enlist  under  him.  —  mactari,  §  70,  3,  a. 

§  28.  at,  but  (it  may  be  said)  :  introducing  an  objection. — 
rogatae  sunt  :  the  magistrate  who  proposed  a  law  formally 
asked  the  people  whether  they  would  accept  it ;  hence  rogo  was 
the  word  regularly  used  for  this  act,  and  the  proposition  itself  was 
called  rogatio.  The  leges  in  question,  Valeria,  Porcia,  and  Sem- 
pronia  (of  Caius  Gracchus),  protecting  the  life  and  liberty  of 
citizens,  had  been  not  merely  asked  {rogatce),  but  passed  (jusscz)  ; 
not  merely  proposed  (lata},  but  carried  (perlata?).  The  word 
rogatae  appears  to  be  used  here  to  emphasize  the  part  which  the 
people  had  in  their  establishment.  —  praeclaram  .  .  .  gratiam,  you 
show  a  noble  gratitude.  —  tarn  mature  :  Cicero  says  of  himself 
tli at  he  was  the  only  novus  homo  \_nulla  commendatione  7najorum~\ 
on  record,  who  both  sought  and  gained  the  consulship  the  first  year 
the  law  permitted  it.  He  was  equally  fortunate  in  the  quaestorship 
and  praetorship. 

§  29.  inertiae,  sc.  invidia,  the  reproach.  —  an  belongs  with 
non  existimas. —  conflagraturum,  will  burn  up,  suggested  by 
ardebunt.  —  idem  sentiunt,  have  the  same  views.  —  mentibus, 
thoughts.  —  superiorum,  before  thern. 

06,  maxime,  ever  so  much.  —  partam  (from  pario),  acquired 
(a  very  common  meaning).  —  putarem,  the  real  apodosis  :  the 
regularity  of  the  sentence  being  broken  by  fui,  etc. 

§  30.  videant,  subj.  of  charact.  —  aluerunt,  indie,  of  fact.  — 
regie,  despotically :  the  Roman  idea  of  king  and  kingly  government 
was  associated  with  Tarquinius  Superbus.  Here  the  word  also 
implies  the  assumption  of  unlawful  power  (=  tyrannice) ,  as  well 
as  its  abuse.  —  eodem,  to  the  same  place.  —  adulta,  full-grown,  as 
opposed  to  stirps,  the  stock,  and  semen,  the  seed. 

§  31.  jam  diu  :  the  conspiracy  was  ready  to  break  out  b.  c.  65 
(see  note  on  §  15).  —  versamur,  have  lived.  —  nescio  quo  pacto, 


68  Notes.  [Catil.  ii. 

somehow  (§  67,  2,  e). —  visceribus,  vitals  (properly  the  great  in- 
terior organs,  as  the  heart,  lungs,  &c). 

97.  circumstare,  hang  around :  the  proetor  urbanus  had  his 
tribunal  on  the  Forum.  —  consensionem,  unanimity. 

§  2>2>-  ominibus,  prospects.  —  Juppiter,  i.  e.  the  temple.  —  arce- 
bis,  a  mild  imperative  (§  57,  7,  d). 


Catiline    II. 

Argument. 

Chap.  Pars  I.  1.  Catiline  is  gone :  the  city  breathes  again:  it  is  open  war  now,  and 
no  longer  a  concealed  intestine  conflict.  —  2.  Excuse  for  letting  him  go  :  all  were  not  con- 
vinced. Now,  his  guilt  is  manifest.  —  3.  His  force  is  not  formidable:  what  remains  is 
closely  watched.  —  4.  All  have  been  forced  to  declare  themselves.  Joy  at  his  departure : 
he  has  been  a  leader  in  every  vice  and  crime.  —  Pars  II.  5.  His  associates  are  desperate 
but  contemptible :  character  of  this  domestic  war.  —  6.  Odium  of  his  banishment  depre- 
cated :  in  fact,  he  went  to  his  own.  —  7.  He  will  not  go  into  exile,  but  to  the  camp  of 
Manlius,  and  will  seek  to  cast  odium  on  the  consul.  —  Pars  III.  8-10.  The  real  fear  is 
from  those  who  remain,  viz. :  (a)  Rich  but  embarrassed  profligates ;  (b)  Poor  debtors : 
these  two  classes  have  nothing  to  gain  from  violence;  (c)  Sulla's  veterans,  who  will 
not  be  allowed  to  repeat  those  times  ;  {d)  Ruined  men,  hoping  for  any  change ; 
(e)  Criminals,  who  had  better  be  fought  in  the  field ;  {/)  Profligates  and  debauchees, 
men  of  Catiline's  own  stamp.  —  11.  Superiority  of  the  patriot  forces  arrayed  against  them. 

—  Peroratio.  12.  Review  of  the  situation:  warning  to  the  ill-disposed.  —  13.  The  work 
shall  be  done  without  shock  to  the  public  order :  the  gods  will  lend  their  help. 

PAGE 

98.  §  t*  ejecimus,  expelled  (with  violence)  ;  emisimus,  sent 
forth.  The  words  vel  . . .  vel  imply  that  the  same  act  may  be 
called  by  either  name.  —  ipsum,  of  his  own  accord. — verbis  pro- 
secuti  may  apply  as  well  to  kind  words  of  dismissal  as  to  invective. 

—  abiit,  simply,  is  gone ;  excessit,  has  retreated  before  the  storm  ; 
evasit,  has  escaped  by  stealth  ;  erupit,  has  broken  forth  with 
violence,  —  a  climax  of  expression,  but  nearly  identical  in  sense.  — 
atque  (adding  with  emphasis),  and  so.  —  hunc  quidem,  him  at 
any  rate.  —  sine  controversia,  without  dispute  =  unquestionably. 

—  versabitur,  will  be  busy.  —  campo,  foro,  parietes,  observe  the 
narrowing  climax.  —  loco  motus  est,  a  gladiatorial  expression  :  he 
has  lost  his  vantage-ground.  —  nullo,  etc.,  i.  e.  his  defenders  till 
now  could  screen  him  by  forms  of  law.  —  justum,  regular,  in  due 
form. 

§  2.  cruentum  (pred.),  reeking  with  blood.  —  vivis  nobis, 
leaving  us  alive.  —  civis,  ace.  plur.  —  jacet,  etc.,  lies  prostrate.  — 
retorquet  oculos  begins  the  figure  of  a  wild  beast,  which  is  con- 
tinued in  faucibus. 


§  i -9-]  Catiline  II.  69 

§  3.  omnis,  ace.  plur.  —  oportebat,  §  60,  2,  c.  —  in  hoc  ipso, 
in  this  very  point.  —  qui  .  .  .  accuset,  as  to  accuse  (§  65,  2). — 
hujus  imperi,  see  note  on  Cat.  I.  §  12.  —  res  publica,  the  public 
interest. 

OOo  §  4.  cum  viderem,  seeing:  its  obj.  is  fore  ut . . .  possetis 
(§  58,  11,  f).  — vobis,  construed  with  probata  ;  ne  . . .  quidem, 
i.  e.  much  less  the  people  at  large.  —  videretis,  §  66,  2.  —  quod  . . . 
exierit,  §  70,  5,  but  subj.  on  account  of  the  implied  indir.  disc. — 
eduxisset,  §  68,  1.  —  mini,  eth.  dat.  (§  51,  7,  d). —  in  prsetexta  : 
the  toga  prcetexta,  with  a  broad  purple  border,  was  worn  by  boys 
as  well  as  magistrates  :  this  means,  therefore,  that  Tongilius  was 
still  a  boy.  —  ses  alienum,  etc.,  i.  e.  petty  debts  run  up  in  cook- 
shops  and  the  like  ;  not  like  the  heavy  mortgages  spoken  of  after- 
wards. —  quos  viros  :  for  a  characterization  of  these,  see  the  next 
division  of  this  oration. 

§  5.  prse,  in  comparison  with.  —  Gallicanis,  i.  e.  those  stationed 
in  Gaul, —  Cisalpine  Gaul,  the  northern  part  of  Italy.  The  ager 
Gallicus  below  was  that  strip  of  sea-coast,  north  of  Picenum,  for- 
merly occupied  by  the  Senones,  but  at  this  time  reckoned  a  part  of 
Umbria.  —  hoc,  the  present.  —  Q.  Metellus  (Celer)  :  see  note  on 
Cat.  I.  §  19.  —  luxuria  (Synecdoche),  high-livers.  —  vadimonia 
deserere,  cut  bail:  i.  e.  leave  their  bondsmen  in  the  lurch.  —  edic- 
tum  praetoris,  in  effect  like  a  sheriff'1  s  warrant.  (A  proclamation 
was  published  by  each  new  praetor,  "  in  which  he  declared  the  man- 
ner in  which  he  intended  to  administer  his  department."     Maine). 

—  concident,  collapse.  —  purpura  :  the  Roman  toga  was  of  un- 
bleached wool:  it  was  a  mark  of  eifeminacy  and  foppishness  for 
any  men  but  magistrates  to  wear  colors  in  public.  —  mallem,  §  57, 
4,  c.  —  eduxisset,  §  70,  3,  f  R.  —  si  .  .  .  permanent,  a  fut.  cond. 

—  pertimescendos,  i.  e.  he  will  keep  an  eye  on  them. 

100.  §  6.  superioris  noctis,  i.  e.  two  nights  before  the  last. 

—  ne,  nay  :  an  affirmative  particle,  wrongly  spelt  nae.  — nisi  vero, 
ironical  (as  usual),  introducing  a  reductio  ad  absurdum. —  Amelia 
via,  see  Cat.  I.  §  24. 

§  7.  sentinam,  refuse  (see  Cat.  I.  §  12).  —  ejecerit,  §  59,  4,  c.  — 
exhausto,  drained  off  (as  sentind). —  recreata,  invigorated. — 
conceperit,  §  65,  2.  —  tota  Italia,  §  55,  3,  f.  —  subjector,  forger. 

—  circumscriptor,  swindler.  —  perditus,  scoundrel. 
§  8.  ullo,  §  21,  2,  h.  —  serviebat,  pandered. 

101.  §  9-  diversa  studia.  In  another  passage  (Caal.  13) 
Cicero  ascribes  to  Catiline  :  "  Cum  tristibus  severe,  cum  remissis 
jucunde,  cum  senibus  graviter,  cum  juventute  comiter,  cum  faci- 
norosis  audaciter,  cum  libidinosis  luxuriose  vivere."  —  in  dissimili 
ratione,  in  different  directions.  —  possitis,  §  64,  1,  b.  —  ludo,  the 
regular  training-school.  —  scsena,   i.  e.  among  the   actors  of  the 


70  Notes.  [Catil.  II. 

baser  sort.  —  tamen,  i.  e.  in  contrast  to  the  usual  effeminacy  of 
these  profligates.  —  exercitatione,  abl.  of  means  :  trained  by  the 
Practice  of  debaucheries  and  crimes  to  endure,  &c.  —  frigore  .  .  . 
perferendis,  abl.  with  adsuefactus.  —  fortis,  an  able  fellow.  — 
istis,  his  hangers-on.  —  subsidia,  etc.,  i.  e.  means  which  might 
be,  &c. 

§  10.  audaciae,  acts  of  audacity.  —  obligaverunt,  encumbered. 
—  res  .  .  .  fides,  property  .  .  .  credit.  —  quidem  (concessive),  no 
doubt.  —  mini,  eth.  dat. 

§  ii.  instare  plane,  is  close  at  hand.  —  nescio  quod,  §  67, 
2,  e.  —  unius  :  Pompey,  of  course,  now  returning  from  his  triumphs 
in  the  East. 

102 o  resecanda  erunt,  shall  need  pruning. 

§  12.  etiam,  still  (after  all  that  has  been  done).  —  enim,  i.  e. 
the  idea  is  absurd,  as  implied  in  the  irony  that  follows.  —  quid, 
what  of  this,  that  it  was  really  the  act  of  the  Senate  that  drove  him 
out :  ut  is  here  nearly  equivalent  to  quod.  —  hesterno  die  qualifies 
convocavi. 

§  13.  in  proximam  :  Cicero  certainly  said  nothing  definite  as  to 
the  night  of  Nov.  7,  although  he  wishes  to  make  it  appear  that  he 
had.  —  ei,  dat.  of  agent  (§  51,  4).  —  teneretur,  was  caught. — 
pararet,  for  plup.  (see  Cat.  I.  §  2,  end).  —  securis,  fascis  :  the  use 
of  these  signified  that  Catiline  intended  to  assume  the  authority 
and  i?nperium  of  consul.  —  aquilam  :  see  Cat.  I.  §  24. 

§  14.  eiciebam,  conative  imperf.  (§  58,  3,  c). 

B  03#  suo  nomine,  i.  e.  not  by  Catiline's  order.  —  nunc,  even 
now. —  Massiliam :  Marseilles,  an  ancient  Greek  city  of  Gaul,  always 
faithful  and  friendly  to  Rome.  It  was  a  favorite  place  of  sojourn  for 
Romans  who  went  into  voluntary  exile.  —  condicionem,  terms.  — 
pertimuerit,  take  alarm.  —  erunt  qui  . . .  velint,  §  65,  2,  a. 

§  15.  est  tanti,  it  is  worth  the  price.  —  sane  (concessive),  for 
all  7ne.  —  aliquando,  one  day.  —  ilium  emiserim  .  .  .  ejecerim  : 
let  him  go ...  drove  him  out.  —  si  interfectus,  etc.:  adroitly 
excusing  his  lenity  to  those  who  would  have  wished  harsher 
measures. 

§  16.  quamquam  (corrective),  and  yet.  — nemo,  not  a  man.  — 
misericors  :  his  going  to  Manlius  was  his  inevitable  ruin,  and  yet, 
for  all  their  pity,  they  desired  this.  —  latrocinantem,  in  partisan 
warfare. 

104:.  §  17-  sibi,  for  their  own  good.  —  placare,  gain  over. — 
ex  quibus  generibus  :  "  a  similar  picture,"  says  Long,  "  may  be 
drawn  of  any  great  city."  —  comparentur,  are  ?nade  up. 

§  18.  est  eorum,  consists  of  those  (§  50,  1,  c).  —  dissolvi,  sc. 
a  possessionibus  :  although  they  might  pay  their  debts,  they  will 
not  make  up  their  minds  to  do  so.  —  honestissima,  very  respectable. 


§9-24-]  Catiline  II  71 

—  argento,  plate.  —  sis,  §  58,  6.  —  tabulas  novas,  new  accounts, 
i.  e.  a  sweeping  alteration  of  debts,  such  as  that,  b.  c.  86,  i*  which 
reduced  every  private  claim  to  the  fourth  part  of  its  nominal 
amount,  and  cancelled  three-fourths  in  favor  of  the  debtors " 
(Momm.).  —  auctionariae  :  a  forced  sale  would  give  them  new 
accounts.  —  certare  cum  usuris  (§  54,  6,  b),  struggle  to  ?neet  the 
interest.  —  fructibus  is  abl.  of  means.  — uteremur,  we  should  find 
them.  —  vota  facturi,  likely  to  offer  prayers. 

105.  §  19-  quamquam  premuntur  :  a  man  must  be  rich  in 
Rome  to  be  active  in  politics.  —  scilicet,  in  fact.  —  praesentis 
agrees  with  deos.  —  jam,  at  once.  —  non  vident,  don't  they  see? 
(§  71,  1,  r.).  —  fugitivo,  i.  e.  (probably)  one  of  their  own 
slaves. 

§  20.  ex  eis  coloniis  :  Sulla  rewarded  his  veterans  (120,000  in 
number)  by  grants  of  land,  partly  in  municipia  already  existing, 
partly  by  founding  new  colonies.  Those  here  referred  to  may 
have  belonged  to  either  class.  —  universas,  as  a  whole.  —  ei  sunt 
coloni,  there  are  (among  them)  colonists  of  this  sort.  —  beati, 
wealthy.  —  lectis,  choice.  —  apparatis,  splendid.  —  Sulla,  etc.,  they 
must  raise  Sulla  from  the  dead:  they  can  have  no  such  hope  in 
Catiline.  —  illorum  temporum,  i.  e.  the  times  of  proscription.  — 
inustus,  branded. 

100.  §  21.  sane,  rather.  —  vacillant,  stagger  under.  —  vadi- 
moniis,  etc.,  the  three  steps  in  bankruptcy,  —  bail,  judgment,  and 
sale  of  property ;  proscriptio  is  properly  the  public  notice  that 
property  is  for  sale.  —  infitiatores,  swindlers.  —  stare,  keeping 
their  feet.  :  ^*<^Ct 

§  22.  career,  the  Tullianum,  a  dungeon  near  the  Forum,  now 
existing.  It  was  properly  a  jail,  for  temporary  detention,  as  im- 
prisonment was  not  recognized  in  Rome  as  a  form  of  punishment. 

—  numero,  in  order;  genere,  ra?ik.  —  imberbis,  a  mark  of  effem- 
inacy ;  bene  barbatos,  a  practice  regarded  by  respectable  Romans 
as  foppish  ;  talaribus,  down  to  the  heel ;  velis,  veils,  rather  than 
the  substantial  toga,  which  was  of  unbleached  wool. 

§  23.  saltare  et  cantare  :  these  accomplishments  were  hardly 
regarded  as  respectable  in  the  better  classes.  —  spargere,  i.e.  in 
food  or  drink  :  poisoning  has  in  all  ages  been  carried  to  high  art 
in  Italy. 

107.  his  noctibus  :  although  this  was  spoken  Nov.  9,  yet  the 
Roman  year  was  at  this  time  in  such  a  state  of  confusion,  that  the 
true  time  was  probably  some  time  in  December,  just  when  the 
winter  was  setting  in. 

§  24.  cohortem  praetoriam,  body-guard.  —  debilitatam,  broken 
down.  —  urbes  coloniarum,  etc. :  the  colonies  and  municipia  in- 
cluded their  walled  cities,  urbes,  in   their  territory.     These  well- 


72  Notes.  [Catil.  III. 

manned  walls  would  be  more  than  a  match  for  Catiline's  rude 
works.  —  ornamenta,  outfit  or  equip?nent  of  all  sorts. 

§  25.  ex  eo  ipso,  from  the  very  comparison.  —  jaceant,  lie 
helpless.  —  bona  ratio,  good  counsel ;  perdita,  desperate. 

108.  §  26.  custodiis  vigiliisque  :  see  note,  Cat.  I.  §  8. — 
consultum,  etc.,  provident  measures  have  been  taken.  —  coloni 
municipesque  :  see  note  on  municipes,  R.  A.  §  5.  A  colony  dif- 
fered from  a  municipiwn  in  being  founded  by  Roman  (or  Latin) 
citizens,  who  retained  from  the  first  their  citizenship,  either  in  whole 
or  in  part.  At  the  time  of  Cicero  all  practical  difference  between 
the  two  classes  of  towns  had  been  done  away  ;  but  the  colonies 
always  retained  a  certain  precedence  in  rank. —  vocari  videtis  : 
the  members  of  the  Senate  had  their  gathering  place  (senaculum) 
adjoining  the  curia,  and  were  summoned  by  heralds  (pr&cones) 
from  this  into  the  building.  If  any  were  absent,  the  heralds  were 
sent  to  their  houses.  The  curia  and  senaculum  could  be  seen  from 
the  place  of  assembly  on  the  Forum,  and  the  heralds  were  no  doubt 
noticed  going  their  rounds. 

§  27.  monitos  volo,  §  72,  3,  c.  —  etiam  atque  etiam,  again  and 
again.  —  solutior,  too  remiss.  —  quod,  etc.,  as  for  the  rest.  —  ho- 
rum  and  his  relate  to  the  conspirators,  Lentulus,  Cethegus,  &c. 

§  28.  togato  :  as  the  toga  was  only  the  garb  of  peace,  this  word 
means  in  peace,  or  as  a  states?nan,  instead  of  a  warrior. 

IOO.  manifestae,  overt.  —  illud,  in  appos.  with  ut . .  .  poa- 
sitis  :  I  will  secure  that  you  shall  all  be  safe. 

§  29.  quam  urbem  . . .  hanc,  this  city  which  (§  48,  3,  b). 


Catiline   III. 
Argument. 

Chap.  Exordium,  i.  The  citizens  are  congratulated  on  their  safety.  —  Narratio. 
2,  3.  The  conspirators'  plans  have  been  watched  :  the  Gallic  embassy  seized  with  letters ; 
which,  with  the  treasonable  leaders,  are  brought  before  the  Senate.  —  4.  Testimony  of  Vol- 
turcius  and  the  Gauls.  —  5.  Forced  confession  of  Cethegus,  Lentulus,  and  Gabinius.  — 
6.  The  Senate  decrees  the  custody  of  the  traitors  and  a  general  thanksgiving.  —  7.  Now  all 
is  safe :  Catiline  alone  was  to  be  feared,  and  only  while  in  the  city.  —  8,  9.  The  Divine 
aid  manifest  in  sundry  omens  ;  chiefly  in  the  madness  of  the  traitors  in  confiding  their 
counsels  to  the  Gauls.  —  Peroratio.  10  Exhortation  to  keep  the  thanksgiving:  this 
bloodless  victory  compared  with  others  more  costly.  —  11.  Cicero  claims  no  reward  but  a 
grateful  remembrance.  —  12.  But  he  is  less  fortunate  than  victors  in  foreign  war,  since  the 
conquered  are  still  citizens.     The  State  shall  be  his  reward  and  defence. 

§  i.  vitam,  lives :  the  plur.  could  not  be  used  in  Latin  (§14, 
i,  a).  —  bona,  estates  (landed  property);  fortunas,  goods  (per- 
sonal property). 


§  i-5-]  Catiline  III.  73 

110.  §  2.  salutis,  preservation. — ilium:  Romulus,  who,  after 
his  death,  was  considered  to  be  a  god,  and  identified  with  the 
Sabine  god  of  war,  Quirinus.  —  eorum,  i.  e.  the  swords. 

§  3.  per  me,  by  my  means  (§  54,  4,  b). —  vobis,  opposed  to  in 
Senatu.  —  exspectatis.  are  waiting  to  hear.  —  ut,  since.  —  cum 
reliquisset,  having  left.  —  eiciebam,  notice  the  difference  in  tense 
between  this  word  and  erupit.  —  ilia,  sc.  invidia.  —  exterminari 
(terminus),  put  out  of  the  boundaries.  — restitissent,  in  dir.  disc, 
restiterint  (fut.  perf.). 

111.  §  4-  oratio,  argument;  fidem  faceret,  gain  credence. — 
ut .  . .  comprehenderem,  that  I  might  get  hold  of  the  matter.  — 
Allobrogum.  The  Allobroges  were  a  Gallic  nation,  between  the 
Rhone  and  the  Alps  (in  the  modern  Dauphine  and  Savoy)  ;  sub- 
dued b.  c.  121,  and  united  with  the  province  Narbonensis.  They 
were  restless  under  their  new  masters  (see  §  22),  and  inclined  to 
take  up  with  Catiline's  movement.  Their  ambassadors  had  come 
to  complain  of  certain  exactions  of  their  provincial  governor.  — 
belli,  i.  e.  when  out  of  the  range  of  the  Roman  jurisdiction  ;  tu- 
multus,  rebellion,  i.e.  when  nearer  home.  —  Lentulo,  see  Introd. : 
he  was  consul  b.  c.  71,  but  was  expelled  from  the  Senate  the  next 
year,  with  sixty-three  others,  on  account  of  his  character,  and 
now  held  the  prastorship  with  the  view  of  beginning  the  course  of 
honors  over  again.  —  litteris,  a  letter.  —  manifesto  deprehende- 
retur,  taken  in  the  act :  the  words  apply  strictly  to  the  criminals 
themselves. 

§  5.  praetores.  Although  the  regular  duties  of  the  praetors  were 
judicial,  yet  they  possessed  the  imperium,  and  in  virtue  of  this 
could  command  troops  in  the  absence  of  the  consuls,  or  under 
their  authority.  —  amans  rei  publicae,  patriotic.  —  qui  sentirent, 
as  men  who,  &c.  —  pontem  Mulvium,  the  bridge  over  the  Tiber, 
about  two  miles  above  the  city,  by  which  the  principal  roads  (the 
Flaminian  and  Cassian)  led  into  north  Italy.  —  villis,  country 
houses.  —  inter  eos,  i.e.  between  the  two  divisions.  —  praefectura: 
this  was  the  title  given  to  a  class  of  towns  which,  after  losing  their 
political  independence  (see  note  R.  A.  §  5)  had  justice  admin- 
istered by  a  prefect,  appointed  by  the  Roman  prcetor  urbanus,  as 
his  representative.  (Momm.  Rom.  St.  i.  p.  185.)  They  were,  there- 
fore, as  a  class  wholly  deprived  of  self-government ;  but  after  the 
Social  War  (b.  c.  90-89),  in  which  citizenship  was  bestowed  upon 
all  the  Italians,  the  prcefectjirce  became  municipia,  only  sometimes 
retaining  their  old  familiar  appellation,  as  in  this  case.  —  Reatina  : 
Reate  was  a  very  ancient  town  of  the  Sabines,  about  forty  miles 
north-east  of  Rome.  Cicero  was  the  patronus  (see  note  R.  A.  §  4) 
of  Reate  ;  that  is,  acted  as  its  attorney  and  legal  counsel :  which 
accounts  for  his  having  this  body-guard  of  young  men  from  that 


74  Notes.  [Catil.  in. 

place.  Besides,  these  simple  mountaineers  still  retained  some- 
thing of  the  old  Italian  virtues,  and  therefore  were  well  fitted  for 
this  service. 

§  6.  tertia  vigilia :  the  night,  from  sunset  to  sunrise,  was  divided 
into  four  equal  watches  j  this  time,  therefore,  was  about  3,  A.  m. — - 
res,  the  occasion  of  the  attack. — ignorabatur,  etc.  Though  the 
Allobroges  had  played  the  conspirators  false,  and  knew  that  the 
consul  had  his  plans  ready,  they  did  not  know  what  these  plans 
were,  and  therefore  were  as  much  taken  by  surprise  as  Volturcius 
himself.  Even  the  troops  would  appear  not  to  have  known  what 
special  enterprise  they  were  engaged  in. 

113.  ipsi,  the  men  (as  opposed  to  the  letters).  —  machina- 
torem  :  Gabinius  had  been  the  go-between  in  this  case ;  he  and 
Statilius  had  had  it  in  charge  to  burn  the  city  (Sail.  Cat.  43,  44). — 
dam,  as  yet  —  prseter,  etc.,  since  Lentulus  was  notoriously  lazy. 

§  7.  cum  viris,  dat.  after  placeret,  which  has  for  subject  litteras 
. . .  deferrem  (see  §  66,  2).  —  esse  facturum  governs  the  clause 
Tit .  .  .  deferrem  :  it  may  be  rendered  :  I  said  I  would  not  fail  to 
lay  before  the  public  council  a  7natter  touching  the  public  danger 
before  it  had  been  tampered  with  (integram).  —  et  enim  si,  for 
even  if  —  frequentem,  full. 

§  8.  admonitu,  suggestion. — introduxi,  sc.  in  Senatum. — 
fidern  publicam,  assurance  of  safety  :  he  was  to  be  used  as 
State's  evidence.  —  vix  =  at  length  with  difficulty. — servorum: 
in  the  memory  of  the  terrible  servile  insurrections  in  Sicily,  and 
especially  that  of  Spartacus  in  Italy,  less  than  ten  years  before, 
this  would  shock  and  terrify  his  hearers  beyond  measure.  —  ut . . . 
uteretur  (§  70,  3,  #),  obj.  of  the  verb  implied  in  mandata,  etc.  — 
erat,  §  67,  1,  b. 

1 13.  §  9-  equitatum.  The  Roman  cavalry  was  chiefly  com- 
posed of  Gallic  and  other  auxiliaries  (see  note  on  the  Equestrian 
Order,  Verr.  I.  §  1).  —  defuturas  (§  67,  1),  dep.  on  the  verb  im- 
plied in  prsescriptum.  —  sibi  (copias)  refers  to  the  conspirators  ; 
sibi  (confirmasse)  to  the  Allobroges.  —  fatis  Sibyllinis,  the  books 
bought  by  Tarquinius  Superbus  of  the  Cumaean  Sibyl.  They  were 
kept  in  charge  of  a  board,  collegium,  the  quindecimviri  sacris  faci- 
undis,  and  consulted  in  cases  of  great  public  emergency.  They 
appear  to  have  been  the  source  of  the  introduction  of  Grecian  rites 
and  forms  of  worship  in  Rome  (Marquardt,  Rom.  Alt.  iv.  p.  51). — 
haruspicum.  The  haruspices  were  Etruscan  soothsayers,  who  in- 
terpreted the  will  of  the  gods,  chiefly  from  the  entrails  of  animals 
sacrificed.  They  were  a  private  class,  and  were  not  to  be  con- 
founded with  the  augurs,  who  were  a  board  of  Roman  noblemen, 
of  high  rank,  who  interpreted  the  auspices  according  to  the  native 
Roman  rules.  —  Cinnam,  etc. :  L.  Cornelius  Cinna  was  colleague 


§  5-*3«]  Catiline  III.  75 

of  Marius,  and  ruled  Rome  after  his  death,  b.  c.  86.  L.  Cornelius 
Sulla  ruled  Rome  b.  c.  82-79  (see  §  23)>  —  fatalem,  destined. — 
virginum :  the  Vestal  Virgins,  six  in  number,  maidens  of  high 
rank,  consecrated  to  chastity  and  the  service  of  Vesta.  They  were 
peculiarly  sacred,  and  were  highly  privileged.  Violation  of  their 
vow  of  chastity  was  incestus,  and  was  regarded  as  a  prodigium  of 
very  bad  omen.  Of  the  incident  referred  to  here  nothing  further 
is  known.  —  Capitoli  :  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus  (see  note, 
Verr.  IV.  §  15)  was  burned  during  the  rule  of  the  Marian  faction, 
b.  c.  83. 

§  10.  Saturnalibus  :  a  very  ancient  festival,  in  honor  of  Satur- 
nus,  the  god  of  seed-sowing,  celebrated  Dec.  19.  During  this 
festival  every  serious  business  was  suspended  ;  and  it  was  so  com- 
plete a  holiday  that  slaves  feasted  at  the  same  tables  with  their 
masters.  No  better  opportunity  could  be  found  for  the  outbreak 
of  an  insurrection  than  this  season  of  unrestrained  jollification. — 
tabellas,  tablets  of  wood  :  wax  was  spread  on  the  inside,  and  on 
this  the  writing  was  scratched  with  a  stilus.  When  used  for  letters, 
the  tablets  were  tied  about  with  a  linen  thread,  linum,  and  sealed. 
—  ipsius  manu :  the  ambassadors  had  made  sure  to  get  all  the 
conspirators  committed  in  writing  except  Cassius,  who  alone  had 
the  sagacity  to  keep  out  of  it.  —  senatui  :  the  Gallic  tribes  were 
governed  by  an  aristocracy,  having  a  council  or  senate  as  its  mouth- 
piece.—  sese,  etc.:  in  dir.  disc,  faciam  quce  vestris  legatis  con- 
Jirmavi.  —  sibi  recepissent,  had  taken  upon  themselves.  —  tamen : 
i.  e.  notwithstanding  the  staggering  evidence,  against  him.  —  sem- 
per .  .  .  fuisse,  had  always  been  a  fancier  of  good  cutlery.  —  est 
vero,  etc.,  i.  e.  you  may  well  recognize  it :  it  is,  &c.  —  avi  tui  :  Cor- 
nelius Lentulus,  cos.  B.  C.  162.  He  was  princeps  senatus,  that  is, 
designated  by  the  censors  as  first  man  of  the  Senate  :  an  honorary 
office,  held  ordinarily  by  patricians  (Momm.  i.  p.  92).  It  was  from 
this  dignity  that  the  emperors  derived  one  of  their  chief  titles,  prin- 
ceps, —  that  by  which  they  were  known  in  civil  administration,  as 
by  that  of  imperator  in  regard  to  foreign  politics  and  war.  —  debuit 
(§  58,  11,  a,  r.),  ought  to  have  recalled.  (The  joining  of  such  op- 
posites  as  muta  and  revocare  is  called  oxymoron,  ox  paradox.) 

§  11.  eadem  ratione  =  in  eandem  sententiam,  to  the  same 
Purport.  —  si  .  .  .  vellet,  subj.  of  indir.  disc,  (si  vis). 

Ifl4.  per  quam  (§  54,  4,  b),  i.  e.  who  had  conducted  them. 

§  12.  quis  sim,  etc.  This  letter  is  given  with  slight  variations 
by  Sallust.  —  jam,  still.  — infimorum,  i.  e.  slaves  ;  see  note,  §  8. 

§  13.  furtim,  stealthily  ("like  thieves").  —  indicare,  inform 
against.  —  a  principibus,  the  leading  men  :  the  voting  was  in  the 
order  of  dignity  (see  note,  Cat.  IV.  §  1). —  sententiee  :  the  views 
of  individual  senators.  —  perscriptum  :  the  vote   in   the   Senate 


76  Notes.  [Catil.  III. 

merely  determined  the  substance  of  the  ordinance,  which  was  after- 
wards written  out  in  regular  form  by  the  secretaries,  under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  presiding  officer. 

§  14.  verbis  amplissimis,  in  the  most  ample  terms.  —  gratiae 
aguntur,  thanks  are  rendered. 

llt>.  conlegae,  C.  Antonius  :  see  Introd.  Cat.  I. — rei  pub- 
licae  consiliis,  the  public  counsels  :  i.  e.  his  own  as  consul.  —  se 
abdicasset  :  Lentulus  could  not  properly  be  called  to  account 
during  his  magistracy,  and  was  therefore  compelled  to  abdicate  (see 
below).  — L.  Cassium,  etc. :  these  last  mentioned  had  not  yet  been 
arrested,  but  Ceparius  was  caught  in  his  flight  and  brought  back.  — 
pastores  :  Apulia  was,  as  now,  used  chiefly  for  pasturage.  In  the 
summer,  when  these  broad  plains  were  dried  up,  the  flocks  were 
driven  to  the  mountain  pastures  of  Samnium  and  Lucania.  These 
pastoral  regions  have  always  been  the  home  of  a  lawless  and  rest- 
less population,  prone  to  brigandage. 

§  15.  supplicatio,  a  day  of  prayer,  proclaimed  by  the  Senate, 
either  in  thanksgiving,  gratulatio,  as  in  the  present  case,  or  in  en- 
treating favor  of  the  gods.  Another  class,  obsecratio,  was  directed 
by  the  Sibylline  books  (see  note,  §  9),  in  order  to  ward  off  some 
impending  calamity.  —  eorum,  i.  e.  the  gods.  —  meo  nomine  (a 
mercantile  phrase),  on  my  account.  —  togato,  as  a  civilian :  the 
toga  was  the  regular  dress  of  the  Roman  in  time  of  peace  ;  none 
other  was  authorized  to  wear  it,  and  the  Roman  was  required  to 
wear  it  when  acting  in  a  civil  capacity.  —  liberassem  :  in  the  de- 
cree, liberavit.  —  bene  gesta  agrees  with  re  publica.  — jus,  rights. 
—  tamen  :  he  was  allowed  to  resign  instead  of  being  put  to  death 
without  (as  in  the  case  below).  —  religio,  religious  scruple. 

I1G.  quo  minus  occideret,  to  prevent  his  killing,  following 
religio  (§  55,  1,  a).  —  C.  Glauciam,  see  note  Cat.  I.  §  4.  — nomi- 
natim  :  i.  e.  the  authority  was  conferred  in  general  terms,  by  the  for- 
mula Videant,  etc.  —  privato,  as  a  private  citizen. 

§  16.  pellebam,  was  attempting,  etc. :  see  Cat.  I.,  passim.  — 
tam  diu,  so  long  only.  —  consilium,  ability  to  plan. — jam  habe- 
bat,  already  had  in  hand :  he  had  reduced  conspiracy  to  a  science. 

§  17.  nunc  ego  :  two  pronouns  are  often  put  together  thus  for 
antithesis.  —  callidum,  experienced.  —  depulissem,  pushed  aside: 
the  image  is  of  averting  a  crushing  weight  (molem),  just  ready  to 
fall. — non  ille,  etc.:  i.  e.  as  Cethegus  did.  —  tanto  ante:  this 
praise  of  Catiline's  sagacity  is  hardly  consistent  with  his  succes- 
sive schemes  of  conspiracy,  repeatedly  foiled  for  now  three  years 
(see  Cat.  I.  §  15).  —  rei  publicae,  dat.  after  denuntiavisset. — 
testes,  in  appos.  with  both  signum  and  litterse.  —  manifesti, 
flagrant. 

1 17.  hostis  (predic.  appos.),  as  an  enemy. 


§  13-22.]  Catiline  HI  77 

§  1 8.  quod  . . .  potuisse  (parenthetical),  because,  &c.  —  consili 
limits  gubernatio  in  the  predicate  :  to  belong  to  human  wisdom; 
turn  (below)  answers  to  cum.  —  faces,  etc. :  these  omens  are  such 
as  the  Romans  observed  and  noted  carefully.  Livy's  history  is  full 
of  them.  —  praetermittendum,  inadvertently;  reliuquendum,  in- 
tentionally. 

§  19.  Cotta  et  Torquato,  consuls  B.  c.  65,  the  year  in  which 
Catiline's  conspiracy  was  first  intended  to  break  out.  —  aera  :  the 
laws  were  engraved  on  bronze  tables.  Some  of  these  are  still  ex- 
tant. —  ilia  . . .  Romulus  :  it  is  disputed  whether  this  was  the 
bronze  statue  of  the  wolf  suckling  the  infants,  which  is  now  in 
the  Capitoline  Museum  at  Rome,  and  which  bears  marks  either 
of  lightning  seaming  one  of  its  hind  legs,  or  of  some  defect  in 
the  casting.  Mommsen  (Vol.  I.  p.  608)  holds  it  to  be  the  same. — 
flexissent :  in  dir.  disc,  flexerint,  following  appropinquare,  which 
has  a  future  sense. 

§  20.  illorum,  the  haruspices. — idem  (plur.),  they  also. 

118.  contra  atque,  opposite  to  what  (§  43,  3,  a).  —  solis  .  .  . 
conspiceret :  this  is  one  of  the  most  conclusive  passages  in  sup- 
port of  the  view  that  the  Capitolium,  or  Temple  of  Jupiter  Capi- 
tolinus,  was  on  the  south-western  point  of  the  hill.  A  statue  here, 
facing  east,  would  also  face  (conspiceret)  the  forum  and  comitium, 
which  would  not  be  the  case  with  one  upon  the  north-eastern  point. 

—  conlocandum  locaverunt  :  the  regular  expression  for  giving 
out  a  contract  (§  72,  5,  c).  —  illi,  of  year  before  last.  —  consulibus 
and  nobis,  abl.  abs.  expressing  the  date  (§  84,  1). 

§  21.  praeceps,  headstrong  ;  mente  captus,  insane.  —  haec 
omnia,  i.  e.  the  universe.  —  rei  publicse  (dat.),  against  the  State. 

—  in  aedem  Concordiae:  one  of  the  principal  temples  at  the 
northern  end  of  the  Forum,  where  the  Senate  had  held  its  session 
on  this  day.  It  was  built  by  the  consul  L.  Opimius,  B.  c.  121,  after 
his  bloody  victory  over  C.  Gracchus.  One  would  almost  think  it  a 
piece  of  satire. 

§  22.  quo  :  abl.  of  means  (§  54,  6,  e).  —  si  dicam,  if  I  should 
say  (§  59,  4,  b).  —  ilia  :  the  words  in  brackets  are  a  manifest 
gloss. 

110.  gens  relates  here  to  the  Gauls  as  a  whole,  not  to  the 
Allobroges  in  particular.  —  ultro,  voluntarily.  —  patriciis  :  the 
patricians  were  the  original  citizens  of  Rome  ;  and  the  plebeians, 
the  mass,  were  their  clients  or  dependants,  foreign  residents,  and 
emancipated  slaves.  When  the  plebeians,  after  a  contest  of  more 
than  a  hundred  years,  obtained  an  equality  of  political  rights,  the 
original  patrician  families  still  continued  to  be  an  hereditary  aris- 
tocracy, with  no  political  privileges,  but  with  the  exclusive  right  to 
certain  positions  of  mere  honor  and  dignity,  such  as  the  princeps 


J8  Notes.  [Catil.  III. 

senatus  (see  note,  §  10)  and  certain  priestly  offices.  All  patri- 
cians were  of  course  members  of  the  new  nobility.  Of  the  con- 
spirators, -Catiline,  Lentulus,  and  Cethegus  were  patricians. 

§  23.  pulvinaria,  shrines :  properly  cushions,  upon  which  the 
statues  of  the  gods  were  laid,  when  a  feast  was  spread  before 
them.  This  was  called  lectisternium,  and  was  usually  connected 
with  the  supplicatio  (see  note,  §  15).  Only  certain  gods,  chiefly 
Grecian,  had  pulvinaria,  and  the  rite  was  established  by  direction 
of  the  Sibylline  books  (see  note,  §  9).  — illos  dies  :  the  supplicatio 
lasted  several  days. 

§  24.  P.  Sulpicium  (Rufum),  a  young  man  of  remarkable  elo- 
quence, a  leader  in  the  reforming  party  among  the  aristocracy,  one 
of  the  speakers  in  Cicero's  De  Oratore.  He  was  tribune  b.  c.  88, 
and  his  quarrel  with  C.  Caesar  was  the  first  act  of  the  Civil  War. 
By  his  proposition,  the  command  in  the  Mithridatic  War  was  trans- 
ferred from  Sulla  to  Marius  ;  and  when  Sulla  refused  to  obey,  and 
marched  upon  the  city,  Sulpicius  was  one  of  the  first  victims.  — 
conlegam  :  Lucius  Cornelius  Cinna  (see  note,  §  9).  They  were 
consuls  b.  c.  87,  after  the  departure  of  Sulla  for  the  East,  and 
in  their  dissensions  the  civil  war  broke  out  afresh.  The  victory  of 
Cinna  recalled  Marius  from  exile.  —  lumina  :  among  these  were 
Octavius  ;  C.  Caesar  (see  above),  and  his  brother  Lucius  ;  Q. 
Catulus,  father  of  the  opponent  of  the  Manilian  Law  (see  below)  ; 
M.  Antonius,  the-  great  orator ;  and  the  pontifex  maximus,  Q. 
Scaevola  (see  note,  Verr.  V.  §  19).  —  ultus  est:  to  preserve  the 
emphasis,  render,  the  cruelty,  fa'c.,  was  avenged  by  Sulla  (see  note, 
R.  A.  §  6). — M.  Lepidus,  father  of  the  triumvir,  was  consul  b.  c. 
78  (after  Sulla's  death),  with  Q.  Catulus,  son  of  the  one  murdered 
by  Cinna.  The  scheme  of  Lepidus  to  revive  the  Marian  party 
resulted  in  a  short  civil  war,  in  which  he  was  defeated  by  his  col- 
league and  killed. 

ISO.  §  25.  commutandam  rem  publicam,  a  change  of  gov- 
ernment. —  quale  bellum,  a  war  such  as.  —  tantum,  so  ?nuch 
only. 

§  26.  mutum,  dumb  :  such  as  a  statue,  for  example.  —  eandem 
diem,  etc.,  the  same  period  of  time  —  eternal  as  I  hope  —  is  ex- 
tended at  once  to  the  safety  of  the  city,  &c. 

1^11.  §  27.  nihil  noceri  potest,  no  harm  can  be  done. 

§  28.  in  honore  vestro  :  honor  is  used  here,  as  usual,  to  de- 
note external  honors  (offices)  conferred  by  the  people.  Holding  the 
consulship,  he  had  nothing  higher  to  look  forward  to. 


§  i.]  Catiline  IV.  79 

Catiline    IV. 
Argument. 

Chap.  Exordium,  i.  The  question  of  the  traitors'  doom  must  be  settled  without 
regard  to  Cicero's  interest  or  his  household  ;  his  act  is  its  own  reward.  —  Propositio. 
2,  3  Desperate  nature  of  the  conspirators'  guilt :  it  is  manifest  already  by  clear  proof,  and 
condemned  already  by  the  action  of  the  Senate.  —  4.  The  two  opinions  :  that  of  Silenus, 
for  death  ;  of  Caesar,  for  perpetual  imprisonment.  —  5.  The  latter  will  be  least  invidious  to 
Cicero:  its  extreme  severity.  —  Contentio.  6.  But  in  either  there  can  be  no  cruelty: 
severity  to  them  is  mercy  to  the  people.  What  if  the  conspiracy  had  succeeded  !  The 
city  to  be  given  over  to  plunder  and  conflagration.  —  7.  The  general  excitement  and  alarm. 
The  guilty  are  to  be  regarded  no  longer  as  citizens,  but  as  public  enemies.  —  7,  8.  All 
classes  of  citizens  —  even  freedmen  and  slaves  —  desire  the  safety  of  the  city.  —  9.  Re- 
sponsibility resting  on  the  Senate:  the  Consul  will  not  fail  them. — Peroratio.  10.  He 
cares  nothing  for  himself:  his  fame  is  sure.  The  war  he  has  taken  up  is  without  end ; 
but  the  harmony  of  the  State  shall  be  unbroken.  —  11.  Let  them  remember  his  political 
sacrifices ;  but  vote  only  for  the  welfare  and  safety  of  the  State. 


As  this  is  the  first  deliberative  oration,  delivered  in  the  Senate,  contained  in  this  col- 
lection, it  will  be  well  to  describe  the  course  of  a  senatorial  debate. 

The  Senate  could  be  called  together  by  any  magistrate  possessing  the  civil  itnperium 
(regularly  the  consul),  also  by  the  Tribunes  of  the  People  :  the  magistrate  who  summoned 
it  also  presided,  and  laid  before  it  (referre)  the  business  for  which  it  was  summoned. 
He  might  at  this  point  give  his  own  judgment.  Then  he  proceeded  to  ask  (rogare)  the 
Senators  individually  their  opinions  {sententia).  The  order  was  to  ask  in  turn  the  con- 
suiares,  prcetorii,  cedilicii,  and  qucestorii  ;  that  is,  those  who  sat  in  the  Senate  in  virtue 
of  having  held  these  offices  respectively.  If  the  annual  election  had  already  taken  place, 
which  was  usually  in  July,  — six  months  before  the  new  magistrates  assumed  their  offices,  — 
the  magistrates  elect,  designate,  were  called  upon  before  their  several  classes.  The  priti- 
ceps  Senatus  (see  note,  Cat.  III.  §  10)  was  called  upon  first  of  all,  when  there  were  no 
consttles  designati.  The  presiding  officer  had  it  indeed  in  his  power  to  vary  the  order,  and 
honor  or  slight  any  senator  by  calling  upon  him  extra  ordinem. 

The  business  was  as  a  rule  laid  before  the  Senate  in  general  terms,  not  in  any  special 
form  for  action  :  each  senator  could,  as  he  chose,  give  his  judgment  in  full,  by  argument 
{sententiam  dicere),  or  simply  express  his  assent,  to  the  judgment  of  another  {verba 
assentiri).  Only  those  who  held  seats  by  virtue  of  having  held  magistracies  were  entitled 
to  do  this ;  the  others,  who  were  enrolled  by  the  Censors  to  fill  up  the  number,  were  called 
pedarii,  and  had  no  right  to  speak,  but  only  to  vote  {pedibus  ire  in  sententiam).  The 
vote  was  taken  by  going  on  one  side  or  other  of  the  house  {discessio).  When  a  majority 
had  decided  in  favor  of  any  sententia,  it  was  written  out  in  proper  form  by  the  secretaries 
(scribce),  under  the  direction  of  the  president,  in  the  presence  of  some  of  its  principal 
supporters  (adesse  scribundo),  and  promulgated. 

In  the  present  case,  what  should  be  done  with  the  captured  conspirators,  —  the  consul 
elect,  D.  Junius  Silenus,  had  advised  that  they  be  put  to  death ;  and  C.  Julius  Caesar,  as 
praetor  elect,  that  they  be  kept  in  custody.  At  the  end  of  the  discussion,  the  presiding 
consul  gave  his  views  in  this  speech- 

§  1.  si  hsec,  i.  e.  if  the  consulship  has  been  given  me  on  these 
terms. 

B23.  §  2.  aequitas  :  the  praetor,  who  administered  justice 
between  citizens,  had  his  tribunal  upon  the  Forum.  —  campus  : 


80  Notes.  [Catil.  IV. 

the  comitia  centuriata,  in  which  the  higher  magistrates  were 
elected  (see  note,  Verr.  I.  §  18),  were  held  in  the  Campus  Martins, 
north  of  the  city,  just  outside  the  walls,  —  the  level  space  in  which 
the  modern  city  is  chiefly  situated.  — auspiciis,  ablative  :  as  it  was 
only  through  the  auspices  that  the  Campus  was  consecrated. 

The  Roman  commonwealth  was  regarded  as  resting  directly  upon  the  will  of  the  gods, 
expressed  in  signs  sent  by  them,  auspicia.  The  magistrates  alone  were  authorized  to 
consult  the  auspices  (spectio),  which  was  done  by  special  formalities ;  and  the  auspices, 
when  observed,  were  interpreted  by  a  special  board  {collegium)  of  priests  called  Augurs. 
All  important  public  acts  were  done  auspicato,  that  is,  under  authority  of  the  auspices  ; 
the  right  of  interpreting  these  was  therefore  a  source  of  great  political  influence  to  the 
board  of  augurs,  which  was  composed  of  men  of  the  highest  rank  and  distinction.  Cicero 
himself  became  a  member  of  this  board  ten  years  after  his  consulship.  The  rules  of  inter- 
pretation were  developed  into  a  special  science  ca'led  jus  auguriunt.  Most  public  acts 
must  be  performed  auspicato,  that  is,  after  consulting  the  auspices ;  especially  all  public 
assemblies  in  which  business  was  transacted  Thus  the  Campus  was  "consecrated  by 
auspices"  every  time  that  the  comitia  centuriata  were  held.  The  enclosure  upon  the 
Campus,  called  scepta  or  ovile,  in  which  the  assembly  met,  was  like  the  Curia,  or  Senate- 
house,  and  the  rostra,  or  speaker's  stand,  specially  set  apart  and  consecrated  as  a  templum, 
(see  note,  Manil.  §  70). 

auxilium :  the  Roman  Senate  was  at  this  time  a  great  court  of 
appeal  for  subject  or  friendly  nations.  —  sella  curulis,  the  seat 
used  by  the  curule  magistrates, —  king,  interrex,  dictator,  magister 
equitum,  consul,  praetor,  censor,  and  curule  asdile.  It  was  like  a 
modern  camp-stool  without  back  or  sides,  with  crossed  legs  of 
ivory,  so  that  it  could  be  folded  up  and  carried  with  the  magistrate 
wherever  he  went.  —  fcedissima,  horrible,  with  the  added  idea  of 
polluting  things  sacred.  —  fatale,  see  note,  Cat.  III.  §  9. 

§  3.  pro  eo  ac  mereor,  in  proportion  as  I  deserve.  — relaturos 
gratiam,  will  reward  ("  return  favor  ").  —  immatura  :  because  a 
consular  had  reached  the  highest  point  of  Roman  ambition. — 
misera :  the  philosophy  of  the  ancients  professed  to  make  them 
despise  death  (see  Plato,  Apol.,  and  Tusc.  i.).  —  ille  ferreus  qui,  so 
iron-hearted  as.  —  fratris  :  his  brother  Quintus,  younger  than  he, 
and  at  this  time  praetor  elect.  He  served  with  credit  in  Caesar's 
Gallic  campaigns.  —  neque  . . .  non,  nor  can  it  be  but  that,  &c.  — 
uxor,  etc. :  his  wife  Terentia  ;  his  daughter  Tullia  (daughters  took 
the  gentile  name  of  the  father,  see  §  15),  married  to  C.  Calpurnius 
Piso  ;  his  son  Marcus,  now  two  years  old.  —  amplecti,  take  in  its 
arms. 

194:.  gener  :  Piso  was  not  yet  a  member  of  the  Senate,  and 
was  probably  standing  in  the  lobby.  —  moveor  (emphatic),  /  am 
affected.  —  uti  sint,  [to  wish]  that,  &C.  (the  verb  being  implied  in 
moveor). 

§  4.  incumbite,  bend  your  energies,  a  figure  taken  from  rowing. 
—  circumspicite,  watch  for.  —  Gracchus,  etc.,  see  notes,  Cat.  I. 
§§  3,  4. — ilia  consulis,  /  will  say  in  advance  what  belongs  to  [me 
as]  the  consul:  i.e.  declare  the  need  of  instant  action;  what  ac- 


§  i-io.]  Catiline  IV.  8l 

tion,  it  is  for  the  Senate  to  determine.  —  Memmium  :  C.  Memmius, 
one  of  the  most  upright  men  of  his  time,  and  a  candidate  for  the 
consulship  against  Glaucia,  was  murdered  by  instigation  of  Glaucia 
and  Saturninus  (b.  c.  ioo).  •  This  led  to  the  separation  of  Marius 
from  these  demagogues,  and,  on  their  forcible  resistance,  they  were 
put  to  death.  —  tenentur,  are  in  custody.  —  signa,  seals  ;  manus, 
handwriting  (see  Cat.  III.). 

§  5.  judiciis :  their  acts  (here  recounted)  were  their  verdict  on 
the  conspirators'  guilt. 

§  6.  sed :  i.  e.  though  you  have  in  fact  decided.  —  tamquam 
integrum,  as  if  you  had  not  already  expressed  your  judgment.  — 
judicetis,  censeatis  :  respecting  the  facts,  they  acted  as  a  Court ; 
respecting  the  punishment,  as  a  State  Council. 

12*>.  jam  pridem  videbam,  had  lotig  seen  (§  58,  3,  b). — 
adfinis,  implicated.  —  provincias,  especially  Spain,  with  which 
Cm  Piso  had  had  relations.  It  had  not  yet  become  fully  recon- 
ciled since  the  overthrow  of  Sertorius,  only  eight  years  before.  — 
sustentando,  forbearance  ;  prolatando,  procrastination. 

§  7.  haec  (with  a  gesture),  all  this,  i.  e.  city,  citizens,  and  gov- 
ernment. —  amplectitur,  adopts.  —  versatur  in,  exhibits.  —  punc- 
tual temporis,  for  a  moment.  —  mortem,  etc.,  the  Epicurean 
doctrine,  espoused  by  Caesar. — municipiis  dispertiri,  sc.  eos  in 
custodiam.  —  iniquitatem,  unfairness,  as  it  might  expose  them 
to  danger  ;  difficultatem,  embarrassment,  since  they  might  decline 
the  service. 

§  8.  adjungit,  he  (Caesar)  adds  to  his  proposal. 

12G.  sancit,  ordains  under  penalties.  —  per  senatum,  by  an 
executive  decree  ;  per  populum,  by  law.  —  uno,  sc.  dolore. — 
itaque,  etc,  an  artful  way  of  making  the  punishment  of  death  seem 
less  cruel :  since  death  is  a  relief,  these  myths  had  been  invented 
to  give  it  terror.  —  videlicet,  no  doubt. 

§  9.  mea,  §  50,  4,  d.  — hanc  . . .  viam,  this  course  in  politics 
(Caesar's  well-known  course).  —  popularis,  not  popular,  but  de- 
voted to  the  people,  democratic:  Caesar  was  now  the  recognized 
leader  of  the  party.  —  auctore  (abl.  abs.),  proposer;  cognitore, 
sponsor  (a  legal  term).  —  nescio  an,  /  don't  know  but.  —  impetus, 
violence.  —  negoti,  trouble.  —  rationes,  consideration.  —  majorum  : 
none  of  Caesar's  ancestors  were  men  of  any  distinction,  although 
some  distant  relations  of  the  same  name  were  prominent  in  public 
affairs  in  the  time  of  Sulla  (see  note,  Cat.  1 1 1.  §  24).  It  was,  however, 
one  of  the  oldest  patrician  families.  —  obsidem  :  he  is  pledged  at 
all  events  to  defend  the  State  as  against  the  conspirators.  —  levi- 
tatem,  recklessness.  —  contionatorum,  demagogues.  —  saluti,  i.  e. 
not  voluntati :  their  interests,  not  their  capricious  wishes. 

§  10.  non  neminem,  one  or  another. 


82  Notes.  [Catil.  IV. 


Here  Cicero  turns  from  Caesar,  a  genuine  democrat,  to  some  self-seeking  demagogue, 
whom  he  does  not  name.  No  doubt  ail  his  hearers  knew  what  he  meant ;  and  we  are  told 
that  it  was  Q.  Metellus  Nepos,  brother  of  Celer  (see  Cat.  I.  §  19),  a  fugleman  of  Pompey 
and  enemy  of  Cicero.  He  was  tribune  the  next  year  —  entering  upon  his  office  upon  the 
Ides,  Dec.  13  —  and  when  Cicero,  on  New  Year's  day,  on  laying  down  his  office,  was 
about  to  address  the  people,  Nepos  forbade  it,  "declaring  it  unfit  that  the  murderer 
of  Roman  citizens  should  address  an  assembly  of  free  men.  Amidst  the  uproar  which 
this  act  excited,  Cicero  could  only  exclaim,  with  a  solemn  adjuration,  that  he  had  served 
the  State,  and  the  general  acclamations  of  the  people  overwhelmed  every  opposing  whis- 
per "  (Merivale). 

de  capite  :  this  was  properly  only  in  the  power  of  the  comitia  cen- 
turiata.  —  is,  this  person.  —  dedit,  decrevit,  adfecit  :  gave  his 
vote  for  these  acts.  —  qui  has  for  antecedent  the  subject  of  ju- 
dicarit.  —  re,  the  matter  (in  general)  ;  causa,  the  issue  to  be 
decided.  —  C.  Caesar  :  the  full  name  gives  emphasis  ;  he  does  not 
hesitate  to  pass  a  judgment  upon  them,  equally  affecting  the  caput 

—  i.e.  not  only  the  life,  but  the  civil  existence  —  which  was  pro- 
tected by  the  Sempronian  law.  —  Semproniam,  see  note,  Verr. 
VI.  6. 

127.  ipsum  latorem,  C.  Gracchus :  he  was  put  to  death  not 
jussu  populi,  but  in  virtue  of  the  dictatorial  authority  intrusted  to 
the  consuls  by  the  Senate.  But  a  violation  of  the  law  in  his  case 
did  not  excuse  another  on  the  part  of  Cicero.  —  largitorem,  etc.  : 
i.  e.  however  lavish,  —  a  symptom  of  courting  the  popular  favor. 

—  etiam,  still.  —  se  jactare,  show  himself  off  (as  a  friend  of 
liberty).  U/ 

§  1 1.  obtinebo,  make  it  appear  that  it  (this  opinion).  —  ita  .  .  . 
liceat  ut,  so  may  I  enjoy,  etc.,  as  I  am  [in  fact]  moved  by  no 
malignity. 

§  12.  cum  vero  :  here  vero  introduces  (as  often)  the  most  strik- 
ing point.  The  others  are  bad  enough,  but  when,  &c.  —  purpura- 
tum,  a  courtier  :  huic,  §  51,  7.  —  Vestalium,  see  note,  Cat.  III.  §  7. 

15J8.  si  quis,  in  case  any.  —  universum,  common,  i.  e.  belong- 
ing to  all.  The  city,  as  the  seat  of  empire,  is  contrasted  with  each 
man's  private  domicile.  —  id  egerunt,  have  ai?ned  at  this. 

§  13.  nisi  vero,  etc.,  unless,  indeed,  any  one  thought  (a  reductio 
ad  absurdum,  as  usual  with  this  phrase). 

L.  Caesar  (cos.  b.  c.  64)  was  a  distant  relative  of  the  dictator,  son  of  Lucius  Caesar 
(consul  b.  c.  90,  the  year  of  the  Social  War),  the  author  of  the  law  giving  citizenship  to  the 
Italian  allies  (see  note,  Arch.  §  7).  The  sister  of  Lucius  Caesar  (the  younger)  was  mar- 
ried to  Lentulus,  and  his  mother,  Fulvia,  was  daughter  of  M.  Fulvius  Flaccus,  the  leading 
adherent  of  C.  Gracchus.  When  Gracchus  and  Flaccus  found  themselves  (b.  c  121) 
drawn  into  a  collision  with  the  Senate,  they  sent  the  young  son  of  Flaccus  with  a  proposi- 
tion of  compromise.  The  Senate,  however,  refused  to  listen  to  any  terms,  threw  the  mes- 
senger in  prison  —  where  he  was  afterwards  strangled  —  and  moved  upon  the  insurgents 
with  all  the  power  of  the  State.  In  the  contest  that  followed,  both  leaders,  and  several 
thousands  of  their  partisans,  lost  their  lives.  It  was  to  these  events  that  L.  Caesar 
appealed,  in  justifying  his  vote  in  condemnation  of  his  brother-in-law  Lentulus. 

nudius  tertius,  day  before  yesterday.  —  legatum  :  of  course  the 
informal  messenger  of  insurgents  could  have  no  claim  to  the  title 


§io-i6.]  Catiline  IV.  83 

ambassador,  or  to  the  privileges  which  attached  to  the  title,  in 
ancient  as  well  as  modern  times.  —  quorum  limits  factum  :  under- 
stand with  simile  some  word  describing  the  present  conspiracy.  — 
largitionis  .  .  .  versata  est,  a  disposition  for  lavish  grants  then 
prevailed  in  the  public  policy,  leading  to  violent  class-jealousy. 

The  plans  of  C-  Gracchus  embraced  not  only  a  lex  frumentaria,  allowing  every 
citizen  to  buy  a  certain  amount  of  corn  from  the  State  at  less  than  half  its  market  rate, 
and  a  lex  agraria,  providing  for  the  distribution  of  public  land  among  the  poorer  citi- 
zens; but  also  the  establishment  of  several  colonies,  both  in  Italy  and  the  provinces, 
the  object  of  which  was  at  once  to  provide  poor  citizens  with  land,  and  relieve  the  city, 
by  emigration,  of  a  part  of  its  proletariat.  Of  there  last  the  only  ones  actually  established 
were  Junonia,  on  the  site  of  Carthage,  and  —  after  the  death  of  Gracchus — Marbo, 
Narbonne,  in  Gaul. 

avus  (see  note,  Cat.  III.  §  10)  :  he  was  an  active  supporter  of  the 
Senate  on  this  occasion. — urbem  infiammandam  :  according  to 
Sallust,  ch.  43,  this  work  was  assigned  to  Gabinius  and  Statilius. — 
censeo,  ironical  (like  credo). 

129.  §  15^  consentiunt,  show  their  agreement. — ita  ut  = 
only  to  j  li|t.,  with  this  limitation  that.  —  summam  ordinis  con- 
silique,  superiority  in  rank,  and  precedence  in  counsel.  —  hujus 
ordinis  (i.  e.  the  Senate)  limits  dissensione  in  the  sense  of  cum 
hoc,  etc.  The  long  contest  here  alluded  to  (see  note,  Verr.  I.  §  1) 
was  at  last  compromised  Jfcjy  the  Aurelian  Law  (see  note,  Verr.  I. 
§  47). —  quam  si,  etc.,  and  if  we  keep  this  union.  — confirmo,  / 
assure.  —  tribunos  aerarios,  deans  of  the  tribes.  The  Roman 
people  were  divided  into  thirty-five  tribes,  strictly  local  and  terri- 
torial, like  wards,  but  with  the  provision  that  the  sons  of  citizens 
belonged  to  the  tribe  of  their  father,  rather  than  to  that  in  which 
they  themselves  resided.  These  tribes  were  made  the  basis  of  the 
comitia  centuriata,  as  well  as  the  C07?titia  tributa.  The  tribuni 
a>rarii  consisted  of  those  who  had  been  their  presiding  officers. 
—  scribas :  the  scriba>  quastorii  (treasury  clerks)  formed  an  im- 
portant and  powerful  corporation.  As  they  were  a  permanent 
body,  while  the  quaestors  (treasurers)  were  elected  annually,  they 
had  the  real  responsibility  in  the  management  of  the  treasury 
(see  Momm.  Rom.  St.  i.  p.  272).  —  universos,  the  whole  body. 

HcSO.  sortis :  the  quaestors  entered  upon  office  on  the  Nones 
of  December  (Dec.  5)  ;  all  other  patrician  magistrates  on  Jan.  1. 
The  scribes  had  therefore  come  together  in  order  to  be  present 
while  the  quaestors  drew  lots  for  their  provinces  (note,  Verr.  I.  §  1 1). 

§  16.  ingenuorum,  free-born.  Freedmen,  liberiini,  were  always 
regarded  as  inferior  in  rank,  if  not  in  civil  and  political  rights. 
Even  these,  however,  are  shown  in  the  next  chapter  to  be  in- 
terested in  the  safety  of  the  republic.  —  operae  pretium  est,  it  is 
worth  while.  —  sua  virtute  :  manumission  was  very  commonly 
practised  among  the  Romans,  as  the  reward  of  some  peculiar  merit 
in  the  slave.  —  hie  nati :  i.  e.  opposed  to  the  slaves,  who  were,  as 


84  Notes.  [Catil.  IV. 

a  rule  —  at  least  city  slaves  —  not  born  in  slavery,  but  brought 
from  foreign  countries.  —  quantum  . . .  voluntatis,  whatever  good 
will  he  dare  and  can. 

§  17.  tabernas,  i.  e.  the  handicraftsmen.  —  quidem  (concessive), 
to  be  sure.  —  otiosum,  peaceful.  —  instrumentum,  stock  in  trade. 

—  quaestus,  profits.  —  quorum  relates  to  eorum,  four  lines  above. 

—  incensis,  sc.  tabernis.  —  futurum  fuit=  fuisset  (§  59,  3,  /). 

131.  §  18.  prsesidia,  supports.  —  obsessa,  beset.  —  arcem  et 
Capitolium  :  the  Capitoline  was  a  saddle-shaped  hill,  having  the 
temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus  on  one  elevation,  the  old  citadel,  arx, 
on  the  other.  Which  was  which  is  a  point  of  great  dispute,  but  one 
of  the  arguments  will  be  found  in  note  Cat.  III.  §  20,  for  the  view 
which  appears  best  supported  —  that  the  Capitolium  proper,  the 
height  which  contained  the  Capitoline  temple,  was  the  south- 
westerly one.  The  difficulty  arises  in  part  from  the  fact  that  the 
word  Capitolium  is  used  in  three  different  senses  —  for  the  temple, 
the  whole  hill,  and  that  part  of  the  hill  containing  the  temple. — 
aras  Penatium  :  the  Penates  were  the  gods  of  the  household 
(from  fienus),  worshipped  by  every  paterfamilias  in  his  own 
atrium.  The  State,  being  developed  from  the  family,  had  like- 
wise its  Penates,  which  were  fabled  to  have  been  brought  by 
^neas  from  Troy,  and  established  at  Lavinium,  whence  they  were 
transferred  to  Alba  Longa,  and  afterwards  to  Rome.  Their  temple 
was  on  the  Velia,  the  low  hill  connecting  the  Palatine  and  Esqui- 
line.  —  ignem  Vestae  :  the  temple  of  Vesta  {cedes,  not  templum, 
not  having  been  consecrated  by  the  augurs)  was  on  the  Sacra  Via, 
towards  the  Palatine,  —  a  small  round  building.  Adjoining  it  was 
the  regia,  the  residence  of  the  Vestal  Virgins  and  the  Pontifex 
Maximus. 

§  19.  in  civili  causa,  in  a  political  question.  —  quantis  .  . . 
delerit :  this  clause  will  be  best  turned  into  English  by  translating 
the  participles,  fundatum,  etc.,  as  verbs,  and  delerit  as  a  relative 
clause,  —  with  how  great  toil  this  empire  was  established,  which 
one  night,  &c. 

132.  §  20.  gesta,  abl.  abs.  with  re  publica. 

§  21.  Scipio  :  the  elder  Africanus,  who  brought  the  Second 
Punic  War  to  a  triumphant  close  by  the  battle  of  Zama,  b.  c. 
202.  By  "carrying  the  war  into  Africa,"  he  forced  Hannibal 
to  retire  from  Italy.  —  alter  Africanus  :  the  younger,  surnamed 
iEmilianus.  He  was  son  of  L.  vEmilius  Paulus  (mentioned  below), 
and  adopted  by  the  son  of  the  elder  Africanus.  He  captured  Car- 
thage b.  c.  146,  and  Numantia,  in  Spain,  B.  c.  133.  — Paulus  :  father 
of  the  younger  Africanus,  and,  like  his  son,  the  most  eminent  and 
upright  man  of  his  generation.  He  brought  the  Third  Macedonian 
War  to  a  close  by  the  battle  of  Pydna,  b.  c.  168,  and  led  King 


§  16-24.]  Oration  for  Archias.  85 

Perseus  captive  in  his  triumphal  procession.  —  currum,  sc.  tri- 
umphalem  :  the  captives  did  not  go  with  or  behind  the  triumphal 
chariot,  but  preceded  it  in  the  procession. — bis  liberavit :  by  the 
victories  over  the  German  invaders,  —  over  the  Teutones  at  Aquae 
Sextiae(B.  c.  102),  and  the  Cimbri  at  Campi  Raudii(B.c.  101).  —  Pom- 
peius  :  it  should  be  remembered  that  Pompey  was  now  in  the  East, 
in  the  midst  of  his  career  of  conquest,  and  that  his  return  was 
looked  for  with  expectancy  by  all  parties.  Cicero  took  every  means 
to  win  the  confidence  of  the  great  general,  and  gain  him  over  to  his 
views  in  public  affairs ;  but  to  no  purpose.  After  some  wavering, 
he  associated  himself  with  Caesar,  thus  giving  the  Senate  a  blow 
from  which  it  never  recovered,  and  preparing  the  way  for  his  own 
downfall. 

133.  §  23.  pro  imperio,  in  place  of:  i.  e.  all  these  would  be 
gained  by  a  foreign  command.  —  neglexi,  i.  e.  by  turning  it  over 
to  his  colleague  Antonius  (see  Introd.  Cat.  I.).  —  triumpho :  by 
thus  surrendering  his  province,  he  renounced  all  thought  of  gaining 
a  triumph,  the  highest  honor  to  which  a  Roman  could  aspire.  — 
clientelis  hospitiisque  :  the  relation  of  cliens  to  patronus  was 
that  of  a  subordinate  to  a  superior,  carrying  with  it  services  on  the 
one  side  and  protection  on  the  other  ;  the  hospites  were,  on  the 
other  hand,  equals,  and  their  connection  was  one  of  mutual  aid  and 
friendship.  Foreign  states  and  citizens  were  eager  to  form  such 
ties  with  influential  Romans,  and  they  were  equally  advantageous 
to  the  Roman.  Of  course  a  provincial  governor  had  peculiar  oppor- 
tunities for  this.  —  urbanis  opibus,  the  means  afforded  by  a  city 
life.  Such  ties  would  be  formed  by  a  sojourn  in  the  province  ;  but 
their  value  to  the  provincial  consisted  in  the  opportunities  for  pro- 
tection and  assistance  which  a  Roman  statesman  possessed  in  the 
city.  —  pro  meis  studiis,  in  reward  of  my  efforts.  —  satis  praesidi, 
in  appos.  with  the  clause  si .  .  .  memineritis  (§  70,  5,  r.). 

§  24.  per  se  ipsum  preestare,  guaratitee  [so  far  as  he  may]  on 
his  own  part. 


Oration  for  Archias. 
Argument. 

Chap.  i.  Exordium.  Claim  of  Archias  to  Cicero's  services,  both  from  personal 
reasons  and  as  a  man  of  letters.  —  2.  Apology  for  the  unusual  character  of  his  plea  — 
Narratio.  3.  Early  career  of  Archias  ;  he  is  enrolled  as  a  citizen  of  Heraclia.  —  Confir- 
matio.  4.  His  technical  claim :  his  registry,  acts  of  citizenship,  domicile.  —  5.  Argument 
from  the  public  records.  6.  The  case  is  now  closed.  But  there  are  other  reasons  why,  as 
a  man  of  letters,  he  should  be  admitted.  The  great  service  of  these  pursuits  to  the 
statesman.  —  7.    Testimony  of  famous  men  in  the  past.  —  8,  9.   All  men  recognize  the 


86  Notes.  [Arch. 

poet's  claims:  examples.  — 10.  Greek  is  a  surer  passport  to  fame  than  Latin.  Men 
inferior  to  Archias  have  been  thus  honored. —  n,  12.  Fame  is  the  strongest  motive  to 
acts  of  public  virtue.  —  Peroratio.  13.  Appeal  to  the  court :  summary  of  Archias's  claim. 

PAGE 

134.  §  1.  hujusce  rei,  i.  e.  dicendi.  —  ratio,  theoretic  ac- 
quaintance, contrasted  with  exercitatio,  practice.  —  A.  Licinius  : 
following  the  custom  of  naturalized  foreigners,  as  well  as  freed- 
men,  Archias  had  taken  the  gentile  name  of  his  noble  friends  and 
patrons,  the  Luculli.  Cicero's  motive  in  always  speaking  of  him 
by  his  Roman  name  is  obvious.  —  inde  usque,  from  as  far  back 
as  that.  —  principem,  master.  —  a  quo  relates  to  huic,  which  is 
dat.  after  ferre  ;  quo  relates  to  id :  surely,  to  the  man  himself 
from  whom  we  have  received  that  whereby,  &c.  —  ceteris,  every 
body  else,  whom  he  could  assist :  alios,  those  few  others  whom  he 
could  save. 

135.  §  2.  a  nobis,  by  me,  construed  with  dici. — neque, 
and  not.  —  ne  nos  quidem,  nor  I  either. 

§  3.  quaes tione  legitima,  a  court  established  by  law  (i.  e.  the 
Lex  Papia,  see  Introd.).  —  publico,  as  distinguished  from  private 
cases.  —  severissimos  :  this  old  Roman  severity  was  not  likely  to 
be  conciliated  by  Cicero's  praises  of  literature.  —  forensi  sermone 
is  not  used  here  in  its  restricted  meaning,  suited  to  the  courts,  but, 
as  political  speeches  were  also  delivered  on  the  Forum,  it  means 
rather  public  speaking.  —  abhorreat,  differs  widely.  —  hoc  prae- 
tore  :  Q.  Cicero  was  himself  a  poet  and  man  of  critical  taste.  — 
loqui  and  uti  have  me  understood  as  subj. 

§  4.  Antiochiae  :  Antioch  was  the  largest  and  most  important 
of  the  cities  of  the  Roman  Empire  in  Asia.  It  was  founded  by 
Seleucus  Nicator,  first  king  of  Syria,  about  B.  c.  300.  —  contigit, 
sc.  ei,  i.  e.  Archias.  —  urbe,  see  §  46,  2,  b.  —  post,  afterwards. 

136.  §  5-  tunc,  at  that  time.  This  was  the  long  period  of  com- 
parative quiet  between  the  Gracchan  disturbances  (b.  c.  133-121) 
and  the  tribunate  of  Drusus  (b.  c.  91,  see  note,  §  9),  followed  by 
the  Social  War  and  the  civil  wars  of  Marius  and  Sulla.  —  Latio : 
not  the  geographical  Latium  merely,  but  including  all  towns  which 
at  that  time  possessed  Latin  citizenship  ;  that  is,  the  Latin  colonies, 
such  as  Venusia,  the  birth-place  of  the  poet  Horace. 

Colonies  sent  out  by  Rome  were  of  two  classes:  i.  Roman  colonies,  in  which  a  small 
garrison  of  soldiers  (usually  300  in  number)  was  established  as  a  governing  aristocracy. 
The  native  population  was  held  by  them  in  a  harsh  subjection.  2.  Latin  colonies,  in 
which  the  colonists,  whether  native  Romans  or  not,  formed  a  quasi-independent  com- 
munity. They  were  usually  quite  numerous,  went  with  their  families,  and  did  not  possess 
Roman  citizenship  ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  the  right  of  coining  money  and  other  rights 
of  sovereignty.  These  Latin  colonies,  together  with  the  original  Latins,  formed  the  nomen 
Latinum,  and  stood  towards  Rome  in  the  relation  of  civitates  foederatcR.  Therefore 
Roman  citizens  who  went  into  exile  could  sojourn  in  these  towns  as  if  they  formed  no  part 
of  Italy.    This  was  called  jus  exsilii. 


§  i-7-]  Oration  for  Archias.  87 

Tarentini  et  Regini  :  see   note,  Verr.  VI.  §  21.  —  Neapolitan!  : 

Neapolis,  Naples,  was  a  Greek  city,  founded  by  Cumae,  but  not  as 
an  independent  civitas,  therefore  merely  called  the  new-town  (of 
Cumae).  —  absentibus,  people  at  a  distance.  —  Mario  et  Catulo 
(coss.  b.  c.  102)  :  of  these,  Marius  was  renowned  for  his  exploits, 
while  Catulus  was  a  good  officer,  and  also  a  man  of  culture.  He 
was  father  of  the  Catulus  who  opposed  the  passage  of  the  Manilian 
Law.  —  Luculli :  Lucius,  the  one  who  fought  against  Mithridates, 
and  his  brother  Marcus  :  both  of  them  belonged  to  the  highest 
ranks  of  the  aristocracy,  and  were  men  of  distinguished  taste  and 
culture.  —  prsetextatus  :  Roman  boys  wore  the  toga  prcetexta, 
i.  e.  with  a  broad  purple  stripe,  which  was  also  worn  by  magis- 
trates. On  entering  upon  manhood,  at  about  the  age  of  sixteen, 
the  prcetexta  was  laid  aside,  and  the  toga  virilis,  a  plain  robe  of 
unbleached  wool,  was  assumed.  The  shape  of  the  toga  was  that 
of  an  elongated  semicircle.  —  sic  etiam  hoc  :  the  sentence  is  in- 
complete. Read,  This  quality  of  genius  [was  so  marked\  that,  &c. 
§  6.  Metello  Numidico  :  the  most  distinguished  member  of 
this  family  (see  note,  Verr.  I.  §  21),  cousin  of  Balearicus  (see  R.  A., 
§  50).  He  was  predecessor  of  Marius  in  the  war  against  Jugurtha, 
and  from  this  received  his  agnomen.  —  .ffimilio,  sc.  Scauro :  see 
note,  Verr.  I.  §  52.  —  Catulo  :  see  note,  §  5.  —  L.  Crasso  :  the 
most  distinguished  orator  of  his  time,  a  man  of  genius  and  culture 
(see  note,  Verr.  V.  §  19)  :  he  died  B.  c.  91.  —  Drusum  (M.  Livius), 
tribune,  B.  c.  91,  in  which  year  he  attempted  to  carry  through  a 
series  of  moderate  reforms,  in  which  he  was  aided  by  Crassus  and 
other  eminent  men.  He  met  with  the  most  bitter  opposition,  espe- 
cially from  L.  Philippus  (see  Manil.  §62),  and  was  at  last  assassin- 
ated. —  Octavios  :  see  Cat.  1 1 1 .  §  23.  —  Catonem  :  probably  father 
of  the  famous  Cato  of  Utica. — Hortensiorum :  the  orator  Hor- 
tensius  was  distinguished  for  the  elegance  of  his  taste  and  the 
luxuriousness  of  his  life.  —  cum  M.  Lucullo :  probably  on  some 
private  business,  as  Lucullus  was  at  this  time  not  much  over  twenty 
years  old.  —  Heracliam,  an  important  Greek  city,  on  the  southern 
coast  of  Lucania.  In  the  war  with  Pyrrhus  it  espoused  the  side 
of  the  Romans,  and  entered  (b.  c.  278)  into  an  alliance  of  the 
closest  and  most  favorable  character  {cequissimo  jure  ac  fcedere). 
137.  §  7-  Silvani,  etc. :  the  Lex  Plautia-Papiria  of  B.  c.  89. 

The  most  thoughtful  Romans  had  long  been  of  the  conviction  that  it  was  neces- 
sary to  extend  the  citizenship  to  the  Italian  allies,  and  thus  include  these  vigorous  and 
sound  communities  within  the  Roman  system.  C.  Gracchus  first  proposed  reforms  in  this 
direction,  and  they  were  the  most  important  part  of  the  scheme  of  Drusus  (b.  c.  91),  who 
for  this  purpose  entered  into  close  political  relations  with  leading  Italians.  When  his  death 
destroyed  all  hope  of  peaceful  reform,  the  Italians  had  recourse  to  arms,  in  the  Social  or 
Italian  War  ( B.C.  90-89);  and,  although  they  were  unsuccessful  in  the  field,  the  objects 
that  were  aimed  at  were  gained.  The  Lex  Julia,  of  L.  Caesar  (cos.  b.  c  90),  bestowed 
the  citizenship  upon  all  who  had  remained  faithful  (including  all  the  Latins,  see  note,  §  5)  ; 


88  Notes.  [Arch. 

and  the  Lex  Plautia-Papiria,  of  the  tribunes  M.  Plautius  Silvanus  and  C.  Papirius  Carbo 
(not  to  be  confounded  with  his  infamous  cousin  Gnaeus,  the  Marian  leader  after  the  death 
of  Cinna),  extended  it  to  other  Italian  communities.  These  towns  now  exchanged  their 
independence  lor  Roman  citizenship,  and  became  incorporated  with  the  Roman  republic. 
Many  of  them  therefore,  as  Heraclea,  hesitated  about  making  the  charge,  and  did  it  with 
g;  eat  reluctance.  They  lost  all  rights  of  independent  government  (such  as  that  of  coining 
money,  the  jus  exsilii,  etc.).  Latin  became  the  official  language  ;  justice  was  administered 
by  Roman  law ;  and  in  most  cases  their  government  was  organized  on  the  model  of  Rome, 
having  duumviri  for  consuls,  and  a  curia  for  the  Senate.  The  passage  here  given  from 
the  Plautian-Papirian  law  contains  its  application  to  citizens  of  foreign  birth,  like  Archias. 

ferebatur,  was  proposed.  It  was  not  left  possible  for  any  aliens 
to  take  advantage  of  the  law  by  obtaining  Italian  citizenship  for 
this  purpose.  —  domicilium  :  domicile,  or  permanent  residence. 
—  essent  professi,  declared  their  intention.  —  Q.  Metellum,  sc. 
Pium,  praetor  B.  c.  89 :  the  most  eminent  member  of  this  family, 
and  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  aristocracy. 

§  8.  tabulas,  archives.  The  tabulariu?n,  as  at  Rome,  was  the 
building  where  the  archives  were  kept.  —  municipi :  since  the  be- 
stowal of  the  Roman  citizenship,  the  Italian  civitates  had  become 
Roman  municipia  (see  note,  R.  A.  §  5). 

§  9.  civitatem  datam  :  i.  e.  by  the  law  before  cited.  —  con- 
legio :  since  the  praetors  were  elected  as  a  body,  their  special 
functions  being  determined  by  lot,  they  may  be  regarded  as  a  col- 
legium, or  "  board,"  in  those  few  cases  in  which  they  are  regarded 
as  a  whole,  and  their  special  and  individual  powers  do  not  come 
into  consideration  (Momm.  Rom.  St.  i.  p.  63).  In  this  case  it 
would  seem  that  the  names  might  be  entered  with  any  one  of  the 
praetors.  —  Appi  (Claudi — the  name  Appius  was  confined  to  the 
Claudian  gens),  husband  of  Caecilia,  the  friend  of  Roscius  (see 
note,  R.  A.  §  50),  and  father  of  the  infamous  Clodius.  Claudius 
and  Gabinius  alone  are  mentioned  as  colleagues  of  Metellus,  prob- 
ably because  the  provinces  of  all  the  other  praetors  carried  them 
away  from  Italy  ;  for,  before  the  time  of  Sulla,  when  it  was  made 
their  duty  to  remain  in  the  city  during  their  term  of  office,  and 
govern  provinces  only  as  pro-praetors  (see  note,  Verr.  I.  §  12),  it 
was  the  custom  for  all  but  the  proetor  urbanus  and  peregrinus  to 
administer  a  province  during  their  year  of  office,  as  praetors.  — 
L.  Lentulum  :  nothing  further  is  known  of  him  ;  he  probably  pre- 
sided over  a  court  (judices)  to  determine  cases  involving  citizen- 
ship under  the  new  law. 

138.  §  10.  multis  and  praeditis  are  dat.  after  impertiebant ; 
arte,  abl.  after  praeditis.  —  Graecia,  i.  e.  Graecia  Magna,  the  Greek 
cities  of  Italy.  —  Locrensis  :  Locri  Epizephyrii,  a  Greek  city  near 
Regium.  —  quod  relates  to  id,  which  is  governed  by  largiri  underv 
stood  ;  huic.  Archias.  —  civitatem  datam,  i.  e.  by  the  Lex  Plautia* 
Papiria  ;  legem  Papiam,  see  Introd.  —  illis,  sc.  tabulis,  i.  e.  of 
Tarentum,  Regium,  and  Neapolis. 


§  7- 1 6.]  Oration  for  Archias.  89 

§  11.  Census  :  the  list  of  citizens  made  out  by  the  censors. 

The  Censors  were  two  in  number,  elected  from  men  of  consular  dignity,  originally  at  a 
minimum  interval  of  four  years  (Moram.  Rom.  Chron.  p.  164),  afterwards  once  in  rive 
years,  —  the  interval  called  a  lustrum, — and  holding  office  for  eighteen  monihs.  They 
ranked  as  magistratus  ma/ores,  but  did  not  possess  the  itnperium,  and  had  no  power  to 
convene  either  the  Senate  or  an  assembly  of  the  people.  Their  functions  were — 1,  to 
inspect  the  registry  of  citizens  of  every  c  ass  and  order  (see  note,  §  28);  2,  to  punuh  im- 
morality, by  removal  from  the  Senate,  the  equestrian  centuries,  or  the  Tribe  (see  note, 
Verr.  I.  §  18),  nota  censor •<  a,  infamia,  ignominia  ;  3,  the  general  superintendence  of  the 
finances  (giving  out  contracts  lor  collecting  the  revenues,  see  note,  Verr.  I.  §  13),  and 
of  the  public  works.  In  the  intervals  of  the  censorship,  these  last  were  under  the  care 
of  the  aediles  (see  note,  Verr.  I.  §  36).  Sulla  tacitly  abolished  the  office  of  censor,  but 
it  was  revived  in  the  consulship  of  Pompey  and  Crassus,  b.  c.  70  (see  note,  Verr.  I. 
§  54).  The  censors  between  the  passage  of  the  Lex  Plautia-Papiria  and  the  ease 
of  Archias  were  :  — 

B.  c.  89.  Lucius  Czesar  and  Publius  Crassus. 

B.  C.  86.  Q.  Marcius  Philippus  and  M.  Perperna. 

B.  c  70.  Lucius  Gellius  and  Gnaeus  Lentulus. 

b.  c.  65.  the  elected  censors,  Catulus  and  Crassus,  could  come  to  no  agreement,  and 
abdicated.    They  are  therefore  not  mentioned  here. 

apud  exercitum,  in  the  war  against  Mithridates :  see  oration  for 
Manilian  Law.  —  in  Asia  :  this  was  in  the  first  Mithridatic  war,  in 
which  Lucullus  served  as  quaestor  to  Sulla.  —  quoniam,  etc.  :  i.  e. 
even  in  the  census  lists  there  might  be  fraudulent  names.  —  esse 
versatum,  had  availed  hi?nself  of.  —  testamentum,  etc.,  acts 
which  no  foreigner  could  do.  —  in  beneficiis,  etc. :  his  name  was 
reported  for  a  gratuity,  i.  e.  on  the  ground  of  some  special  merit. 

§  12.  suppeditat,  he  supplies.  Its  obj.  is  the  clause  ubi  . . .  con- 
quiescant. — suppetere  has  for  subj.  the  clause  quod  .  .  .  rerum. 

—  contentionem,  strain. 

130.  ad  communem  fructum,  to  the  general  advantage. — 
nullius  tempore,  the  needs  of  no  one ;  i.  e.  as  a  client. 

§  13.  ceteris  follows  conceditur  ;  temporum  limits  quantum, 
which  relates  to  tantum.  —  ceteris,  alii  :  i.  e.  everybody  spends 
time  on  his  own  business  or  recreation  ;  some  on  dissipation  and 
gaming.  —  tempestivis  conviviis,  early  dinners,  i.  e.  beginning 
by  daylight,  or  in  business  hours,  —  a  mark  of  luxury  and  idleness. 

—  quae,  i.  e.  the  ability  to  speak  ;  ilia,  the  prcecepta,  mentioned 
below. 

§  14.  honestatem,  honor.  —  parvi,  of  slight  account.  —  acce^ 
derent,  were  brought  to  them.  —  imagines,  portraits. 

140.  §  16.  Africanum,  Scipio  the  younger  (yEmilianus)  :  C 
Laelius  was  his  most  intimate  friend,  a  man  of  fine  culture.  L 
Furius  Philo  was  also  a  great  friend  of  literature.  M.  Porciu* 
Cato,  called  the  Censor,  was  one  of  the  leading  men  of  Rome  in 
the  first  half  of  the  second  century  b.  c  :  a  shrewd,  hard-headed 
Roman,  full  of  prejudices,  and  priding  himself  on  his  blunt  man- 
ners. He  was  a  distinguished  antiquarian,  and  wrote  books  on 
antiquities  and  agriculture.  —  senem  :  he  gives  the  name  to 
Cicero's  dialogue  on  Old  Age  {Cato  Major). 


go  Notes.  .  [Arch. 

§  17.  Rosci :  Q.  Roscius,  the  most  eminent  actor  of  his  time, 
defended  by  Cicero  in  a  speech  which  is  still  extant.  —  non  de- 
buisse,  §  58,  11,  a. 

141.  §  18.  doctrina,  theory ;  preeceptis,  rules ;  arte,  prac- 
tical skill.  —  Q.  Ennius,  almost  the  earliest  name  in  Roman  litera- 
ture. He  was  a  native  of  Rudiae  in  Magna  Graecia,  but  wrote  in 
Latin  (born  b.  c.  239).  His  principal  work  was  the  Annates,  an 
epic  poem  upon  Roman  history.  He  also  wrote  tragedies  and 
other  works. 

§  19.  Homerum,  etc.  :  Colophon,  Chios,  and  Smyrna  were 
Ionian  cities  of  Asia  Minor  ;  Salamis  an  island  near  Athens.  The 
names  of  the  cities  thus  claiming  Homer  are  given  in  the  following 
verse :  — 

Smyrna,  Chios,  Colophon,  Salamis,  Rhodos,  Argos,  Athenae. 

1 43.  Cimbricas  res  :  the  war  with  the  Cimbri  and  Teutones, 
who  invaded  Italy  and  were  at  length  defeated  by  Marius  :  the 
latter,  b.  c.  102  ;  the  former,  10 1. 

§  20.  Themistoclem  :  the  great  Athenian  statesman  and  general, 
who  won  the  battle  of  Salamis,  in  the  second  Persian  invasion 
(b.  c.  480),  and  afterwards,  by  his  skilful  policy,  raised  Athens  to 
its  greatest  height  of  power.  —  L.  Plotium,  a  Roman  teacher  of 
rhetoric. 

§  21.  For  the  statements  in  this  section,  see  oration  forManilian 
Law.  —  ejusdem,  i.e.  Lucullus.  —  quae,  these  things  (just  men- 
tioned) :  quorum  limits  ingeniis. 

§  22.  Africano  superiori  :  the  conqueror  of  Hannibal.  —  in 
sepulchro  Scipionum  :  this  tomb,  on  the  Appian  Way,  has  been 
discovered,  and  in  it  a  bust  of  peperino  (not  marble),  which  has 
by  some  been  supposed  to  be  that  of  Ennius,  referred  to  here. 
Probably,  however,  in  here  means  on. — hujus  :  M.  Porcius  Cato, 
called  Uticensis,  from  his  killing  himself  at  Utica  after  Caesar's  vic- 
tory. Cato  the  Censor  was  his  great-grandfather.  —  Maximi,  etc. : 
Q.  Fabius  Maximus,  "  the  shield  of  Rome,"  in  the  Second  Punic 
War  ;  M.  Marcellus,  "  the  sword  of  Rome  "  (see  note,  Verr.  V. 
§  6)  ;  Q.  Fulvius  Flaccus,  a  distinguished  officer  in  the  same  war. 
—  ilium,  Ennius. 

143.  Heracliensem  :  Heraclia  (see  note,  §  6)  is  here  scorn- 
fully compared  with  the  insignificant  Rudiae. 

§  23.  quo  relates  to  eodem  ;  cupere  governs  the  clause  quo  . . . 
penetrare  :  we  ought  to  desire  that  wherever,  &c.  —  populis,  dat 
after  ampla,  a  noble  thing  for  them. 

§  24.  Sigeum,  a  promontory  near  Troy.  —  Magnus,  i.  e.  Pom- 
pey.  — Mitylenaeum  :  Mitylene  was  an  ^Eolian  city  in  the  island 
Lesbos,  the  home  of  the  famous  lyric  poets  Alcseus  and  Sappho. — 
rustici,  country  people. 


§  16-31.]  Exile  of  Cicero.  91 

§  25.  civitate  donaretur,  §  51,  I,  c.  —  de  populo,  of  the  people, 
i.  e.  of  low  birth.  —  quod  fecisset,  which  he  had  made  as  an 
epigram  (poetical  address)  to  //////.-tantummodo,  i.  e.  this  was 
its  only  poetical  merit.  —  eis  rebus  :  i.  e.  confiscated  goods. 

144.  §  26.  Cordubae,  at  Cordova  in  Spain:  later  the  birth- 
place of  Seneca  and  Lucan.  —  pingue  atque  peregrinum,  clumsy 
and  outlandish.  —  optimus  quisque,  §  17,  5,  c. 

§  27.  Brutus  :  D.  Junius  Brutus  (cos.  B.  c.  138)  conquered  the 
Lusitanians  (of  Portugal).  —  L.  Accius  (Attius),  a  tragic  poet,  dis- 
tinguished for  vigor  and  sublimity,  born  B.C.  170:  he  lived  long 
enough  for  Cicero  in  his  youth  to  converse  with  him.  —  Fulvius  : 
M.  Fulvius  Nobilior  (cos.  B.  c.  189)  subdued  ^tolia.  He  was  dis- 
tinguished as  a  friend  of  Greek  literature,  and  built,  from  the  spoils 
of  war,  a  temple  to  Hercules  and  the  Muses.  —  togati,  see  note, 
Cat.  III.  §  15. 

§  28.  adornavi,  /  supplied  him,  i.  e.  with  facts  and  other  mate- 
terials 

§  30.  imagines,  busts  (see  note,  Verr.  V.  §  15). — afutura  est 
(absum),  shall  be  void  to  my  sense. 

§  31.  vetustate  :  i.  e.  long  continued  friendship  (see  §  5). — 
quae  comprobetur,  §  65,  2. 


Exile  of  Cicero. 
Argument  of  the  Oration  for  Sestius, 

[Omitted  portions  in  brackets.] 

Chap,  [i,  2.  Exordium.  Good  citizens  are  exposed  to  attacks  of  the  lawless :  Cicero 
will  undertake  their  defence.  —  Narratia.  I.  3-6.  Past  life  and  services  of  Sestius,  espe- 
cially during  Catiline's  conspiracy.]  —  7.  Clodius  goes  over  to  the  plebs,  to  forward  his 
attack  on  Cicero.  —  8-16.  The  consuls,  Gabinius  and  Piso,  his  tools:  their  character: 
they  abandon  the  state  to  Clodius. — 11-13.  General  grief  at  the  attack  on  Cicero: 
[Sestius  is  accused  as  his  friend  ].  —  14-16.  Clodius's  reign  of  terror :  why  Cicero  yields 
to  the  storm.  —  17,  18,  The  Triumvirate  :  their  studious  neutrality.  —  10-23.  Should  he 
have  resisted  ?  His  enemies  were  fellow-citizens.  He  feared  not  death  ;  but  his  example 
was  needed,  to  encourage  resistance.  —  [II.  24,  25.  Acts  after  his  departure  ;  assignment 
of  provinces  ;  censorial  power  abolished ;  club-law.  —  26-28.  Foreign  affairs :  confiscation  of 
Ptolemy's  kingdom ;  Cato,  Cicero's  friend,  sent  out  to  consummate  the  villany.  —  29.  Con- 
trast in  former  examples.  —  30-  The  consuls  are  a  party  to  the  crime  and  disgrace].  — 
III.  3r.  At  length  Pompey  takes  up  Cicero's  cause:  decrees  of  the  Senate  and  pnblic 
feeling  in  his  favor. — 32.  Eight  tribunes  propose  his  recall:  Lentulus  espouses  his 
cause.  —  33,  34.  The  new  year:  the  new  consuls  are  his  friends;  Senators  speak  in  his 
behalf.  —  35-37.  A  law  is  proposed  for  his  return  :  riot  and  violence  in  the  Forum  :  Ses- 
tius abstains  from  force  ;  but  is  attacked  and  left  for  dead.  —  38.  Had  Sestius  been  killed, 
he  would  have  been  honored  and  avenged.  —  39.  The  story  of  violence.  —  40,  41.  Action 
of  Milo,  who  is  assailed  by  Clodius,  and  defends  himself  with  armed  guards.  —  [42.  Sestius 


92  Notes.  [Sest. 

had  the  same  right  to  defend  himself.  —  43.  Wretched  state,  when  such  things  are  neces- 
sary ! —  44.  Milo  is  prosecuted  by  Clodius  for  illegal  vio'ence  :  he  is  not  suffered  to 
retaliate-  —  IV.  45,  46.  The  two  classes  (nationes)  in  the  State.  The  optimates :  they 
are  the  true  national  party:  their  defence  an  honorable  service. — 47.  Violence  of  their 
opponents:  the  better  sort  are  more  lukewarm.  —  48,49.  Formerly  there  were  genuine 
party  differences  (the  Gracchi) :  now  only  personal  struggles  maintained  by  hired  ruffians. 

—  50.  The  optimates  are  the  true  party  of  the  country.  — 51.  This  shown  in  the  comitia. 

—  52.  The  popuiares  are  really  enemies  of  the  people  — 53-54-  This  shown  in  the  elections 
and  the  public  games  —  55-59-  Popular  feeling  testified  for  Cicero  and  his  friends  in  the 
theatres  and  gladiatorial  shows.]  V.  60.  in  this  state  of  popular  feeling,  Cicero  cannot 
refuse  to  return.  —  61-63.  The  Senate  and  Pompey  advocate  his  recall :  also  other  leading 
men  ;  the  Italians  ;  his  return  is  a  perpetual  triumph  ;  all  classes  join  in  the  enthusiasm. 

—  [63,  64.  The  optimates  are  not  a  class  by  birth,  as  Vettius  claims :  he,  though  a  noble, 
leads  in  the  opposition]  — Peroratio.  65,  66.  Young  men  are  exhorted  to  stand  by  the 
Senate :  those  who  do  this  are  optimates,  whatever  their  birth.  — 66-68.  This  glory  costs 
envy  and  hatred  ;  but  patriotism  has  its  reward.  —  69.  Appeal  to  the  jury  to  save  Sestius 
if  they  wish  Cicero  saved,  with  whose  cause  his  own  is  identified. 

PAGE 

34:8.  fuerat .  .  .  cum,  that  year  had  passed  in  which,  &c, 
i.  e.  the  year  of  Caesar's  consulship,  and  of  the  plebeian  adoption 
of  Clodius.  (For  the  tense,  compare  §  58,  5,  a).  —  ignari  rerum, 
not  knowing  the  facts.  —  re  quidem  vera,  but  in  truth.  —  traduc- 
tione,  transfer.  This  word  seems  to  imply  some  fling  at  the  irre- 
gularity of  the  proceeding  by  which  Clodius,  a  man  of  forty,  was 
adopted  as  son  by  a  youth  of  twenty.  The  correct  legal  term  is 
transitio. 

A  patrician  who  wished  to  hold  the  plebeian  office  of  tribune,  which  was  the  great 
engine  of  political  power,  might  make  a  formal  renunciation  of  the  privileges  of  his  rank  : 
in  this  case,  being  no  longer  a  patrician,  he  of  course  belonged  to  the  commonalty,  or 
plebs-  This  was  called  transitio  ad plebem  (Momm.  Rom.  Forsch-  i  p.  124),  and  the  for- 
mal act  by  which  it  took  place  was  called  deUstatio  sacrorum  (renunciation  of  the  sacred 
rites).  Clodius  attempted  this  simple  process  b.  c.  60,  but  was  prohibited  for  some  reason 
by  the  consul,  Metellus  Celer,  and  the  next  year  became  a  member  of  the  plebs  by  adoption 
into  a  plebeian  family. 

It  was  a  common  practice  in  Rome,  if  a  family  was  in  danger  of  becoming  extinct,  to 
adopt  a  young  man  of  some  other  family,  who  now  stood  to  his  adoptive  father  precisely 
as  his  own  son ;  and  although-it  might  be  that  he  was  not  cognatus  (blood  relation),  yet 
was  recognized  as  agnatus  (descendant  in  the  male  line.  See  Maine,  Ancient  Law,  p.  125). 
The  most  familiar  example  of  this  is  Scipio  Africanus  the  younger,  whose  agnomen, 
^Eniilianus,  indicated  that  he  was  by  birth  a  member  of  the  jEmilian  gens.  If  the  person 
adopted  was  sui  juris,  that  is.  had  been  freed  from  the  patria  potestas  of  his  father, 
bv  his  father's  death  or  in  any  other  way,  the  adoption  was  called  adrogatio.  It  was  an 
act  of  great  formality,  and  the  circumstances  must  first  be  examined  by  the  pontifices,  to 
make  sure  that  the  sacra  of  the  person  adopted  should  suffer  no  loss,  and  that  the  person 
adopting  had  no  hope  of  legitimate  heirs.  The  act  must  then  be  submitted  to  the  Comitia 
of  the  cttrite,  —  an  ancient  division  of  the  people,  originally  purely  patrician,  but  after- 
wards embracing  plebeians  also  (Momm.  i.  p.  140).  This  assembly  had  been  superseded 
for  all  practical  purposes  by  those  of  the  centuries  and  tribes  (see  note,  Verr.  I  §  18),  but 
w^is  still  kept  up  for  a  few  formal  acts,  as  this  of  adrogatio,  and  the  annual  law  conferring 
the  imf>erium  —  lex  curiata  de  imperio  It  was  so  far  a  mere  formality  that  for  the  latter 
purpose  the  thirty  Curia?  were  represented  by  thirty  bailiffs  (lictors).  When  the  curia 
met  merely  to  witness  an  act,  as  testaments,  or  detestatio  sacrorum,  the  assembly  was  held 
in  the  Curia  Ca/abra  on  the  Capito^ine,  and  was  called  comitia  calata. 

The  consul  Caesar,  being  also  pontifex  maximus,  managed  the  whole  affair  for  his 
tool,  Clodius;   and  the  adoption  was  clearly  and  ostentatiously  a  farce.    A  senator  of 


§  x-3-]  Exile  of  Cicero,  93 

nearly  forty  was  adopted  by  a  young  married  man  of  twenty  named  Fonteius  —  obviously 
in  complete  violation  of  the  spirit  of  the  institution.  Hence,  and  by  reason  of  some  other 
gross  informalities,  Cicero  sedulously  speaks  of  it  as  invalid,  from  which  it  would  result 
that  the  tribunate  of  Clodius  was  illegal,  and  all  his  laws  null  and  void. 

Again,  if  it  had  been  a  genuine  adrogatio,  Clodius  must  have  taken  the  name  of  his 
adoptive  father,  while  in  the  case  of  transitio  ad  plebent  the  patrician  name  was  pre- 
served. The  fact  that  Ciodius  kept  his  name,  proves  that  the  ceremony  of  adoption  was 
only  a  subterfuge,  resorted  to  on  account  of  some  scruple  of  Metellus. 

acrius  . . .  inimici  =  a  far  bitterer  enemy  of  peace,  &c.  (§  51,  6,  c). 
—  multis  repugnantibus,  while  many  opposed.  —  Pompeius  :  as 
one  of  the  coalition,  Pompey  had  presided,  as  augur,  at  the  auspices 
of  the  adoption,  and  so  laid  Clodius  under  personal  obligation.  — 
cautione,  etc.,  security,  pledge,  and  protest  (under  oath).  —  esse 
facturum,  indir.  disc,  after  the  verb  implied  above.  —  quod  .  .  . 
fcedus  . . .  nisi,  etc.,  which  bargain  that  villain,  born  of  the  rotten- 
ness of  every  crime,  thought  he  could  not  violate  enough,  without 
alarming  by  his  own  perils  the  very  man  (Pompey)  who  had  taken 
security  (cautorem)  against  another's  danger. 

§  2.  fuit  (emphatic),  there  was,  surely.  —  hocine  (§20,  1,  N.). — 
ut,  exclam.  question  (§  70,  4,  c).  —  consules,  i.  e.  those  of  the  next 
year :  A.  Gabinius,  proposer  of  the  Gabinian  Law  (see  Introd.  to 
Manil.  Law),  and  L.  Calpurnius  Piso,  father-in-law  of  Caesar. — 
eversores,  subverters.  —  ad  delendum,  etc.,  for  the  very  sake  of, 
&c. — insignibus,  i.  e.  the  sella  curulis,  toga  prcetexta,  &c.  —  in- 
cessum,  gait.  —  animis,  in  your  minds. 

140o  §  3-  alter,  i.  e.  Gabinius,  the  same  who  is  praised  in  the 
speech  for  the  Manilian  Law  (§  58).  —  adfluens,  dripping.  —  cala- 
vaiatxaXa,  frizzled:  the  calamistrum  is  a  crimping-iron.  —  conscios, 
etc.,  translate,  the  partners  of  his  vices  and  the  old  corrupters  of 
his  yotith.  —  puteali  .  .  .  inflatus  :  A  puteal  was  an  altar  erected 
upon  a  spot  struck  by  lightning  :  it  received  its  name  {well-curb) 
from  its  being  open  at  the  top  like  a  well.  Such  a  puteal  stood 
near  the  eastern  end  of  the  Forum,  and  under  it  were  supposed  to 
be  buried  the  razor  and  whetstone  of  Attus  Navius.  The  tribunal 
of  the  praetor,  which  was  originally  upon  the  comitium,  at  the 
western  end  of  the  Forum,  was  removed  by  L.  Scribonius  Libo 
(tribune  b.  c  149)  to  the  neighborhood  of  this  puteal,  which  was 
now  called  puteal  Libonis  or  Scribonianum,  and  came  to  be  iden- 
tified with  the  tribunal  for  the  administration  of  civil  justice  which 
stood  near  it.  Near  it  was  the  Columna  Mania,  referred  to  below. 
This  passage  means,  therefore,  puffed  up  by  his  inti)nacy  with 
the  tribunal,  and  the  hosts  of  usurers ;  referring  to  the  desper- 
ate indebtedness,  of  which  Gabinius  was  rather  proud.  —  Scyl- 
laeo,  the  dangerous  rock  in  the  Sicilian  strait  (fretu)  :  as  if  one 
should  say,  founder  in  that  mahlstrom  of  debt.  —  columna,  pil- 
lory :  a  column  {Columna  Mania)  in  the  Forum,  where  the  names 
of  fraudulent  debtors  were  posted. 


94  Notes.  [Sest. 

Gabinius  had  escaped  the  Scylla  of  the  puteal  and  the  Charybdis  of  the  Columna, 
only  by  running  into  the  harbor  of  the  tribunate  (b.  c.  67).  The  Gabinian  Law  of  his 
tribunate  terved  to  repair  his  broken  fortunes,  and  start  him  in  his  political  career.  In 
another  passage  Cicero  declares  that  it  was  only  the  success  of  his  law  against  the  pirates 
that  saved  Gabinius  from  turning  pirate  himself.  After  his  consulship,  Gabinius  went  as 
proconsul  to  Syria,  and  on  his  return,  b.  c.  54,  was  accused  of  majestas,  ambitus,  and 
repetwidce.     He  was  condemned  on  the  last  count,  and  went  into  exiie. 

tribunatus  :  because  a  magistrate  was  not  liable  to  arrest.  — 
operis,  artisans,  of  the  lowest  class.  —  ab  eis  ereptum  ne,  etc., 
rescued  by  them  —  i.  e.  by  their  votes  in  the  co?nitia  —  so  as  not 
(§  65,  1,  r.)  to  stand  trial  for  bribery.  —  invito  senatu,  in  spite 
of  the  Senate. 

By  a  law  of  C.  Gracchus,  the  Senate  determined  in  advance  the  provinces  of  the  two 
consuls,  who  then  drew  lots  for  them.  A  law,  therefore,  like  the  Gabinian  and  Manilian, 
or  that  which  gave  Caesar  his  proconsulship  of  Gaul,  infringed  on  the  legitimate  authority 
of  the  Senate.  By  the  law  here  referred  to,  Gabinius  got  the  rich  province  of  Syria,  in 
place  of  Cilicia, — a  province  which  demanded  more  work  and  gave  less  opportunity  to 
plunder. 

incolumem,  safe  from  bankruptcy. 

§  4  barbatis  =  old-fashioned.  The  old  Romans  wore  long 
beards  :  the  custom  of  shaving  came  in  about  b.  c  300.  —  exem- 
plum,  specimen.  —  columen,  prop.  —  diceres,  you  would  say  : 
properly  a  future  apodosis  (dicas)  thrown  back  into  the  past  (§  60, 
2,  r.).  —  nostra,  the  dull  (fusca)  native  dye  in  his  proetexta  and 
latus  clavus  (the  broad  stripe  up  and  down  the  front  of  the  tunic), 
as  opposed  to  the  imported  murex,  which  was  fashionable  and 
costly. — imaginis,  etc,  a  sneer  at  his  ambition  for  the  jus  im- 
aginum  (see  Verr.  I.  15),  which  he  could  earn  only  in  some  such 
subordinate  office.  —  duumviratum,  see  note  on  Or.  for  Arch.  §  7. 
—  Seplasiam,  a  place  {plated)  at  Capua,  where  hair-dressers  had 
their  shops,  and  cosmetics  were  sold.  So  shock-headed  a  magis- 
trate would  certainly,  it  was  feared,  abolish  the  business.  —  super- 
cilium,  frown,  as  if  a  sign  of  dignity.  —  pignus  :  with  an  eyebrow 
like  that,  the  republic  was  surely  safe.  —  oculo  :  sundry  allusions 
seem  to  show  that  Piso  had  a  defect  in  one  eye.  If  so,  Cicero  was 
not  the  man  to  spare  the  sneer. 

§  5.  tamen,  after  all.  —  labi  atque  cseno,  pestilent  and  dirty 
fellow.  —  me  dius  fidius,  sc.  juvet.  The  god  of  faith  was  an  old 
Latin  deity,  commonly  invoked  in  oaths.  His  Sabine  name,  Semo 
Sancus,  has  the  same  meaning.  —  adfinem  :  Piso  was  a  relative 
of  Cicero's  son-in-law,  C.  Piso  Frugi,  a  promising  young  man,  who 
died  during  Cicero's  exile. 

§  6.  alter,  i.  e.  Gabinius.  —  quis  arbitraretur,  who  could  have 
supposed  that  such  a  man  could  hold  the  tiller  and  manage  the 
helm  ?  —  diuturnis  tenebris,  daylight  darkness. 

fl»)0.  lustrorum  ac  stuprorum,  dens  of  infamy  :  lustrum  is 
a  lair  of  wild  beasts.  —  alienis,  i.  e.  of  the  triumvirs.  —  non  modo, 


§  3-io-]  Exile  of  Cicero*  95 

etc.,  not  only  too  tipsy  to  see  the  coming  storm,  but  even  to  open  his 
eyes  to  the  unwonted  daylight.  After  carousing  all  night,  he  must 
needs  sleep  all  day. 

§  7.  plane,  etc.,  utterly  in-every  way.  —  blanda  conciliatricula, 
a  flattering  commendation,  in  appos.  with  nobilitate,  high  birth. 
The  Calpurnii  were  plebeian,  but  of  a  very  ancient  and  noble  house. 
—  etiam  mortuorum,  even  when  dead.  —  tristem,  austere;  sub- 
horridum,  rather  rough.  —  eo  nomine  . . .  frugalitas  :  one  of  the 
family  names  of  the  Pisos  was  Frugi,  which  means  thrift.  — voca- 
bant,  encouraged.  —  materni  generis  :  Piso's  mother  was  Calventia, 
daughter  of  a  Gaul  who  had  come  to  Rome  as  a  trader. 

§  8.  ipse  .  .  .  sensi,  I,  as  well  as  the  state,  have  felt.  —  ne- 
quam,  worthless ;  levem,  unprincipled.  —  falsa,  i.  e.  his  good 
reputation  arose  from  a  false  judgment.  —  sciebam,  [though]  / 
knew  all  along.  —  obstructio,  veil j  properly,  a  wall  built  to  hide 
(as  the  "curtain"  of  a  fort).  —  perspici,  seen  through. 

§  9.  inclusas  (i.  e.  in-doors),  secret.  —  philosophos  nescio  quos, 
philosophers,  so-called :  i.  e.  Epicureans,  whom  Cicero  never  loses 
an  opportunity  to  flout.  —  cujus,  i.  e.  voluptatis. — verbum,  the 
very  name  of  it.  —  sapientis  (ace.)  .  .  .  facere,  that  the  wise  do 
all  things  for  their  own  advantage.  —  bene  sanum,  a  man  of 
sense.  The  Epicureans  held  that  a  wise  man  ought  not  to  engage 
in  public  affairs ;  while  the  Stoics  taught  that  philosophy  should  be 
used  in  the  service  of  the  state. 

151.  eos  qui  dicerent,  i.  e.  the  Stoics.  —  vaticinari  atque 
insanire  dicebat,  he  called  preachers  and  fools. 

§  10.  fumabat  .  .  .  redolerent,  smoked  so  [with  the  kitchen 
fires]  that  he  could  smell  the  odor  of  his  discourse  :  the  philosophy 
of  the  stews  !  —  statuebam,  /  came  to  the  conclusion.  —  boni, 
mali  (the  antithesis,  strengthened  by  quidem),  though  nothing 
good,  yet  nothing  bad.  —  ab  illis  nugis,  from  those  follies  of  his.  — 
imbecillo,  infirm  ;  debili,  feeble.  —  vel,  even.  —  acie  et  viribus, 
edge  and  temper.  —  ut .  .  .  acciperent,  the  regular  form  for  the 
terms  of  a  bargain  (§  70,  3,  d).  In  fact,  Gabinius  obtained  the 
province  of  Syria,  and  Piso  of  Macedonia.  —  quas  vellent,  which 
they  should  wish  (subj.  by  attraction  from  future).  —  ea  lege,  si, 
on  this  condition,  that.  —  tradidissent,  for  fut.  perf.  of  dir.  disc.  — 
fcedus  . . .  ici :  when  a  treaty  was  made,  it  was  ratified  by  slaying 
an  animal  as  sacrifice.  The  technical  expression  was  ferire  or 
icere  (hence  fce.dus  ictuni).  —  rogationes,  bills,  proposed  for  the 
acceptance  of  the  people.  —  tribuno,  Clodius.  —  de  mea  pernicie, 
etc.  :  the  word  nominatim  applies  only  to  the  consular  provinces. 
The  rogatio  which  was  aimed  at  Cicero  did  not  mention  him  by 
name,  but  in  general  terms  imposed  the  punishment  aquoz  et  ignis 
interdictio  (cutting  off  from  the  necessaries  of  life)  upon  any  magis- 


96  Notes.  [Sest. 

trate  who  had  inflicted  or  should  inflict  the  punishment  of  death 
upon  any  Roman  citizen  unless  convicted  by  due  process  of  law, 
which  could  only  be  in  the  coinitia  centuriata.  (The  omitted 
passage  contains  some  incidents  of  the  act  of  Cicero's  banishment, 
especially  the  insolent  conduct  of  Gabinius.) 

§  n.  squalebat,  veste  mutata,  put  on  mourning  clothes.  It 
was  the  custom  of  the  Romans  to  express  their  sympathy  for  one 
in  danger  by  wearing  ragged  and  mean  apparel.  —  municipium, 
see  R.  A.  §  5.  —  societas  vectigalium  :  see  note,  Manil.  §  4. — 
conlegium  :  this  word  is  often  used  for  those  magistrates  who 
stood  to  each  other  in  a  collegiate  relation,  that  is,  with  equal  and 
undivided  powers  ;  especially  the  tribunes.  In  this  case,  however, 
are  meant  what  we  should  call  incorporated  societies,  which  were 
persons  in  the  eye  of  the  law  :  these  were  essentially  religious,  — 
the  great  priestly  colleges  of  augurs,  fetiales,  &c,  and  a  great  num- 
ber of  a  private  nature,  principally  burial  societies  (see  also  §  13). — 
concilium  :  this  was  the  technical  expression  of  any  assembly  of 
a  portion  of  the  people  :  thus  the  plebeian  assembly  of  the  tribes, 
usually  called  comitia  tribute,  was  in  strictness  of  speech  concilium 
plebis. —  consilium  (see  note,  R.  A.  §  54),  the  general  word 
including  all  bodies  that  take  common  action  ;  in  particular,  a  body 
of  persons  learned  in  law,  who  sat  with  the  president  of  a  court  to 
advise  him  upon  legal  questions.  —  honorificentissime,  in  terms 
of  highest  honor.  —  edicunt.  §  62,  2,  b  (R.  2).  —  ut  ad  suum,  etc., 
i.  e.  put  off  mourning. 

152.  ipsius,  its  own  (i.  e.  of  the  Senate,  to  which  alone  the 
word  decretum  applies)  :  suis  would  have  referred  to  consul. — 
parumne  est  quod  fefellisti,  etc.,  is  it  not  enough  that  you  have 
so  deceived  ?7ie7i,  but  you  must  also  defy,  &c.  —  consulare  nomen, 
i.  e.  in  the  person  of  Cicero,  a  consularis.  —  sive  .  .  .  valebat, 
whether  that  change  of  dress  amounted  to  a  sign  of  their  sorrow, 
or  to  entreaty. 

§  12.  sua  sponte,  i.  e.  from  private  feeling  only.  —  legatos  le- 
gasti,  appointed  as  aids  (see  note,  Manil.  §  57).  —  ergo  . . .  licebit, 
so  then,  &c.  Supply  and  between  the  two  clauses  ;  the  connective 
being  regularly  omitted  in  Latin.  —  fortasse,  i.  e.  in  case  there 
should  be  occasion  for  it ;  with  a  hint  that  there  will  be.  —  civis, 
etc.,  a  citizen  (Cicero)  most  honored  by  the  favor  of  the  good. — 
ex  fastis  evellendos,  expunged  from  the  fasti.  These  were  the 
official  lists  of  magistrates.  —  fcedere  provinciarum,  see  §  19.— 
in  circo  Flaminio  :  this  was  just  north  of  the  Capitoline  hill,  thus 
outside  of  the  walls.  Contiones  (see  note,  Man.  Law,  Arg.)  were 
usually  held  in  the  comitium.  This  was  called  by  Clodius  outside 
of  the  city,  in  order  that  Caesar  (who,  as  being  proconsul  and  clothed 
with  the  military  imperium,  could  not  enter  the  city)  might  be  pre- 


§  IO-13-]  Exile  of  Cicero.  97 

sent.  —  furia,  etc.,  Clodius.  —  vestro  :  i.  e.  of  the  judices,  men  of 
senatorial  and  equestrian  rank.  —  voce  ac  sententia  (Jiendiadys), 
their  loudly  expressed  opinion.  —  auspicia :  as  in  the  Roman  polity 
every  action  depended  on  the  auspices,  or  expressed  will  of  the 
gods,  for  its  validity,  and  the  magistrates  alone  possessed  the  right 
to  look  for  them  (spectio),  any  magistrate  possessing  the  auspices 
could,  unless  prohibited  by  edict  (see  below),  stop  legislation  by 
announcing  to  the  presiding  magistrates  unfavorable  omens  in  the 
sky  (obnuntiare),  or  even,  as  it  appears,  by  declaring  his  intention 
of  watching  for  them.  This  means  could  be  used  even  against  the 
comitia  tributa. 

The  Senate  and  higher  magistrates  sometimes  defended  the  passage  of  their  laws  from 
this  interference,  by  prohibiting  any  magistrate  servare  de  ccelo  on  the  day  of  the  comitia; 
and  the  whole  process  was  regulated  by  the  iElian  and  Fufian  laws  (about  b.  c.  150).  The 
precise  purport  of  these  laws  is  not  known,  but  the  present  passage  is  one  of  our  principal 
sources  of  information  in  regard  to  them.  Obnuntiatio  was  the  sole  means  by  which  the 
patrician  magistrates  could  control  the  legislation  of  the  tribunes.  This  seems  to  have 
been  distinctly  put  in  their  hands  by  the  iElian  and  Fufian  laws,  and  taken  away  from 
them  by  the  Clodian  law,  which  also  appears  to  have  limited  in  some  way  the  power  of 
the  tribunes  to  prevent  legislation  by  "interceding"  (see  note,  Verr.  I.  §  44).  Thus 
Clodius  was  relieved  from  the  interference  of  his  colleagues,  as  well  as  of  the  patrician 
magistrates  (consul,  praetor,  curule  aedile,  and  quaestor  —  so  called,  not  as  being  held  by 
patricians  exclusively,  which  they  were  not,  but  as  being  of  patrician  origin). 

intercederet,  the  technical  word  for  the  interference  {veto)  of  the 
tribunes.  —  omnibus  festis  diebus,  on  any  legal  business  day. 

The  dies  fasti  were  the  days  on  which  the  prastor  could  hold  his  court :  they  were 
the  Kalends,  Nones,  and  Ides  of  each  month,  together  with  the  nundince  (day  haif-way 
between  Ides  and  Kalends),  unless  any  of  these  days  were  rendered  unavailable  by 
religious  services  (see  Momm.  Rom.  Chron.  p  239).  They  were  therefore  about  forty 
in  number.  Other  days  were  partially  unavailable  (dies  intercisi).  On  dies  fasti,  comitia 
could  not  be  held  ;  and  the  festival  days  in  the  Roman  year  were  so  numerous  that  there 
remained  on'y  about  190  days  in  all  for  the  comitia.  The  Clodian  law  seems  to  have 
provided  that  the  dies  fasti  should   also  be  dies  contitiales  (see  note,  Verr.  I.  31). 

lex-SIlia,  a  law  of  Q.  iElius  (cos.  b.  c.  148)  ;  Fufia,  of  the  tribune 
Fufius  ;  providing  for  the  above  legal  methods  of  delaying  public 
business.  Both  these  laws  were  regarded  as  important  safeguards 
against  hasty  and  partisan  legislation. 

§  13.  pro  tribunali,  in  front  of  the  tribunal,  a  raised  platform 
or  judgment-seat.  The  Aurelian  tribunal  was  near  the  eastern  end 
of  the  Forum.  —  nomine  conlegiorum,  see  note,  §  11. 

The  associations  here  spoken  of  are  the  collegia  compitalicia,  organizations  whoe 
object  was  to  conduct  the  sacred  rites  of  the  compita  (cross-roads).  The  whole  territory 
was  divided  into  districts,  — pagi  in  the  country,  and  vici  in  the  city;  and  each  district 
hid  its  local  sacra,  held  at  its  central  compitum,  and  addressed  to  its  lares,  or  local 
divinities.  The  collegia  which  had  charge  of  these,  although  nominally  religious,  were 
turned  into  **  street-clubs,"  under  the  control  of  pothouse  politicians.  They  were  "nothing 
else  than  a  formal  organization  —  subdivided  according  to  streets,  and  with  almost  a  mili- 
tary arrangement  —  of  the  whole  free  and  slave  proletariate  of  the  capital"  (Momm.). 
These  clubs  were  suppressed  by  the  Senate,  B.  c.  69,  and  were  now  revived  by  Clodius,  to 
aid  him  in  his  schemes. 


98  Notes.  [Sest. 

vicatim,  by  wards  (via,  or  districts).  —  decuriarentur,  were 
grouped  in  squads,  a  word  of  military  origin.  The  decuria,  how- 
ever, was  a  common  name  for  the  divisions  of  collegia,  without 
military  or  numeral  reference. 

1«)3.  templum  Castoris,  on  the  south  side  of  the  Forum,  near 
the  eastern  end,  —  apparently  used  as  a  stronghold  by  Clodius.  The 
three  columns  now  standing  there  are  supposed  to  belong  to  it.  — 
tollebantur,  were  just  being  taken  up,  to  prepare  for  siege.  — 
forum  et  contiones  :  the  Forum  was  the  usual  place  of  assem- 
bly for  the  tribal  comitia,  the  comitium  for  contiones  (see  note, 
§39).  —  nullus,  nihil  (pred.),  counted  for  nothing.  —  possidebat, 
held  in  keepiiig.  —  cum  .  .  .  retraxisset,  when  he  had  got  away 
both  consuls  from  public  duty  by  the  bargain  about  the  pro- 
vinces. 

§  14.  quae  cum,  etc  ,  and  while  these  things  were  so.  —  ac,  and 
in  fact.  —  equester  ordo,  etc.,  an  indictment  was  brought  against 
the  whole  equestrian  order.  This  refers  to  a  passage  (omitted) 
which  describes  Gabinius  as  threatening  this  Order  for  the  support 
it  had  given  Cicero  against  Catiline.  —  Italiae,  see  §  11.  —  relega- 
rentur,  were  got  out  of  the  way  :  i.  e.  Cato,  on  pretext  of  an 
honorable  mission  to  Cyprus.  —  tamen  .  .  .  restitissemus,  still, 
with  so  great  zeal  on  the  part  of  good  men,  I  should  have  re- 
sisted; but,  &c. 

§15.  rationem,  motive.  —  nee  deero,  nor  will  I  disappoint.  — 
causa  tarn  bona,  i.  e.  to  defeat  the  illegal  violence  of  Clodius. — 
parato  agrees  with  consensu.  —  levitatem  audaciamque,  reckless 
audacity.  (A  few  lines,  here  omitted,  consider  the  examples  of 
Metellus  and  Marius). 

§  16.  autem :  i.  e.  if  I  yielded  only  to  that  fear,  I  own  that  I  was 
weak  ;  but  there  was  something  further.  —  G.  Marium  :  this  refers 
to  the  case  of  Metellus  Numidicus,  whose  exile  Cicero  compares 
with  his  own.  He  went  into  exile  in  Marius'  sixth  consulship, 
B.  c.  100,  rather  than  subscribe  to  an  unconstitutional  law  carried 
by  Saturninus  with  the  support  of  the  consul. 

1«54:.  importuna,  inhuman.  —  quos  refers  to  prodigia  by 
synesis  (§  45,  7). —  levitas,  want  of  principle,  the  opposite  of 
gravitas.  —  tribuno  . . .  addixerat,  had  bound  hand  and  foot  in 
service  to  the  tribune.  The  word  addicere  means  literally  to  assign 
as  bond-slave  to  a  master,  — the  act  of  a  court  of  justice.  —  si  .  . . 
superassem  non  verebar  ne,  etc.,  /  did  not  fear  lest,  in  case  I 
should  be  victorioiis,  &c.  The  apodosis  is  really  contained  in 
reprehenderet ;  but  the  construction  is  partly  that  of  the  future 
protasis  (§  59,  4,  f).  As  the  protasis  contrary  to  fact  is  a  develop- 
ment from  this,  by  throwing  it  back  into  past  time,  the  two  are 
sometimes  mixed,  as  here.     (See  "Latin  Subjunctive,"  p.  11). 


§  I3-2o.]  Exile  of  Cicero.  99 

§  17.  sed  ilia,  etc.,  but  this  (which  follows)  is  what  moved  me. 
(Here  sed  is  opposed  to  the  sentence  above,  quos  homines,  etc.) 

—  auctore  (abl.  abs.),  with  the  support  of.  —  quoad  licuit,  i.e. 
till  the  laws  against  Cicero  were  passed.  This  passage  is  interest- 
ing, as  showing  the  personal  relations  claimed  by  Cicero  with  the 
members  of  the  coalition.  In  fact,  his  letters  show  that  a  strong 
and  unfriendly  jealousy  existed  between  him  and  Crassus,  and  that 
for  Caesar  he  felt  a  political  antipathy,  deepened  by  fear  of  his 
genius  and  daring.  —  his  auctoribus  usurum,  should  follow  them 
as  advisers.  —  ex  quibus,  etc.,  one  of  whom  [he  said]  had,  &c. 
In  fact  Caesar  was  at  this  time  just  making  his  first  levies  for  the 
campaign  in  Gaul.  (In  a  relative  clause  like  this,  the  subj.  would 
be  more  usual ;  but,  as  an  independent  proposition,  the  relative 
is  equivalent  to  a  demonstrative,  with  the  regular  construction  of 
indir.  disc).  —  praesto,  within  call. 

§  1 8.  legitimam,  by  process  of  law.  —  causae  dictionem,  put- 
ting on  trial. —  tarn  improbe  conjecta,  so  insultingly  foisted 
upon  the  political  leaders.  —  eorum  taciturnitas  :  the  unfriendly 
silence  of  Cicero's  political  rivals,  who  now  u  left  him  naked 
to  his  enemies,1'  was  the  sharpest  mortification  he  endured  in 
his  public  career.  —  conferebatur  has  a  similar  meaning  with 
conjecta,  above.  —  non  infitiando  confiteri,  by  not  denying,  to 
confess  themselves  partisans  of  Clodius.  —  illi,  the  chiefs  of  the 
coalition.  —  acta  ilia,  etc.,  the  acts  of  Caesar  as  consul,  which  were 
said  to  be  illegal  for  religious  informality,  and  were  in  danger  of 
being  set  aside  by  the  judicial  officers  (praetors)  and  the  Senate. 

—  labefactari,  infirmari  (conative  present),  were  sought  to  be  un- 
dermined and  held  void.  —  popularem,  a  party  term. 

lc>*>.  propiora  esse,  touched  them  more  nearly. 

§  19.  a  consulibus,  to  avoid  ambiguity  ;  with  the  dative,  it 
might  be  construed,  said  to  the  co?tsuls.  —  fidem,  =  protection. — 
neque  se  . . .  dicebat,  and  said  that  he  would  not.  —  publice,  by 
official  act.  —  vitae  (dat.  of  indir.  obj.  following  the  act  implied  in 
insidias),  plots  against  his  life.  —  coram,  in  person.  —  ab  illis, 
meo  nomine,  i.  e.  he  really  feared  that  some  designs  against  him 
might  be  attempted  by  Cicero's  enemies,  who  would  hope  to  cast 
the  charge  on  him.  —  cum  imperio,  the  technical  term  for  being 
in  military  command,  —  fratrem  :  Caius  Clodius,  an  elder  brother 
of  Publius.  This  would  be  claimed  as  an  evidence  of  Caesar's 
personal  support. 

§  20.  non  nemo,  07ie  and  another.  —  fortis,  etc.,  of  firm,  ener- 
getic, and  lofty  temper.  —  restitisses,  you  should  have  made  a 
stand  (hortat.  subj.  §  57,  3,  d).  The  dramatic  form  is  here  used, 
in  preference  to  the  simpler  ut  resisterem,  in  appos.  with  illud.  — 
dimicationem  caedemque,  a  bloody  conflict.  —  fugisse,  shunned. — 


ioo  Notes.  [Sest. 

hoc,  in  appos.  with  ut  . . .  dedidissent.  —  vectores,  the  crew.  — 
negarent,  mallent :  the  imperf.  here  denotes  continued  action.  If 
Cicero  were  telling  an  actual  fact,  he  would  say,  Accidit  ut,  etc., 
vectores  negabatit,  ?nalebant. — non  modo,  etc.,  see  the  application 
of  the  figure,  at  the  end  of  §  21. 

§  21.  fluitantem,  drifting.  —  incursuree,  §  72,  4,  a. 
1*10.   depugnaxem,  should  I  have  resisted  (§  57,  6)  ;  depug- 
nem  would  be,  shall  I  (ought  I  to)  contend?    Transferred  to  the 
past,  it  becomes  as  above.  —  summo  exitio,  /  will  not  say  abso- 
lute ruin,  but  at  least,  &c. 

§  22.  victi  essent,  what  the  supposed  vir  fortis  would  say.  — 
at  cives,  i.  e.  the  conquered  would  still  be  my  fellow-citizens  (com- 
pare Cat.  III.  §  27  ;  IV.  §  22).  — ab  eo,  etc.,  i.  e.  he  who  in  office  had 
before  crushed  the  conspiracy  without  fighting  would  have  now 
been  in  arms  as  a  private  citizen.  —  qui  superessent,  who  would 
[now]  survive  f  —  venturam  fuisse,  for  venisset  of  dir.  disc. 
(§  67,  1,  c).  —  turn,  at  the  time  of  his  exile  :  was  it  death  I  fled 
fro7n  ?  —  illas  res,  the  acts  of  his  consulship  :  cum  in  this  place 
follows  the  emphatic  words.  —  non  haec  . . .  canebantur,  was  not 
this  predicted  by  me  at  the  very  moment  of  my  actioji  t  (Cat.  IV. 
chap.  10.) 

§  23.  rudis,  ignorant ;  ignarus  rerum,  inexperienced.  —  tam, 
i.  e.  as  to  fear  death.  —  donata,  a  free  gift.  —  alii . . .  alii,  two  com- 
mon opinions  among  ancient  thinkers:  compare  Cat.  IV.  §  7,  and 
Plato's  Apology  of  Socrates.  —  mentis  (ace),  subj.  of  sentire. 

1»17.  §  24.  exemplum,  i.  e.  a  living  example  of  one  who  had 
preserved  the  state.  —  quis  .  .  .  auderet :  the  protasis  is  contained 
in  me  .  . .  non  restituto  (§  60,  1,  a).  —  cum  sua  minima  invidia, 
at  the  risk  of  ever  so  little  odium  against  him  (§  47,  5,  c). 

§  25.  hoc  honoris  gradu,  i.  e.  his  rank  as  consularis.  —  cum 
reliquissem,  subj.  on  account  of  the  implied  supposition  :  in  case 
I  had  left.  —  hoc,  in  appos.  with  quod  .  .  .  malui.  —  nunc,  sc. 
dolorem. 

§  26.  isdem  radicibus,  a  fruit  of  the  same  tree :  i.  e.  the  same 
birthplace  (Arpinum).  — Minturnis,  at  Minturnce,  a  town  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Liris  (a  gloss,  explanatory  of  the  preceding). 

When  Sulla  returned  to  the  city,  b.  c  88,  and  put  Sulpicius  to  death,  Marius  escaped 
and  concealed  himself  in  the  marshes  of  Minturnae,  —  a  seaboard  town  on  the  borders 
of  Latium  and  Campania.  Here  he  was  captured  and  thrown  into  prison,  where  a 
Cimbrian  slave  was  directed  to  kill  him  ;  "  but  the  German  trembled  before  the  flashing 
eyes  of  the  old  conqueror,  and  the  axe  fell  from  his  hands  when  the  general  with  his 
haughty  voice  demanded  whether  he  dared  to  kill  Gaius  Marius"  (Momm.).  The  magis- 
trates of  Minturnae,  struck  with  shame,  set  him  free,  and  enabled  him  to  escape  to  Africa, 
from  whence  he  was  recalled  in  triumph  by  Cinna  the  next  year,  to  riot  in  the  blood  of 
his  fellow-citizens. 

§  27.  atque  ilia  .  .  .  ego,  and  [while]  he,  &c. 


§  20-32.]  Exile  of  Cicero,  101 

158.  periculo  rei  publicae  (like  the  English),  at  the  peril  of 
the  state,  i.  e.  as  its  only  defence  from  peril.  —  consularibus  lit- 
teris,  since  men  of  that  rank  had  given  him  these  letters  missive. 

—  fidei  publicae,  official  fidelity.  —  quod  si,  etc.,  if  this  continues 
to  be  an  example. 

§  28.  regum,  with  kings  :  the  externa  bella  are  regarded  as 
warlike  efforts  of  kings  and  peoples  now  quite. crushed  (exstincta). 

—  invidia  :  as  if  that  were  the  only  thing  to  deter  an  honorable 
ambition.  (Here  Cicero  mentally  compares  his  own  case  with 
Caesar's.)  —  praeclare,  etc.,  we  treat  them  handsomely  in  sufferi7ig 
them  to  becoi7ie  our  subjects.  —  periculorum,  obj.  gen.  after  medi- 
ciiia.  —  rem  publicam  spectatis,  look  forward  to  public  life. — 
segniores,  any  less  active. 

§  29.  si  eis  .  .  .  persolutum,  if  the  due  penalty  is  visited  on 
them.  —  numquam  jam,  never  again.  —  suum  terrorem,  the  dread 
of  him.  —  relegentur,  banished  (see  §  14).  —  interjecto,  inter- 
vening. 

150.  §  30.  esse  confectam,  was  ruitied.  (The  form  of  indir. 
disc,  is  used  after  oratione,  instead  of  quod  with  the  indie  de- 
noting the  fact.)     Compare  note,  §  20.  —  caritatem,  affection  for. 

—  tecta  ac  templa  :  i.  e.  the  usual  crowds  did  not  appear.  — 
mini  . . .  rogata  est,  ruin  to  me  and  the  state,  and  a  province  to 
the  consuls,  was  enacted. 

§  31.  monstra,  scelera,  prodigies  of  crime.  — servitio  conci- 
tato,  by  stirring  up  the  slaves  (see  note,  Cat.  III.  §  8). — lex:  the 
law  which  banished  Cicero. — eo  ipso  crimine,  on  this  very  ground 
(that  he  had  defended  the  state).  —  vasto  .  .  .  tradito  :  i.  e.  the 
Forum,  where  the  comitia  tributa  met,  was  forsaken  by  good  citi- 
zens, and  the  assembly  was  overawed  by  armed  men. 

§  32.  interesse,  intervene.  —  spolia  :  see  next  sentence.  —  par- 
titionem  serari  :  the  proconsuls  regularly  received  their  outfit  by 
vote  of  the  Senate  ;  but  on  this  occasion  the  Clodian  law  appro- 
priated large  sums  for  them.  —  benencia  :  not  those  referred  to  in 
Arch.  §  11,  but  offices  and  appointments. — vexabatur  :  Terentia, 
Cicero's  wife,  was  driven  from  her  home,  and  his  house  on  the 
Palatine,  as  well  as  some  of  his  villas,  destroyed.  This  appears  to 
have  been  an  act  of  pure  mob-law,  not  the  legitimate  exercise 
of  any  tribunician  power.  —  liberi  :  his  only  children  were  his 
daughter  Tullia  (now  twenty-one  years  old)  and  his  son  Marcus,  a 
child  of  seven.  —  Piso  gener  :  and  he  a  Piso. 

100.  deferebantur :  both  consuls  took  possession  of  works 
of  art  and  other  articles  of  value  in  Cicero's  houses.  —  commo- 
verentur,  they  should  have  been  moved  (hort  subj.  §  57,  3,  d).  An 
omitted  passage  speaks  of  Cato's  mission,  or  honorable  banish- 
ment, to  Cyprus. 


102  Notes.  [Sest. 

§  33.  vellet,  could  have  wished :  i.  e.  if  it  had  been  possible 
to  do  any  thing.  —  invitissimis  eis,  much  against  the  will  of  those 
who,  &c.  —  qui. .  .  definisset  (subj.  of  char.  §  65,  2)  :  Pompey  is 
here  described  by  allusions  to  his  exploits  (see  Or.  on  Manilian 
Law).  —  quam  servasset  (as  above)  :  but  the  whole  situation  is 
characterized,  rather  than  the  state  itself  =  when  he  had  pre- 
served it. 

§  34.  accessit,  he  joined.  —  reliquis,  what  remained  to  be  done 
(opp.  to  praeteritis).  —  inclinatio,  tendency.  —  frequens,  full  (well 
attended).  —  L.  Ninnio,  a  tribune  of  the  people  :  the  tribunes  also 
had  the  jus  vocandi  Senatus  and  referendi.  The  Senate  was 
favorable  to  the  proposed  act,  but  it  was  prevented  by  the  inter- 
cession of  J£X\w$>  Ligus :  this  tribune  sided  with  Clodius,  leaving 
eight  who  were  favorable  to  Cicero's  recall.  The  promulgation, 
spoken  of  below,  did  not  take  place  until  Oct.  29,  and  then  after 
all  it  never  came  to  a  vote.  —  contremuit,  was  shaken.  —  pro- 
mulgaverunt,  proposed  a  law :  the  promulgatio  took  place  the 
24th  day,* trinum  nundinum,  before  the  Comitia  were  held  (Momm. 
Rom.  Chron.  p.  243).  —  decrevisse,  had  fallen  off  (decresco). — 
in  ea  fortuna,  in  that  kind  of  fortune  (misfortune).  —  fortuna,  sc. 
mea.  —  quos  esse,  sc.  amicos. — tamen,  as  it  was.  —  habueram, 
i.e.  at  the  time  of  his  fall.  —  defluxit,  fell  away. — JfEliorum  : 
Ligus  appears  not  to  have  belonged  rightfully  to  this  gens :  the 
Ligurians,  from  whom  his  cognomen  was  taken,  had  the  reputa- 
tion of  being  rude  and  perfidious. 

§  35.  Kal.  Jan.,  b.  c.  57 :  P.  Lentulus  Spinther  and  Q.  Metellus 
Nepos,  consuls.  Lentulus  was  favorable  to  Cicero,  and  Nepos  — 
an  old  enemy  of  his  —  was  a  mere  hanger-on  of  Pompey,  who  had 
now  broken  off  with  Clodius.  Lentulus  brought  the  case  before 
the  Senate  on  New  Year's  day.  —  equidem  (here  =  ego  quidem), 
but  I. 

161.  §  36.  Cotta:  L.  Aurelius  Cotta  (cos.  B.  c.  65)  ;  in  his 
praetorship,  B.  c.  70,  he  had  proposed  the  compromise  by  which  the 
courts  were  reorganized  (see  note,  Verr.  I.  §  47).  For  the  order 
of  business  in  the  Senate,  see  note,  Cat.  IV.  Int.  —  more  majorum, 
by  precedent.  —  ferri,  of  a  law  ;  judicari,  of  a  legal  procedure. — 
comitiis  centuriatis  :  the  Clodian  laws,  it  will  be  remembered,  had 
been  passed  in  the  co?nitia  tributa.  —  reliquae  tranquillitatis,  of 
future  tranquillity.  — vim.  habere,  etc.,  i.  e.  the  law  was  void,  and 
therefore  need  not  be  repealed. 

§  37.  nunc,  subj.  of  sentire  :  that  he  had  very  just  views 
(answering  to  the  sententia  of  Cotta,  given  above).  —  defungerer, 
get  clear  of.  —  beneficium  :  i.  e.  by  a  law  expressing  their  good 
will  Pompey  apparently  did  not  venture  to  treat  the  acts  as  abso- 
lutely void,  but  contrived  this  evasive  measure.  —  discessio,  divi- 


§  3 --42.]  Exile  of  Cicero.  103 

s/'ou  (see  introd.  note  to  Cat.  IV.).—  Gavianus  :  a  nickname  of 
the  tribune  Sex.  Atilius  Serranus,  in  allusion  to  his  low  birth. — 
cum  esset  emptus,  though  he  had  been  bought :  the  manner  in 
which  Cicero  speaks  of  this  shows  the  demoralized  state  of  politics 
at  that  time.  —  socer  :  his  name  was  Cn.  Oppius. 

IG£.  postero  die,  i.  e.  the  next  on  which  the  Senate  could  sit. 

—  moram,  hindrance.  —  discessum  est,  they  adjourned.  —  pauci 
omnino,  only  a  few  in  all.  —  tamen  :  i.  e.  though  time  pressed, 
yet  no  other  action  was  taken. 

§  38.  ludificatione,  quibbli?ig :  properly,  a  feint,  or  false  move- 
ment, intended  to  deceive  an  enemy  (a  military  term).  —  calumnia, 
chicanery.  —  concilio,  in  counsel,  construed  with  agendi,  which 
limits  dies  :  a  concilium,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  an  assembly 
of  a  portion  of  the  people,  and  was  therefore  in  strictness  the  cor- 
rect term  for  the  plebeian  assembly  of  the  tribes,  which  is  usually 
called  comitia  tributa.  —  princeps,  the  chief  supporter.  —  Q.  Fa- 
bricius  :  he,  as  well  as  Sestius,  was  a  tribune.  —  templum,  conse- 
crated place  =  Rostra  :  see  note,  Manil.  §  70.  —  hie,  Sestius.  — 
nihil  progreditur,  takes  no  step  forward.  —  multa  de  nocte, 
early  in  the  night.  —  manus  adferunt,  come  to  blows. 

§  39.  in  comitio  (see  note,  Verr.  VI.  §  14)  :  the  assembly  was 
properly  held  in  the  co?nitium,  or  elevated  spot  set  apart  for  public 
purposes.  As  this  was  found  too  small  for  large  gatherings,  the 
market-place  proper,  on  the  other  side  of  the  rostra,  was  used,  and 
the  speaker,  in  the  last  years  of  the  republic,  faced  away  from  the 
co)7iitiu?n  towards  the  market-place. 

§  40.  compleri,  §  56,  \\,b.  —  refarciri,  choked.  —  copiam,  etc. : 
this  ar?ned  array. 

103.  patricium  et  praetorium :  of  Clodius's  brother,  Appius 
Claudius,  the  praetor.  —  Cinnano,  etc. :  see  Cat.  III.  §  24.  —  ani- 
morum,  passions.  —  pertinacia,  wilful  obstinacy ;  constantia, 
judicious  firmness.  —  intercessoris  :  i.  e.  a  tribune,  interceding 
to  prevent  the  passage  of  a  law.  —  latoris,  the  proposer  of  a  law. 

—  commodo,  advantage  in  the  law  vetoed.  —  concertatione,  con- 
flict among  magistrates  of  equal  power. — discessione,  division. 

§  41.  multitudine,  a  throng  of  followers  ;  praesidio,  an  armed 
band.  —  auspiciis,  etc.    (see  note,  §  12),  refers  to  obnuntiasset. 

—  jure  laesisset :  i.  e.  both  of  these  procedures  would  have  been, 
however  mischievous,  yet  legally  and  formally  correct :  like  filibus- 
tering in  Congress.  —  novicios,  raw.  —  aedilitate  :  Clodius  was 
aedile  the  next  year,  b.  c.  56.  —  eum,  Sestius. 

00  I.  §42.  id  egit,  aimed  at  this.  —  interfationem,  interrup- 
tion. —  legibus  :  i.  e.  the  original  law  of  the  tribuneship,  and  also 
the  Appuleian  law,  making  it  majestas  to  interrupt  a  tribune  in  the 
discharge  of  his  office.  —  obnuntiavit  consuli,  i.  e.  Metellus.    The 


104  Notes.  [Sest. 

object  is  not  known.  —  saeptorum,  railings,  or  temporary  enclos- 
ures for  voting.  —  opinione  mortis,  the  notion  that  he  was  dead. 

—  modo,  moderation. 

§  43.  Milo :  T.  Annius,  whom  Cicero  afterwards  defended  for 
the  murder  of  Clodius.  —  non  quo,  §  66,  1,  d,  R.  —  impertiam, 
bestow,  sc.  ei.  —  sic,  with  this  design.  —  constans  ratio,  a  rational 
and  consistent  measure.  —  plena,  having  the  full  consent.  —  con- 
sulis  alterius,  Lentulus  ;  alterius,  Metellus  ;  unus,  App.  Claudius. 

—  duo  soli  :  Numerius  Rufus  and  Sex.  Atilius  Serranus,  tribunes. 

—  qui  si,  and  if  they.  —  per  summum  ordinem,  the  Senate. 
10*>.   §  44-  iUe  gladiator,  that  ruffian  (Clodius).  —  si  mori- 

bus  ageret,  if  he  made  it  a  question  of  character.  —  dolorem, 
indignation, —  tripudiantem  :  strictly,  a  religious  dance. 

§  45.  pristini  judici  :  in  the  year  b.  c.  62,  Clodius  had  been 
guilty  of  a  daring  act  of  impiety,  in  violating  the  mysteries  of 
the  worship  of  Bona  Dea  ;  but  had  been  acquitted  by  a  venal 
jury  (note,  Or.  for  Milo,  §  13).  —  consul,  praetor,  tribunus  :  Me- 
tellus, App.  Claudius,  and  Atilius.  The  effect  of  this  new  edict  — 
although  general  in  its  nature  —  was,  as  was  intended,  to  protect 
Clodius  from  prosecution.  —  ne  reus,  etc.  The  edicts  were  in  fact 
that  no  proceedings  should  be  had  till  after  the  allotment  of  places 
to  the  praetors.  —  quid  ageret,  what  was  he  to  do? — adfligeret, 
should  he  cast  down  (i.  e.  by  abandoning  it).  —  perfecit  ut,  etc. : 
i.  e.  he  surrounded  himself,  as  Clodius  had  done,  with  a  band  of 
cut-throats. 

§  46.  hoc  in  genere,  in  this  sort. 

160.  cernit  toto  corpore,  i.  e.  risks  at  every  point. 

§  47.  This  passage  is  interesting,  as  one  of  the  few  glimpses  we 
have  of  ancient  opinion  respecting  the  foundation  of  civil  society. 

—  ita  tulisse,  has  so  decreed.  —  naturali  jure,  the  law  of  nature ; 
civili,  that  of  organized  society.  —  res  publicas,  institutions. 

§  48.  nihil  tain  interest,  there  is  no  difference  so  great.  — 
horum,  etc.,  whichever  we  refuse,  we  must  employ  the  other.  — 
altero  . . .  altero,  i.  e.  law  and  force  :  an  ingenious  apology  for 
Milo's  acts  of  violence.  —  ratio,  method,  or  principle. 

After  all  these  efforts  had  failed,  the  restoration  of  Cicero  was 
carried  quietly,  on  the  4th  of  August,  by  a  Lex  Cornelia,  proposed 
by  the  consul  P.  Cornelius  Lentulus,  in  the  comitia  centuriata. 
For  the  circumstances  alluded  to  in  the  following  section,  see 
Cicero's  Letter  to  Atticus  (Att.  IV.  1),  who  was  then  in  Epirus. 

167.  §  49-  fitise,  see  §  32.  —  colonise  :  the  colony  of  Brundi- 
sium  was  founded  Aug.  5,  b.  c.  244.  —  aedis  Salutis  :  this  temple, 
on  the  Quirinal  hill,  was  dedicated  b.  c.  303. 

§  50.  P.  Lentulum :  this  was  the  young  son  of  the  consul  of 
B.  C.  57.     He  had  the  year  before  assumed  the  toga  virilis,  and 


§42-52.]  Defence  of  Milo,  105 

also,  by  election  into  the  college  of  augurs,  the  toga  prcetexta. 
The  sqtialor  and  sordes  here  referred  to  were  on  account  of  a 
proposition  to  abrogate  the  proconsular  imperium  of  the  elder 
Lentulus,  who  had  been  commissioned  as  governor  of  Cilicia,  to 
restore  to  his  throne  the  exiled  King  Ptolemy  Auletes  of  Egypt, 
father  of  the  famous  Cleopatra.  This  proposition,  which  was  ve- 
hemently disputed,  never  came  to  a  vote  ;  but  a  year  or  two  later 
Ptolemy  was  restored.  From  the  next  section  it  would  appear  that 
Cicero  attributed  much  of  this  opposition  against  Lentulus  to  his 
constant  support  of  himself. 

168.  §  51.  illo  die  :  the  arrest  of  the  conspirators,  Dec.  3, 
B.C.  63  (see  Cat.  III.). 

§  52.  hie  puer,  the  young  Lentulus.  —  meo  nomine,  on  my 
account. 


Defence  of  Milo. 
Argument. 

Chap,  i,  2.  Exordium.  The  new  form  of  trial :  public  sympathy  is  with  the  de- 
fendant—  except  the  Clodian  hirelings.  Question  not  of  fact,  but  of  right.  —  Confutatio. 
3,  4.  Homicide  is  not  always  a  crime :  it  is  especially  justifiable  in  defence  against  violence. 
—  5,  6.  Judgment  of  the  Senate  and  of  Cicero  himself.  —  6,  8.  The  action  of  Pompey : 
his  motive  in  constituting  the  court.  —  Narratio.  9,  10  The  question  is,  Which  laid  the 
plot  against  the  other  ?  History  of  the  controversy.  Why  Clodius  desires  Milo's  death, 
and  how  he  plans  to  meet  him.  The  encounter  on  the  Appian  Way.  —  Confirmatio. 
I.  12-14.  Which  was  gainer  by  the  other's  death?  Which  was  likelier  to  commit  the 
crime:  the  two  men  compared.  —  15,  16.  Milo  had  before  spared  Clodius:  why  kill  him 
now  ?  —  17-19.  How  Clodius  knew  of  Milo's  journey,  and  informed  himself  of  his  setting 
out:  pretext  of  the  death  of  Cyrus.  —  20,21.  Comparison  of  the  conditions:  Milo  was 
on  strange  ground,  and  unprepared. — 22.  Why  Milo  manumits  his  slaves:  it  was 
a  generous  and  right  act.  The  testimony  of  Clodius's  slaves  goes  for  nothing.  — 
23-26.  Milo's  after  acts:  the  false  charges  against  him,  especially  of  plotting  against 
Pompey:  the  pretended  hostility  of  Pompey  explained  away. —  II.  27-50.  Yet  if  he  had 
killed  Clodius  purposely,  all  would  have  approved-  The  crimes  of  Clodius :  would  any 
have  him  restored  to  life?  If  Milo  had  slain  him,  he  might  have  claimed  glory  for  the 
deed.  — 31-33.  It  was  the  act  of  the  gods,  who  first  made  Clodius  mad,  that  he  might 
rush  on  his  destruction.  —  Peroratio.  34-38.  Milo's  calm  resignation  :  the  State's  in- 
gratitude. He  is  upheld  by  the  consciousness  of  right,  and  the  sympathy  of  the  good. 
His  services  to  Cicero,  who  appeals  to  the  jurors  in  his  own  name :  Milo  would  hardly 
permit  this  appeal  to  their  compassion. 

PAGE 

170,  §  1.  fortissimo  :  this  word  implies  a  steady  courage, 
rather  than  the  violent  temper  which  distinguished  Milo.  —  per- 
turbetur  de,  alarmed  for.  —  novi  judici  :  the  court  was  ordained 
by  the  comitia  tributa,  on  motion  of  Pompey,  as  the  first  act  of 


106  Notes.  [Milo, 

his  consulship :  one  of  the  conditions  being,  that  after  three  days 
had  been  allowed  for  the  hearing  of  witnesses,  two  hours  were 
reserved  for  the  prosecution,  and  three  for  the  defence.  —  terret 
oculos,  meets  my  eyes  with  terror.  —  requirunt,  seek  in  vain.  — 
consuetudinem,  usual  appearance.  —  corona,  the  throng,  a  "ring  " 
of  spectators.  —  frequentia,  crowd. 

§  2.  pro  templis,  see  plan  of  Forum,  p.  42.  —  non .  .  .  non 
adferunt  aliquid,  do  not  fail  to  bring  something  (of  terror  or 
constraint).  —  ut  possimus,  so  that  we  cannot  even  be  relieved 
of  fear  (non  timere)  without  some  fear.  —  ioxo  . . .  judicio  :  be- 
cause these  especially  require  peace,  and  are  opposed  to  the  very 
idea  of  armed  conflict. 

171.  si  .  .  .  putarem,  Cicero  assumes,  in  spite  of  the  plain 
fact,  that  the  authorities  (including  Pompey)  were  really  on  the 
side  of  Milo.  —  recreat,  reassures ;  reficit,  revives  (emphatic  posi- 
tion). —  consilium,  purpose.  —  profecto,  doubtless.  —  tradidisset, 
submitted.  —  publica,  official. 

§  3.  ilia  arma,  etc.  On  the  first  day  of  the  trial,  when  M.  Mar- 
cellus  began  to  cross-examine  one  of  the  witnesses  against  Milo, 
he  was  so  terrified  by  the  rush  of  the  mob,  that  he  took  refuge  on 
the  praetor's  bench.  Pompey,  alarmed  by  the  same  disturbance, 
came  down  next  day  with  an  armed  guard,  and  the  trial  was  allowed 
to  proceed  without  disturbance.  —  presidium,  protection.  —  quieto, 
i.  e.  free  from  actual  fear.  —  magno  animo,  great  cheer.  —  auxilium, 
help,  against  actual  violence  ;  silentium,  freedom  from  interruption 
even  by  words.  —  quse  quidem  est  civium,  so  far  as  it  consists  of 
citizens  (alluding  to  the  gladiators  in  the  pay  of  Clodius).  —  neque 
quisquam  .  .  .  non  cum  favet,  etc.,  and  there  is  ?io  one  of  those 
whom  you  see  looking  on,  who  does  not  at  once  favor,  &c. — 
decertari,  that  the  conflict  is.  —  hesterna  contione,  yesterday 's 
harangue.  The  day  before,  after  the  court  adjourned,  one  T. 
Munatius  Plancus  (see  §  12)  had  harangued  the  crowd,  urging 
them  to  be  on  hand  next  day,  and  not  suffer  Milo  to  escape.  On 
this  day,  the  last  of  the  trial,  says  Asconius,  shops  were  closed 
throughout  the  city  ;  Pompey  posted  guards  in  the  Forum  and  all 
its  approaches  ;  he  himself  sat,  as  on  the  day  before,  in  front  of 
the  Treasury,  girt  with  a  select  body  of  troops.  When  Cicero 
begun  to  speak,  "  he  was  received  by  an  outcry  of  the  party  of 
Clodius,  who  could  not  be  restrained  even  by  terror  of  the  sur- 
rounding soldiery."  —  eorum,  namely,  of  those  (gen.  of  material, 
§  50,  1,  e). —  praeirent,  dictated.  —  judicaretis,  indir.  quest. ;  but  if 
direct  would  still  be  in  the  subj. :  quid  judicetis,  what  are  you 
to  decide  (§57,6).  —  quorum  si,  and  if  from  them.  —  retinea- 
tis  :  the  penalty  was  banishment,  by  which  he  lost  his  rights  as 
citizen. — neglexit,  thought  as  nothing. 


§  i-7]  Defence  of  Milo,  107 

§  4.  adeste  animis,  have  presence  of  mind.  —  locus,  oppor- 
tunity. —  amplissimorum  ordinum :  the  court  was  made  up  of 
senators,  eguites,  and  tribuni  cerarii  (see  Verr.  I.  §  49). — de- 
lectis  :  the  whole  body  of  jurors  (360)  was  selected  ;  though  the 
particular  jury  (of  51)  was  drawn  by  lot.  —  re  et  sententiis,  by  act 
aud  verdict.  —  dediti,  devoted.  —  omnem,  complete.  —  nos,  see 
below. 

172.  §  5-  nobis  duobus,  than  we  two,  i.  e.  the  orator  and  his 
client.  —  exercitum,  tormented.  —  ad  rem  publicam,  into  public 
life.  —  crudelissimorum  :  exile  was  the  worst,  apparently,  that 
Milo  had  to  fear.  Here  Cicero  alludes  to  his  own  experience  of 
it.  —  ceteras,  i.  e.  the  ordinary  turmoils  which  a  politician  must 
expect  to  meet,  from  which  the  courts  should  be  a  refuge.  —  dum 
taxat  (usually  written  together  as  an  adverb),  at  a?iy  rate.  —  sense- 
rat,  had  taken  ground. —  consilio,  panel.  —  ex  cunctis  ordinibus, 
see  note,  Verr.  I.  §  47.  —  talis  viros,  such  me7i  (as  you).  It  was 
admitted,  says  Asconius,  that  no  body  of  jurors  had  ever  been 
more  illustrious  or  just  than  those  who  composed  this  court. 

§  6.  quamquam,  and  yet  (corrective).  —  tribunatu,  see  Oration 
for  Sestius,  §  43  (87).  —  ad  . . .  defensionem,  for  the  rebuttal  of 
this  charge.  —  abutemur,  take  unfair  advantage :  these  acts  of 
Milo's  tribuneship,  it  will  be  remembered,  were  in  the  personal 
interest  of  Cicero.  —  insidias  a  Clodio  :  Cicero  was  the  only  one 
of  Milo's  advocates  who  ventured  on  this  line  of  defence,  which 
so  brings  out  the  interest  and  ability  of  his  speech.  It  required 
some  assurance  to  speak  of  Milo  as  acting  in  self-defence  !  — 
merita,  services.  —  fuerit  for  fuit,  on  account  of  adsignetis.  — 
turn  denique,  then  only.  —  cetera,  all  else. 

§  7.  ad  earn  orationem,  to  that  line  of  argume?it.  —  est  pro- 
pria, properly  belongs.  —  in  senatu  :  a  shocking  detail  of  Milo's 
brutalities  in  connection  with  this  murder  —  including  the  wanton 
slaughter  of  many  of  Clodius's  men,  and  the  cutting  up  a  slave  by 
piecemeal  under  pretence  of  extorting  testimony  —  had  been  made 
by  Q.  Metellus  Scipio  in  the  Senate.  —  rem,  the  real  case.  — 
negant:  of  course  this  supposed  denial  is  a  caricature  of  the 
real  argument  employed.  —  tandem  =  /  should  like  to  know. — 
nempe,  why,  precisely.  —  primum,  i.  e.  the  first  capital  trial. 

173.  M.  Horati  :  the  famous  story  of  the  three  Horatii  and 
the  three  Curiatii.  When  Horatius  was  condemned  to  death  for  the 
murder  of  his  sister,  he  was  acquitted  on  appeal  to  the  people ;  and 
this  incident  passed  as  the  origin  of  p?'ovocatio,  or  appeal  to  the 
people  from  the  decision  of  a  magistrate  (see  note,  Verr.  VI.  §  6). 
—  nondum  libera,  under  the  kings  ;  it  was  in  the  reign  of  Tullus 
Hostilius,  b.  c.  668.  —  comitiis  :  sc.  curiatis  (see  note,  Sest.  §  10). 
The  co?nitia  centuriata  and  tributa  were  not  established  till  long- 
after  this  time. 


108  Notes.  Milo, 

§  8.  an,  why  t  —  de  nomine  occiso,  of  a  homicide.  —  recte, 
right  in  conscience  ;  jure,  in  law.  —  P.  Africanum,  i.  e.  ^Emilianus: 
he  was  cousin  (by  adoption)  and  brother-in-law  of  Gracchus,  and 
friendly  to  the  spirit  of  his  reforms,  although  not  sympathizing 
with  his  violent  course.  —  C.  Carbone  :  a  bad  member  of  a  bad 
family;  father  of  the  proposer  of  the  Lex  Plautia-Papiria  (see 
note,  Arch.  §  7),  —  the  best  representative  of  the  family  :  uncle  of 
the  infamous  Cn.  Papirius  Carbo,  the  Marian  leader.  C.  Carbo  was 
a  pure  demagogue,  a  violent  supporter  of  Gracchus,  and  probably 
the  murderer  of  Scipio  ^Emilianus :  he  afterwards  went  over  to 
the  opposite  party,  and  was  one  of  the  bitterest  antagonists  of 
C.  Gracchus.  Two  years  after  the  death  of  C.  Gracchus,  he  was 
attacked  so  vehemently  by  the  young  orator  L.  Crassus,  that  he 
took  his  own  life.  —  aut .  .  .  aut :  i.  e.  these  are  cases  in  which 
homicide  is  lawful.  —  Ahala,  etc.  (see  Cat.  I.  §§  3,  4)  :  but  these 
acts  were  so  far  from  being  approved  at  the  time,  that  in  every 
case  here  mentioned  the  chief  actor  was  forced  into  exile.  —  fictis 
fabulis,  properly,  mythical  dramas  :  the  reference  is  to  the  Euine- 
nides  of  ^Eschylus,  which  treats  of  the  expiation  of  the  guilt  of 
Orestes,  son  of  Agamemnon,  at  the  court  of  Areopagus  in  Athens. 
Six  judges  pronouncing  for  condemnation  and  six  for  acquittal, 
Pallas  gives  her  casting-vote  for  mercy.  —  doctissimi,  the  greatest 
poets.  —  memoriae  tradiderunt,  have  left  on  record.  s 

§  9.  duodecim  tabulae,  the  Twelve  Tables. 

The  "  Twelve  Tables  "  were  the  code  which  formed  the  basis  of  Roman  law,  drawn 
up  b.  c.  451  by  an  elected  board  of  ten  commissioners,  decemviri.  The  decemvirs  super- 
seded for  the  time  the  regular  magistrates,  plebeian  as  well  as  patrician  ;  and  it  appears  to 
have  been  intended  that  this  should  be  a  permanent  change  in  the  form  of  government, 
which  should  place  patricians  and  plebeians  on  an  equality.  The  experiment  failed,  and 
the  old  institutions  were  restored  in  two  years.  The  codification  of  the  laws,  however, 
made  by  the  decemvirs,  continued  in  force,  and  was  the  starting-point  of  the  legal  educa- 
tion of  every  Roman,  and  of  all  later  development  of  Roman  law  (Maine,  "Ancient 
Law,"  p.  32). 

nocturnum,  etc.,  this  permission  was  obsolete  in  the  time  of  Cicero, 
and  the  necessity  of  killing  had  to  be  proved,  as  nowadays.  — quo- 
quo  modo,  no  matter  how.  —  quis,  one.  —  porrigi,  offered.  —  atqui, 
and  now.  —  vi  vis  . . .  defenditur,  offered  violence  is  repelled  by 
force.  —  pudicitiam  eriperet,  tried  to  rob  of  his  honor.  —  tribu- 
nus  :  C.  Lusius,  son  of  Marius's  sister.  This  was  a  stock-instance 
among  rhetoricians,  in  arguing  the  just  limits  of  self-defence. — 
scelere  solutum,  acquitted  of  guilt. 

§  10.  vero,  i.  e.  a  still  stronger  case.  —  comitatus,  body-guard, 
which  would  seem  to  have  been  a  common  thing  among  these  gen- 
tlemen of  Rome,  as  in  the  Middle  Ages.  —  volunt,  mean.  —  nullo 
pacto,  under  no  circumstances. 

174:.    adripuimus,   caught ;  hausimus,    i?nbibed ;  expressi- 
mus.  wrought  out.  —  imbuti,  steeped.  —  omnis  . . .  esset,  any  way 


§  7-i  3-]  Defence  of  Milo.  109 

should  be  honorable.  —  lex,  as  a  word  of  decreeing,  takes  ut  with 
subj.  (§  70,  3,  a). 

§  11.  silent :  notice  the  emphatic  position.  —  velit,  subj.  because 
of  sit.  —  ante  .  .  .  quam,  §  56,  3.  —  etsi :  i.  e.  there  is  no  need  to 
appeal  to  the  law  of  nature.  —  ipsa  lex:  a  law  of  Sulla,  forbidding 
not  only  murder,  but  going  armed  with  intent  of  murder.  —  non 
hominem  occidi :  i.  e.  this  is  not  the  point  which  the  law  (in  that 
clause)  forbids.  —  judicaretur :  the  subject  is  antecedent  of  qui. 
The  argument  is,  that  the  judicial  interpretation  excepts  the  case 
of  self-defence ;  though  the  words  hominem  occidere  are  expressly- 
used  in  the  law.  —  insidiatorem  :  here  he  hints  that  Clodius  will 
be  found  to  have  forfeited  his  life  to  the  law  just  cited. 

§  12.  sequitur  illud,  the  next  thing  is  this.  —  contra  rem  pub- 
licam  factum,  a  technical  phrase,  like  "a  breach  of  the  peace."  — 
illam  vero,  etc.,  nay,  but  the  Senate  approved  it  (the  killing  of 
Clodius).  —  nee  tacitis,  loudly  j  nee  occulte,  in  plain  terms. — 
declarant,  i.  e.  it  is  shown  by.  —  hujus  ambusti  tribuni,  this  fire- 
scorched  tribune,  i.  e.  T.  Munatius  Plancus  (note,  §  3). — intermor- 
tuae,  still-born,  or  stifled  by  the  smoke  of  the  burning  Senate-house 
at  the  time  of  Clodius's  funeral  (see  note,  §  13).  This  conflagration 
had  caused  such  a  reaction  in  the  public  mind,  that  Milo,  who  had 
nearly  abandoned  his  case,  was  encouraged  to  return  to  Rome  to 
stand  trial,  and  even  renew  his  canvass  for  the  consulship.  — 
potentia,  unlawful  domination.  —  aut  auctoritas  aut  gratia, 
influence  from  public  acts  or  private  favor.  —  officiosos,  service- 
able, in  the  way  of  forensic  advocacy.  —  sane,  for  aught  I  care. 

\75,  §  13-  vero,  in  reference  to  the  statement  at  the  beginning 
of  §  12.  —  hanc  qusestionem,  the  special  court,  constituted  for  this 
case  (note,  §  1,  compare  R.  A.,  §  1).  —  erant,  there  were  already. 
—  de  illo  incesto  stupro,  that  incestuous  outrage,  the  violation 
of  the  mysteries  of  the  Bona  Dea  (b.  c.  62). 

An  annual  service  was  solemnized  (see  §86),  to  the  Bona.  Dea —  the  Earth-Goddess 
of  fertility  —  at  the  house  of  a  consul  or  praetor,  in  which  the  Vestal  Virgins  took  part, 
together  with  matrons  of  the  highest  rank  in  the  city.  The  ceremonies  were  so  strictly 
private  that  no  man,  not  even  the  magistrate  at  whose  house  they  took  place,  was  suffered 
to  be  present.  On  this  occasion  —  the  mysteries  being  celebrated  at  Caesar's  house  as 
praetor  —  Clodius,  who  was  the  accepted  lover  of  Pompeia,  Caesar's  wife,  introduced  him- 
self in  female  dress  ;  but  was  discovered,  and  escaped  through  help  of  a  housemaid.  The 
scandal  was  frightful.  A  new  ceremony  was  ordered  by  the  priests.  Caesar,  whose  strong 
partisan  Clodius  was,  affected  to  believe  no  harm,  but  presently  divorced  Pompeia,  saying, 
loftily,  that  Caesar's  wife  must  be  above  suspicion.  The  Senate  —  since  the  existing 
qucestiones  perpetuce  had  each  its  own  rigidly  denned  sphere— proposed  a  special  court 
de  pollutis  sacris,  in  which  the  jurors  should  be  designated  by  the  praetor,  not  determined 
by  lot.  But  the  comitia  which  was  to  decide  the  question  was  broken  up  by  a  mob  ;  and 
afterwards  the  Senate  was  obliged  to  accept  a  compromise,  which  secured  a  court  contain- 
ing a  sufficient  number  of  venal  jurors,  by  whom  Clodius  was  acquitted,  31  to  25.  This 
celebrated  trial,  in  which  Cicero  had  part,  as  witness  to  disprove  an  alibi  (see  §  46),  was 
the  origin  of  the  inexpiable  feud  between  him  and  Clodius. 

incendium  curiae.     The  body  of  Clodius,  left  in  the  highway,  had 


no  Notes.  [Milo, 

been  picked  up  and  sent  to  Rome,  where  its  wounds  were  exposed 
to  public  gaze,  till,  in  the  fury  of  the  time,  it  was  dragged  to  the 
Senate-house.  Here  a  funeral-pile  was  made  of  desks,  benches, 
and  other  furniture,  and  in  the  conflagration  the  Senate-house 
itself,  with  several  other  buildings,  was  destroyed.  —  Lepidi :  M. 
yEmilius  Lepidus  (afterwards  triumvir  with  Octavianus  and  An- 
tony) had  been  appointed  interrex,  a  formality  necessary  to  give 
regularity  to  the  forms  of  election  when  there  were  no  consuls. 

Whenever  there  was  a  suspension  of  legal  authority,  by  vacancy  of  the  chief  magis- 
tracy, it  was  understood  that  the  auspices  —  which  were  regularly  in  possession  of  the 
magistrates  —  were  lodged  with  the  patrician  members  of  the  Senate,  until  new  magistrates 
should  be  inaugurated.  The  renewal  of  the  regular  order  of  things  was  begun  by  the 
patrician  senators  coming  together  and  appointing  one  of  their  own  number  as  interrex. 
He  held  office  for  five  days,  as  chief  magistrate  of  the  Commonwealth  and  possessor  of 
the  auspices;  then  created  a  successor,  who  might  hold  the  cojnitia  for  the  election 
of  consuls.  In  the  present  case,  the  tribunes  had  prevented  the  appointment  of  an  in- 
terrex for  several  weeks.  After  the  death  of  Clodius,  Lepidus  was  appointed,  and  the 
mob  demanded  that  he  should  hold  the  comitia  at  once  for  the  election  of  consuls.  This 
he  refused,  on  the  ground  that  the  first  interrex  had  no  such  power  ;  when  his  house  was 
besieged  during  the  five  days  of  his  interregnum,  and  at  last  stormed  and  plundered. 
The  mob  battered  in  his  door,  destroyed  the  household  furniture,  including  his  wife's 
marriage-bed  (the  lectus  genialis,  which  stood  in  the  hall),  the  family  images,  and  the 
tapestries  of  the  hall ;  and  were  only  stayed  at  last  by  the  armed  force  of  Milo. 

§  14.  e  re  publica,  in  the  interest  of  the  commonwealth. — 
decrevi,  notavi,  I  voted,  I  jnarked,  i.  e.  as  deserving  punishment, 
leaving  the  person  of  the  criminal  to  the  decision  of  the  court 
(§31).  These  words  refer  to  Cicero's  acts  and  votes  in  the  Senate. 
—  crimen  :  the  charge  against  the  particular  person  ;  rem,  the  act 
itself.  —  tribunum,  Plancus. —  licuisset :  the  action  was  stayed  by 
the  tribune's  intercessio.  —  decernebat,  it  was  on  the  point  of 
deciding  (§  58,  3,  c).  —  extra  ordinem,  out  of  turn:  i.  e.  they 
should  have  precedence  of  the  regular  docket.  —  divisa  sententia 
est,  i.  e.  the  points  were  taken  up  separately. 

Pompey  had  proposed  his  law  de  vi,  establishing  a  special  court.  In  opposition  to  this, 
a  resolution  was  offered  in  the  Senate  (a)  that  the  disturbances  were  against  the  good  of 
the  republic,  and  (<5)  should  be  proceeded  against  by  the  regular  courts,  only  out 
of  turn.  The  division  of  the  question  demanded  by  the  tribune  Q.  Fufius  Calenus 
(nescio  quo)  allowed  the  first  clause  to  pass,  but  stopped  the  second  by  the  tribunician 
veto  (em/>ta  intercessione).  Then,  in  due  time,  Pompey's  law  was  passed;  while  an 
empty  resolution  of  the  Senate,  disapproving  of  acts  of  violence,  could  be  used  to  damage 
the  case  of  its  own  champion,  as  appears  from  §  12. 

nescio  quo  ;  Calenus  is  not  named,  probably  as  being  present 
(compare  note,  R.  A.  §  5). 

§  15.  re,  the  facts  of  the  fray;  causa,  the  case  of  the  accused 
person.  —  nempe,  etc.,  si?nply  investigation  should  be  made.  — 
quid  porro,  etc.,  what,  then,  was  to  be  investigated  ? 

170.  hanc  salutarem  litteram,  this  saving  letter  :  hanc, 
because  in  favor  of  his  client.  Each  juror  inscribed  on  his  ballot 
A  (absolvo)  for  acquittal,  or  K  (condemno)  for  conviction.  —  pro- 
fecto,  no  doubt. 


§  13-21.]  Defence  of  Milo.  in 

§  16.  Publio  Clodio :  the  name  is  given  in  full  to  emphasize  the 
person.  —  tempori,  the  troubled  time,  which  demanded  the  inves- 
tigation.—  Catonis  :  M.  Porcius  Cato  (the  Younger),  a  stern  cham- 
pion of  the  Senate,  who,  when  Caesar  had  destroyed  the  hopes  of 
his  party,  killed  himself  at  Utica,  —  hence  called  Uticensis.  —  Dru- 
sus :  M.  Livius  Drusus  (son  of  Marcus)  was  murdered  by  some 
unknown  person  on  returning  home  from  an  exciting  political 
debate  (b.  c.  91).  —  Africano,  i.  e.  ^Emilianus.  He  was  actively 
opposed  to  the  plans  of  C.  Gracchus  for  the  division  of  the  Latian 
lands  ;  and,  while  the  controversy  was  at  its  hottest,  was  found 
dead  in  his  bed,  with  marks  (it  was  thought)  of  strangulation.  His 
wife,  sister  of  the  tribune,  and  Gracchus  himself,  lay  under  some 
suspicion  of  the  crime. — quern  immortalem,  etc.  Scipio  died 
at  the  age  of  fifty-six.  —  dolore,  indignation. 

§  17.  quia,  etc.,  i.  e.  it  is  question  of  persons.  —  summorum, 
infimorum,  simply  high  and  low.  —  intersit,  grant  a  difference 
(hortat.  subj.).  —  quidem,  yet.  —  monumentis,  memorial:  i.  e. 
the  road  itself.  The  Appian  Way  was  constructed  b.  c.  312,  by 
the  censor  Ap.  Claudius  Caecus,  an  ancestor  of  Clodius.  This 
circumstance  is  skilfully  used  to  tell  against  Clodius,  rather  than 
in  his  favor.  —  ille,  the  famous. 

§  18.  M.  Papirium:  this  was  one  of  Clodius's  earliest  exploits. 
Papirius,  a  friend  of  Pompey,  was  killed  in  a  brawl  about  a  son  of 
Tigranes,  held  as  hostage  at  Rome,  whom  Clodius  was  trying  to 
rescue  and  send  back  for  a  great  ransom  to  Asia,  having  by  a  trick 
got  him  out  of  the  hands  of  his  custodian. 

177,  templo  Castoris,  where  the  Senate  was  then  holding 
session.  The  circumstance  took  place  in  the  year  of  Clodius's 
tribunate  (b.  c.  58),  while  Pompey  was  in  the  Senate.  "  He  in- 
stantly went  home  and  stayed  there."  —  caruit,  stayed  away  from. 

§  19.  certe  haec,  surely  all  these,  res,  vir,  tempus.  —  summa, 
in  the  highest  degree.  —  eo  tempore,  i.  e.  during  the  violences 
which  followed  the  exile  of  Cicero  (see  oration  for  Sestius).  — pro- 
inde  quasi,  just  as  if  &c.  That  is,  the  overt  act  must  be  judged 
by  its  obvious  intent :  of  course  no  tribunal  (except  an  inquisition) 
would  attempt  to  try  men  for  their  intentions  (consilia). 

§  20.  adflictantur  :  this  word  refers  to  the  outward  signs  of 
violent  grief,  such  as  wringing  the  hands  or  beating  the  breast. 
This  whole  exaggerated  description  is  probably  in  lively  contrast 
with  the  fact. 

178.  §  21.  ferendam,  to  be  proposed  to  the  people.  — recon- 
ciliatse  :  Pompey  had  lately  renewed  friendly  relations  with  Clo- 
dius.— fortiter,  firmly.  —  dele  git :  the  choice  of  the  judices  was 
left  to  Pompey,  as  the  Senate  had  decreed  it  to  be  left  to  the  praetor 
in  the  trial  of  Clodius   (see  note,  §  13).  — secrevit,  set  aside.— 


112  Notes.  [Milo, 

continetur,  is  limited.  —  consuetudines  victus,  the  associations 
of  daily  life.  —  res  publica,  public  business. 

§  22.  quod,  in  that  (§  70,  5,  a).  —  Domiti  :  L.  Domitius  Aeno- 
barbus  (consul  b.  c.  54),  a  leader  against  Caesar  in  the  civil  war : 
a  haughty  and  cruel  noble,  which  was  the  character  of  this  house 
down  to  its  extinction,  in  the  emperor  Nero.  —  consularem,  i.  e. 
the  presiding  officer.  —  ab  adulescentia :  Sallust  calls  Caesar  adu- 
lescentulus,  "  quite  young,"  at  the  age  of  thirty-seven.  —  docu- 
ments maxima  :  in  his  praetorship  (b.  c.  58),  Domitius  had 
roughly  cut  his  way  through  a  crowd  of  the  followers  of  Clodius, 
killing  many  of  them.  The  crowd  had  gathered,  under  the  tribune 
Cn.  Manlius,  to  uphold  a  law  giving  the  suffrage  to  freedmen. 

§  23.  quam  ob  rem  :  in  reference  to  the  foregoing  introductory 
argument.  —  si  neque,  etc. :  recapitulation.  —  vellem,  §  57,  4,  c.  — 
uter  utri,  which  against  the  other  (colloq.  which  against  which). 

I79o  §  24.  in  prsetura :  Clodius  was  candidate  for  this  office, 
as  Milo  for  the  consulship.  —  tracta,  delayed.  —  non  multos  men- 
sis  :  really,  less  than  six. 

Originally  the  term  of  office  was  a  full  year ;  and  if  the  magistrates  entered  upon  their 
office  at  an  irregular  time,  whether  by  reason  of  an  interregnum  (see  note,  §  13)  or  from 
any  other  cause,  they  still  held  for  a  full  year,  and  thus  this  irregular  commencement  of 
the  official  year  became  its  regular  commencement.  Afterwards  the  date  of  the  official 
year  was  fixed,  and  any  interregnum  was  deducted  from  the  time  of  the  actual  magis- 
trates. Thus,  b.  c  53,  the  magistrates  were  not  elected  until  July,  and  could  therefore 
hold  office  only  until  January,  less  than  six  months. 

qui  non  spectaret,  seeing  that  he  did  not  look,  &c.  (§  65,  2,  e).  — 
annum  suum,  his  regular  year.  By  the  lex  Villia  annalis  an 
interval  of  two  years  must  pass  between  the  several  patrician  ma- 
gistracies. As  Clodius  had  been  curule  aedile  in  b.  c.  56,  he  might 
have  been  praetor  in  the  broken  year  53.  —  religione  aliqua,  from 
any  religious  scruple,  as  it  is  generally  (ut  fit). 

§  25.  mancam,  lame-handed.  —  fieri,  was  getting  to  be,  or  sure 
to  be.  —  contulit  se,  went  over.  —  petitionem,  canvass.  —  convo- 
cabat  (imperf.),  not  officially,  but  in  the  course  of  his  canvass. — 
se  interponebat,  played  the  go-between  among  the  several  tribes. 
—  Collinam  novam,  a  new  highland  district.  Of  the  thirty-five 
tribes,  the  four  city  tribes  ranked  lowest,  because  the  freedmen  and 
poor  citizens  were  placed  in  them  ;  and  of  these  the  Collina  was  least 
reputable  of  all.  It  was  through  the  collegia  compitalicia,  or  local 
clubs,  that  Clodius  worked  upon  the  city  tribes  ;  and,  by  the  ex- 
aggerated expression  that  he  registered  an  entirely  new  Collina, 
appears  to  be  meant  that  the  new  and  perhaps  fraudulent  names 
that  he  got  upon  the  list  outnumbered  the  genuine  voters.  —  ille, 
Clodius;  hie,  Milo  (as  generally  in  this  speech).  —  paratissimus, 
perfectly  ready  (as  he  was).  —  suffragiis  :  there  were  several 
attempts  to  elect  magistrates,  which  failed  through  the  obstructive 
tricks  familiar  to  Roman  politicians. 


§21-32.]  Defence  of  Milo.  113 

§  26.  silvas  publicas  :  probably  some  depredations  of  Clodius 
in  Etruria,  where  he  had  extensive  estates.  Perhaps  it  had  some- 
thing to  do  with  renting  the  public  pastures  (Manil.  §  14).  —  sig- 
nificavit,  hinted  at. 

180.  §  27.  legitimum,  established  by  law.  —  sollemne,  annual, 
or  at  regular  seasons. 

Lanuvium  was  an  old  town  of  Latium,  about  twenty  miles  south-east  of  Rome.  It 
contained  a  temple  of  Juno  Sospita,  a  local  divinity,  so  famous  that,  when  Lanuvium 
became  a  municipium  of  Rome,  this  sanctuary  was,  by  special  arrangement,  received  into 
the  Roman  religious  system.  The  flamen,  or  special  priest,  of  Juno  Sospita  must  be 
inaugurated  by  the  chief  magistrate  {dictator)  of  the  municipium.  Milo,  of  Lanuvian 
origin,  a  municeps  of  the  town,  now  held  this  office.  ( It  will  be  noticed  that  the  title 
dictator,  which  at  Rome  meant  an  extraordinary  magistrate  with  kingly  power,  was 
given  in  the  Latin  towns  to  their  regular  republican  chief  magistrate.) 

§  28.  quoad,  etc.,  the  Senate  adjourned  on  this  day  about  the 
fourth  hour  (between  ten  and  eleven  A.  m  ).  —  calceos  :  the  senator 
wore  shoes  adorned  with  a  crescent-shaped  ornament  (lunula)  : 
his  tunic  was  also  distinguished  by  the  broad  purple  stripe  in  front 
(latus  clavus).  When  travelling,  a  Roman  put  oif  his  toga  and 
badges  of  office,  and  put  on  a  heavy  travelling  cloak  (p&nula) 
and  other  easy  garments.  —  obviam  fit :  this  was  just  beyond 
Bovillae  (Albauo),  a  village  about  nine  miles  from  Rome.  — reeda, 
a  four-wheeled  family  carriage.  —  Greecis  comitibus,  singers, 
dancers,  &c.  (see  §  55).  —  uxore  :  the  wife  of  Clodius  was 
afterwards  married  to  Mark  Antony;  that  of  Milo  was  Fausta, 
daughter  of  Sulla.  —  comitatu :  this  troop  of  singing  boys  and 
maidens  was,  no  doubt,  to  glorify  the  village  procession  next  day 
at  Lanuvium. 

§  29.  hora  undecima  ;  this  would  be  about  half-past  four  P.  M. 
In  reality,  as  we  learn  from  other  sources,  it  was  nearly  two  hours 
earlier  ;  and  Milo  had  stopped  at  an  inn  in  Bovillae,  in  order  (as 
was  charged)  to  make  sure  of  not  missing  his  enemy.  —  adversi 
occidunt,  they  attack  and  kill. — animo  fideli,  faithful  j  prae- 
senti,  ready  (presence  of  mind).  —  re  vera,  really.  —  fecerunt 
quod  quisque  . . .  voluisset :  this  sentence  is  greatly  admired  as 
a  "  way  of  putting  things."  —  derivandi,  etc.,  to  divert  the  charge, 
from  Milo  to  the  slaves. 

181*  §  30-  prosit,  hortat.  subj.  —  quin  judicetis,  without 
judging. 

§  31.  optabilius  fuit,  it  would  have  be.en  preferable  (§  60,  2,  c). 
—  semel,  once  only.  —  id,  i.  e.  the  plot  laid.  —  latum  est,  i.  e.  this 
is  the  intent  of  Pompey's  law  (see  note,  §  14).  —  ut  ne  sit,  subj. 
of  purpose  (purpose  of  the  investigation). 

18S.  §  32.  Cassianum  :  L.  Cassius  Longinus  Ravilla  (cos. 
B.  c.  127)  was  one  of  the  most  upright  men  of  his  time,  distin- 
guished as  a  quasitor  (presiding  officer)  of  special  trials.  —  cui 
bono,  for  whose  advantage  (§  51,  7  ;  not  for  what  advantage). 


H4  Notes.  [Milo, 

—  personis,  parties :  the  persona  is  properly  the  mask,  which 
indicates  by  its  features  the  person,  or  character,  of  a  play.  —  atqui, 
now.  —  non  eo  consule,  without  one  as  consul.  —  adsequebatur, 
was  going  to  gain.  —  quibus  . . .  coniventibus  :  these  competitors 
of  Milo  were  P.  Plautius  Hypsaeus  and  Q.  Metellus  Scipio,  —  the 
latter  an  adopted  son  of  Metellus  Pius,  but  unworthy  either  of  the 
family  (Scipio)  in  which  he  was  born,  or  of  that  into  which  he  en- 
tered. He  took  a  leading  part  on  Pompey's  side  in  the  civil  war, 
and  was  defeated  by  Caesar  at  Thapsus,  b.  c.  46  —  eludere,  give 
the  slip.  —  tantum  beneficium  :  they  would  owe  their  election  to 
him  (see  §  25). 

§  33.  hospites,  strangers  (see  note,  R.  A.  §  5).  —  peregrinantur, 
gone  abroad.  —  fuerit  impositurus,  ind.  quest,  for  -turus  fuit  =  im- 
posuisset.  —  Clodi  :  Sex.  Clodius,  client  and  confidential  agent  of 
the  demagogue.  —  eripuisse  e  domo,  i.  e.  from  P.  Clodius's  house, 
in  the  riots  after  his  death.  No  attack,  however,  was  made  upon 
his  house.  —  Palladium  :  the  image  of  Pallas,  kept  in  the  citadel 
of  Troy,  and  taken  thence  by  a  nocturnal  enterprise  of  Ulysses 
and  Diomedes.  The  sanctity  and  adventures  of  this  portfolio  sug- 
gest the  comparison.  —  hujus  legis  :  a  proposed  law  of  Clodius 
by  which  the  freedmen  were  to  be  distributed  among  all  the  thirty- 
five  tribes  (see  note,  §  25).  Sex.  Clodius,  the  son  of  a  freedman, 
is  shrewdly  hinted  at  as  author  of  the  law.  —  de  nostrum  omnium 

—  this  break  is  called  aposiopesis.  Cicero  affects  to  be  alarmed  at 
the  threatening  look  with  which  Sex.  Clodius  hears  his  allusion 
(aspexit  me  illis  oculis).  — lumen  curiae,  in  allusion  to  the  burn- 
ing of  the  Senate-house  (see  note,  §  12).     He  dare  not  say  more  ! 

—  pcenitus  es  (often  deponent  in  Cicero)  :  nothing  was  more  hor- 
rible to  the  ancients  than  the  loss  of  due  funeral  rites.  The  burning 
of  Clodius's  body  by  the  mob  deprived  him  of  all  the  honors  to 
which  he  was  entitled. 

183.  imaginibus  (see  note,  Verr.  I.  §  15)  :  a  Claudius  should 
have  a  long  line  of  most  distinguished  images.  —  pompa,  proces- 
sion ;  laudatio,  funeral  oration,  by  a  near  kinsman.  These  were 
among  the  essential  rites  of  burial.  —  infelicissimis,  ill-omened,  as 
the  conflagration  of  a  riot  (compare  infelix  arbor,  the  gibbet). 

§  34.  obstabat,  the  supposed  remark  of  an  opponent.  —  repug- 
nante  eo,  in  spite  of  him.  —  fiebat,  was  coming  to  be  (see  note 
on  fieri,  §  25).  —  immo  vero,  nay,  rather.  —  utebatur,  found. — 
valebat  (emphatic),  what  had  weight  with  you  was.  —  quis 
dubitaret,  who  could  [then]  hesitate?  (§  57,  6).  —  usitatis  jam 
rebus,  by  the  customary  means.  —  ne  quern,  i.  e.  a  result  aimed 
at,  though  not  strictly  a  purpose  (§65,  1,  R.). 

§  35.  at,  etc.,  but  (you  say)  his  hate  prevailed,  he  did  it  in  rage, 
as  a  personal  foe,  &c.  —  pcenitor  =  punitor. 


§32-39-]  Defence  of  Milo.  115 

184.  nulla,  none  at  all. — quid  odisset,  why  should  Milo 
have  hated  ? —  civile,  political  (such  as  a  good  citizen  must  feel). 
—  ille  erat  ut  odisset,  there  was  ground  for  him  to  hate.  —  reus 
Milonis  :  prosecutions  could  be  entered  in  the  standing  courts  by 
private  persons  (see  note,  R.  A.  §  7). —  lege  Plotia  (or  Plautia)  : 
probably  by  M.  Silvanus,  tribune  B.C.  89  (see  note,  Arch.  §  7). 
This  law  appears  to  have  been  the  basis  of  all  later  legislation 
de  vi. 

§  36.  cum  . . .  cessi  :  Cicero  gives  his  own  case  as  an  example 
of  Clodius's  way  of  acting.  —  diem   dixerat  =  reum  fecerat. 

Diem  dicere  was  the  term*used  of  a  magistrate  who  brought  a  criminal  charge  before 
the  public  assembly.  Such  a  charge  could  not  be  sprung  upon  the  accused  person  without 
notice  ;  but  a  day  must  be  set,  diei  dictio,  for  the  trial.  The  tribal  assembly  could  only 
impose  fines  (hence  multant  inrogarat)  :  so  with  the  qucestiones  perpetuce,  which,  with 
the  single  exception  of  parricide  (see  R.  A.  §  28),  punished  only  with  fines  or  banish- 
ment (see  Pauly.  Realen.  Vol.  VI.  p.  351).  Capital  charges  against  Roman  citizens,  such 
as  perduellio  (treason),  must  regularly  be  brought  before  the  centuriate  assembly.  Only  a 
magistrate  could  summon  (diem  dicere)  before  either  comitia,  while  private  persons  could 
prosecute  (reum  face  re)  in  a  qucestio  perpetua. 

multam  inrogarat,  had  claimed  a  fine.  —  perdu ellionis,  treason, 
videlicet,  ironical.  —  servorum  . . .  nolui,  compare  Sest.  §  20. 

§  yj.  vidi  enim,  I  saw  with  my  own  eyes.  Cicero  here  artfully 
recounts  other  violent  acts  of  Clodius,  in  the  form  of  reasons 
which  moved  him,  —  killing  two  birds  with  one  stone. —  Horten- 
sium,  Cicero's  early  rival,  and  opponent  in  the  case  of  Verres.  — 
Vibienus  :  probably  a  lapse  of  Cicero's  memory.  He  was  killed 
in  the  riots  after  the  death  of  Clodius.  —  haec  . . .  heec  :  notice  the 
emphatic  repetition  {anaphora).  —  ad  regiam  :  the  old  palace  of 
Numa,  on  the  Sacra  Via,  at  the  point  where  it  reached  the  Forum. 
It  adjoined  the  temple  of  Vesta,  and  was  occupied  by  the  Pontifex 
Maximus.  When  Augustus  was  made  Pont.  Max.,  he  gave  the 
Regia  to  the  Vestal  Virgins.  The  occasion  here  referred  to  was 
probably  an  election  riot  in  the  preceding  year. 

§  38.  quid,  etc.,  what  like  deed  of  Auto's  ?  —  detrahi  non  pos- 
set, on  account  of  the  disturbances  and  lawlessness  of  the  time. 

185.  potuitne,  couldn't  he? — deos  penatis,  see  note,  Cat. 
III.  §  18. — illo  oppugnante  :  this  was  an  attack  not  by  a  mob, 
but  by  an  armed  band,  upon  Milo's  house,  on  a  spur  of  the  Pala- 
tine, Nov.  12,  b.  c.  57,  the  year  of  Cicero's  return.  —  Fabricio  : 
see  Sest.  §§  38-41.  —  Caecili,  praetor  B.C.  57.  He  was  attacked 
while  presiding  over  the  games  of  Apollo,  in  July.  —  lata  lex,  id. 
§49.  —  facti,  i.  e.  Cicero's  recall. 

§  39.  consensus,  universal  feeling.  —  praetores,  all  except  Ap- 
pius  Claudius,  brother  of  Clodius  ;  tribuni,  see  note,  Sest.  §  43.  — 
auctor,  the  responsible  originator  (Sest.  §  33)  ;  dux,  champion, 
who  led  it  to  a  successful  issue.  —  decretum  :  this  word  is  some- 
times used  for  the  proclamation  of  a  magistrate,  which  was  prop- 


n6  Notes,  [Milo, 

erly  edictwn.  The  decretum  was  the  ordinance  of  a  collegium  or 
council,  especially  the  Senate  (see  note,  Cat.  I.  §4).  The  decree 
here  referred  to  was  passed  by  the  municipal  Senate  {curia)  of 
Capua,  upon  Pompey's  proposition.  —  signum  dedit  ut,  gave  the 
signal  Jor,  &c.  (equivalent  to  a  verb  of  command).  —  qui  .  . .  ejus, 
of  any  one  who,  equivalent  to  a  conditional  construction  (see  §  59, 

1,  a,  N.  The  imperfect  cogitaretur  is  used  instead  of  the  pluperf., 
on  account  of  the  indefinite  qui.  In  present  time,  it  would  be,  Si 
quis  interemerit,  cogitetur.  In  past  time,  when  it  becomes  con- 
trary to  fact,  the  same  relation  between  the  tenses  is  retained). 

§  40.  bis :  once  for  the  attack  on  his  house  (§  38)  ;  the  other 
occasion  is  unknown. —  fuit  =  fuisset  (§  60,  2,  c).  —  et  res  :  Clo- 
dius,  as  aedile  (b.  c.  56),  dixit  diem  Miloni  for  employing  gladiators 
to  bring  about  by  intimidation  the  law  for  Cicero's  recall.  —  gravis- 
simam  . . .  partem,  a  most  important  part  in  political  affairs. 

180*  in  scalarum  tenebris,  the  stairway  of  a  bookseller's 
shop,  as  Cicero  says  (Phil.  II.  9)  in  his  reply  to  the  charge  of 
Antony  that  he  had  caused  the  death  of  Clodius.  The  affair  took 
place  b.  c.  53,  when  Antony,  at  this  time  a  friend  of  Cicero,  was 
candidate  for  the  quaestorship.  —  magnum  fuit,  for  fuisset  (§  60, 

2,  c). —  nulla  sua  invidia,  with  no  oditwi  to  himself. 

§  41.  ssepta,  railings  (voting  enclosures).  —  curavisset,  had 
provided  (§  72,  5,  c).  A  fragment  of  a  lost  oration  says  that  the 
two  consuls  were  knocked  down  by  stones.  — liberet,  might  please. 

—  loco,  with  the  advantage  of  ground  (note,  Cat.  II.  §  1). 

§  42.  contentio,  striving  after.  —  subesset,  was  close  at  hand. 

—  ambitio,  the  canvass  (" going  about"  for  votes  ;  hence,  more 
remotely,  bribery).  —  obscure  qualifies  cogitari,  but  is  displaced 
to  oppose  palam.  —  fabulam  fictam,  got-up  story.  —  molle,  sensi- 
tive j  fragile,  unstable  j  flexibile,  changeable. 

§  43.  augusta  .  .  .  auspicia,  rhetorical  for  comitia  centuriata 
qua  auspicato  fiunt.  All  the  higher  magistrates  must  be  elected 
at  these  co?nitia.  —  idem  =  on  the  other  hand.  —  regnaturum, 
would  be  an  autocrat.  —  inlecebram  peccandi,  lure  to  wicked- 
ness. 

187.  §  44-  Favonio :  Favonius  (see  §  26)  was  a  friend  and 
great  admirer  of  Cato,  and  one  of  the  conspirators  against  Caesar. 
He  had  taken  part  with  Cato  in  some  proceedings  against  Clodius. 

—  post . . .  quam,  §  56,  3. 

§  45.  fefellit,  i.  e.  in  making  this  threat.  —  stata,  on  a  fixed 
day.  —  mercenario  tribuno :  speeches  were  made  this  day  by  C. 
Sallustius  (the  historian)  and  Q.  Pompeius.  Probably  the  latter 
is  here  meant.  —  approperaret,  were  making  haste  (imperf.  of 
continued  action). 

§  46.  qui  .  .  .  potuerit,  how  could  he  have  known  ?  —  ut .  . . 


§  39-53  ]  Defence  of  Milo.  117 

rogasset,  even  though  he  had  asked  (§  61,  2).  —  quaesierit  sane, 
suppose  (if  y oti  will)  that  he  did  ask  (§  57,  5).  —  quid  largiar, 
how  much  I  grant  —  how  liberal  I  am. 

188.  eadem  hora  :  in  the  famous  trial  of  the  violation  of  the 
mysteries  (§  13)  Clodius  had  tried  to  prove  an  alibi,  by  showing, 
from  Causinius's  testimony,  that  he  had  spent  that  night  at  his 
house  at  Interamna  (Terni,  on  the  river  Nar  in  Umbria,  ninety 
miles  away)  ;  but  was  confuted  by  the  evidence  of  Cicero,  who 
testified  that  he  had  called  upon  him  the  same  day,  —  a  circum- 
stance that  Clodius  never  forgot  or  forgave. 

§  47.  profectus  esse,  infin.  depending  on  liberatur,  is  cleared, 
as  implying  a  verb  of  saying  (§  70,  1,  a).  —  quippe,  of  course. — 
futurus,  expecting  to  be.  —  meum,  etc.,  make  a  point  for  myself 

—  majoris,  more  important:  this  charge  was  afterwards  brought 
up  against  Cicero  by  Antony. — abjecti  homines,  C.  Sallustius 
and  Q.  Pompeius.  —  jacent,  fall  to  the  ground. 

§  48.  occurrit,  meets  me.  —  ne  .  .  .  quidem,  not  Clodius  either, 

—  si  quidem,  yes,  if  —  quid  nuntiaret,  why  should  he  bring 
word?  (§  57,  3,  d.) — obsignavi,  indorsed.  The  names  of  wit- 
nesses were  written  on  the  back  of  wills,  &c,  after  they  were 
closed  and  sealed.  —  palam,  i.  e.  by  naming  the  legatees  in  the 
presence  of  the  witness.  Clodius  need  not  hasten  back  to  learn 
what  he  knew  already.  —  reliquisset,  §  66,  2,  e. 

§  49.  age,  well  then ;  sit,  etc.,  suppose  it  were  so  (that  the 
messenger  informed  him  about  Cyrus).  —  properato,  §  54,  1,  d. — 
tandem,  at  any  rate. 

189.  exspectandum,  i.  e.  near  the  city,  so  as  to  catch  him 
by  night. 

§  50.  sustinuisset,  would  have  borne.  —  latronum  :  highway 
robbery,  with  violence,  was  pretty  common  in  the  near  neighbor- 
hood of  Rome.  —  bonis,  landed  estates.  —  multi,  etc.:  here  it  is 
hinted  that  the  crimes  of  Clodius  (who  had  estates  in  Etruria) 
had  made  him  many  enemies  (see  note  §  26). 

§  51,  quod  ut,  fiow  though.  —  devertit,  turned  aside  to  stop. 

—  ante,  somewhere  beyond  Albanum.  —  adhuc,  thus  far. 

§  52.  nihil  umquam,  etc.  On  the  contrary,  Cicero  says  else- 
where (Att.  IV.  3),  speaking  of  the  disorder  that  followed  his 
return  from  exile,  "  If  he  [Clodius]  comes  in  his  way,  I  foresee 
that  he  will  be  killed  by  Milo.  He  does  not  hesitate  to  do  it ;  he 
openly  professes  it  (pro?  se  fert)."  Perhaps  Cicero  had  forgotten 
it !  —  dissimulasse,  concealed  the  fact.  —  causam  finxisse,  in- 
vented an  excuse. 

IOO.  §  53-  etiam,  any  longer.  —  substructiones  (see  §  85), 
buildings,  but  with  the  idea  of  walls,  grading,  and  the  like,  fashion- 
able among  the  Roman  nobles  (see  Horace,  Od.  III.  1).  —  ver- 


n8  Notes.  [Milo, 

sabantur,  used  to  be  employed.  —  adversarii,  of  Clodius.  —  res, 
circumstances. 

§  54.  quid  minus,  sc.  quam  Milo.  —  ilium,  the  other.  —  qui 
convenit,  how  does  that  suit  his  character?  —  tarde,  etc.,  com- 
pare §  49  —  Alsieuse :  his  villa  at  Alsium,  a  town  on  the  coast 
of  Etruria. 

§  55.  Grseculi,  diminution  of  contempt,  "Greek  playfellows.-'  — 
in  castra  Etrusca,  i.  e.  to  Catiline's  camp,  for  which,  says  Asconius, 
he  had  once  really  set  out.  —  nugarum  nihil,  no  nonsense,  such 
as  buffoons  and  the  like.  —  pueros  symphoniacos,  singing  boys 
(see  §  28).  —  uxoris  ancillarum,  his  wife's  waiting-?naids. — 
mulier,  scornfully  said  of  Clodius  (compare  note,  R.  A.  50). 

101.  §  56.  odio,  §  51,  5. — propositam,  put  tip  for  sale; 
addictam,  knocked  down  (terms  of  the  auction  room).  —  Martem 
communem,  the  impartiality  of  Mars.  —  pransi  :  the  'prandium 
was  the  noon-day  meal,  generally  quite  simple,  of  fruit  and  bread. — 
haesit,  was  caught.  —  expetiverunt :  this  illustrates  the  ancient 
mode  of  regarding  punishment,  as  a  compensation  exacted  from 
the  wrong-doer  by  the  person  injured.  (See  Maine,  "Ancient 
Law,"  p.  358.) 

§  57.  manu  misit :  only  slaves  could  be  forced  to  give  testi- 
mony by  torture  (R.  A.  §  35).  As  Milo  had  freed  his,  it  was 
claimed  that  he  wished  to  destroy  evidence.  Manumission  under 
such  circumstances  was  forbidden  by  later  law.  —  in  causa,  on  the 
legal  guestion.  —  indagamus  hie :  i.  e.  the  legal  aspect  is  to  be 
considered  here.  —  nescis,  you  know  not  how. 

192.  §  59-  quaestiones,  examination  (by  torture)  of  Clodius's 
slaves.  —  in  atrio  Libertatis.  It  was  in  this  hall  (probably  near 
the  present  Column  of  Trajan)  that  questions  touching  the  libera- 
tion of  slaves  were  considered,  and  that  torture  was  inflicted,  — 
not  merely  in  mockery  of  the  name,  but  to  excite  in  the  slave  some 
hope  of  freedom.  —  Appius  :  son  of  C.  Claudius,  an  elder  brother 
of  Clodius.  —  de  servis  :  the  passage  in  brackets  seems  necessary 
to  the  sense.  The  exception  de  incestu  —  not  the  only  exception, 
by  the  way  —  is  mentioned  to  bring  the  jest  upon  Clodius  (com- 
pare note,  Cat.  III.  §  9).  —  proxime,  very  near :  i.  e.  by  having 
his  murder  treated  as  sacrilege,  in  respect  to  the  question  of  slaves. 
(The  whole  passage  is  an  argument  a  fortiori.  If  the  Romans 
excluded  enforced  testimony  of  a  master's  slaves  when  the  truth 
could  be  arrived  at,  how  much  more  should  it  be  excluded  here, 
where  the  truth  was  impossible  on  account  of  the  temptation.)  — 
ad  ipsos,  in  the  mysteries  of  the  Bona  Dea  (see  §  13).  In  the  very 
effective  sarcasm  of  this  passage,  there  is  a  pardonable  confusion 
between  the  quo3stio  in  dominum  (for  incest  by  Clodius),  and  the 
cozrimonia  violata  (which  is  represented  as  sacrilege  against 
Clodius). 


§53-66.]  Defence  of  Milo.  119 

§  60.  verbi  causa,  for  example.  —  areas,  cells,  anciently  (appar- 
ently) literal  "  chests  "  of  timber,  robustce.  —  integrius,  sounder, 
more  honest  and  impartial. 

§  61.  ardente,  still  on  /ire.  — populo,  senatui,  i.  e.  by  appearing 
in  his  usual  place  among  them. 

193.  praesidiis,  i.  e.  the  special  power  with  which  Pompey  was 
clothed  as  sole  consul,  which  is  further  dwelt  on  in  the  following 
(see  §  65). 

§  62.  imperitorum,  strangers  to  his  character. 

§  63.  illud,  in  appos.  with  ut  .  .  .  trucidaret.  — portenta,  mon- 
sters (his  accomplices). — loquebantur,  talked  about,  comparing 
Milo  with  Catiline,  and  saying  he  would  do  likewise.  —  miseros, 
etc.,  wretched  the  lot,  &c.  —  in  quibus,  in  whose  case. 

§  64.  ilia,  these  surmises.  —  conscientia,  an  implied  supposi- 
tion contrary  to  fact  (§  60,  1,  a). 

1041.  maximo  animo  (protasis),  one  of  the  highest  courage. 
—  indicabatur,  §  70,  1,  a.  In  such  cases  English  prefers  the 
impersonal  form.  —  vicum,  narrow  street  (properly  a  district  or 
quarter).  —  dicebant,  they  would  say  (repeated  charges).  —  Ocri- 
culanam,  on  theTiber,  in  a  corner  of  Umbria.  —  devecta  Tiberi, 
carried  down  the  Tiber.  —  clivo  Capitolino,  the  street  which  ran 
from  the  upper  end  of  the  Forum  to  the  Capitolium.  —  delata, 
used  of  official  information. 

§  65.  popa,  an  inferior  priest  who  slew  the  sacrifices  —  hardly 
more  than  a  butcher  —  who  also  kept  a  popina,  or  restaurant  and 
grog-shop  :  hence,  apud  se  ebrios.  (According  to  Asconius, 
this  Licinius  was  a  sacrificulus,  a  higher  order  of  attendant,  whose 
business  it  was  to  perform  certain  purifying  rites.)  —  Circo  Max- 
imo :  this  was  the  place  for  the  great  games,  in  the  valley  between 
the  Palatine  and  Aventine  hills.  The  circus  gave  its  name  to  the 
district.  —  in  hortos,  see  note  R.  A.  §  10.  Here  Pompey,  it  was 
said,  kept  himself,  out  of  fear  of  Milo.  —  defert :  deferre  ad  Sena- 
tum  is  to  lay  a  piece  of  information  before  the  Senate  ;  referre,  to 
bring  a  piece  of  business  before  it  for  action. 

§  66.  domus  .  .  .  nuntiabatur,  §  70,  1,  a.  —  tarn  celebri  loco, 
in  so  thronged  a  locality.  Caesar,  as  Pontifex  Maximus,  inhabited 
the  Regia  (see  note,  §  37)  on  the  Sacra  Via,  in  the  busiest  part 
of  Rome.  —  senator  inventus  est.  "Pompey  was  afraid  of  Milo, 
or  pretended  to  be  ;  and  he  stayed  mostly,  not  at  home,  but  in  his 
gardens  —  even  the  upper  ones,  where  a  great  guard  of  soldiers 
camped  around.  Pompey,  besides,  had  once  adjourned  the  Senate 
suddenly,  saying  that  he  feared  Milo's  coming.  Then  at  the  next 
session,  P.  Cornificius  had  said  that  Milo  had  a  sword  under  his 
tunic,  fastened  to  his  thigh,  and  demanded  that  he  should  bare  his 
thigh,  which  Milo  did  at  once,  lifting  his  tunic.    Then  Cicero  called 


1 20  Notes,  [Milo, 

out,  that  all  the  other  ^charges  against  Milo  were  just  like  that " 
(Asconius). 

19t>.  §  67.  exaudire  :  Pompey  was  sitting  not  in  the  court, 
but  at  the  Treasury,  a  considerable  distance  off. 

§  68.  sed  quis,  but  [this  cannot  be  ;  for]  who,  &c.  —  si  locus  : 
on  account  of  his  suspicions,  says  Asconius,  Pompey  had  refused 
to  admit  Milo  —  and  no  one  else  —  when  he  came  to  visit  him. — 
te  tuo,  sc.  in  se  ;  me  suo,  sc.  in  me.  —  ita  natus,  born  for  that 
very  thing,  to  sacrifice  every  thing  for  his  country.  —  tribunatum 
suum,  see  Or.  for  Sestius,  §  43.  —  Magne  :  it  is  uncertain  when  the 
title  Magnus  was  bestowed  on  Pompey  —  Plutarch  says  by  Sulla. 
Through  his  friends' flattery,  it  was  adopted  as  a  family  name. — 
te  antestaretur,  would  appeal  to  your  testimony. 

190.  §  69.  motu  aliquo :  an  anticipation  of  the  approaching 
civil  war. 

§  70.  juris  publici,  etc.,  law,  customs,  politics. — ne  quid,  etc.,  see 
note,  Cat.  I.  §  2. — nunc  simply  repeats  Pompeium,  after  the  long 
parenthesis  ;  ejus  qui,  of  one  who  (by  that  supposition),  i.  e.  Milo. 
(The  whole  passage  is  an  apodosis,  depending  on  the  supposition 
that  Pompey  thought  him  guilty.)  —  dilectu  :  Pompey  held  the 
consulship  in  B.  c.  55,  but  after  its  expiration  did  not  go  into  his 
province  of  Spain,  but  despatched  thither  his  army  under  the  com- 
mand of  legati,  while  he  himself  remained  in  Italy  with  procon- 
sulate power.  Immediately  after  the  death  of  Clodius,  the  Senate 
gave  the  interrex  (see  note,  §  13),  the  tribunes  and  the  proconsul 
(Pompey)  the  extraordinary  power  ne  quid,  etc.,  and  empowered 
Pompey  to  hold  a  levy  of  troops.  —  legem,  the  law  for  the  inves- 
tigation.—  oporteret,  liceret  :  ought,  as  I  think;  might,  as  all 
allow. 

§  71.  animadvertere  in,  proceed  against,  i.  e.  punish.  The 
whole  turning  of  Pompey's  unfriendly  action  in  Milo's  favor  by 
Cicero  is  a  stroke  of  art.  —  hesternam  contionem,  compare  §  3. 

§  72.  Clodianum  crimen,  this  charge,  of  Clodius's  murder.  — 
palam  clamare  :  this  was  the  line  of  defence  taken  by  Cato  and 
other  friends  of  Milo ;  in  opposition  to  whom,  Cicero  preferred  to 
disprove  the  charge  (diluere  cri?nen).  —  P.  Mselium,  see  note, 
Cat.  I.  §  3.  —  jacturis,  lavish  expenditure. 

197.  conlegae,  i.  e.  Octavius. 

Ti.  Gracchus  was  firmly  resisted  by  his  colleague  Octavius,  who  used  all  the  obstruc- 
tive power  of  the  tribunate  to  thwart  his  plans.  Gracchus,  then,  finding  himself  completely 
brought  to  a  stand,  proposed  to  the  people  to  deprive  Octavius  of  his  office.  This, 
although  a  violent  course  of  action,  and  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  constitution, — which 
combined  almost  unlimited  power  of  the  magistrate  with  complete  responsibility  at  the  end 
of  the  term  of  office, —was  still  strictly  legal  (see  Momm.  Rom.  St.  i.  p.  13). 

cum  . . .  liberasset,  implying  a  supposition  contrary  to  fact ;  not 
the  ordinary  subj.  of  relative  time. 


§  66-76.I  Defence  of  Milo.  12 1 

§  73.  saepe  censuit,  see  §  13.  —  sorore,  his  third  sister,  wife 
of  L.  Lucullus.  —  quaestionibus  habitis  :  this  relates  to  the  con- 
silium of  relatives,  held  by  the  paterfamilias •,  or  head  of  the 
family,  to  pass  judgment  upon  crimes  in  the  family.  —  civem 
quern  ...  judicarant,  i.  e.  Cicero  himself.  —  regna  dedit  :  the 
Galatian  Brogitarus,  son-in-law  of  King  Deiotarus,  was  compli- 
mented with  the  title  of  king  by  a  law  of  Clodius.  —  ademit,  re- 
ferring to  the  case  of  King  Ptolemy  of  Cyprus,  spoken  of  in  the 
oration  for  Sestius.  —  partitus  est:  see  Sest.  §  10.  —  civem: 
this  is  usually  referred  to  Pompey.  But,  though  Pompey  was 
attacked  by  Clodius  (see  §  18),  there  was  no  bloodshed  :  further, 
singulari  virlute  et  gloria  is  a  mild  expression  for  Cicero  to  use 
of  Pompey  on  this  occasion  ;  and,  though  it  is  rather  exaggerated 
for  the  tribune  Fabricius  (see  §  38),  yet  the  circumstances  precisely 
correspond.  —  aedem  Nympharum,  containing  the  censorial  regis- 
ters. It  appears  to  have  been  burnt  in  the  disorders  which  pre- 
ceded Cicero's  exile. 

§  74.  non  calumnia  litium  :  fraudulent  and  malicious  lawsuits 
were  too  mild  and  dilatory  a  method  of  plunder.  A  powerful  noble, 
with  his  slaves  and  clients,  had  almost  an  army  at  his  disposal, 
and  in  the  disorders  of  the  present  time  this  actually  amounted 
to  private  warfare,  like  that  of  the  feudal  nobles.  The  following 
incidents  illustrate  this  further.  —  sacramentis  :  a  form  of  pro- 
cedure in  which  a  penalty  or  forfeit  {sacramentutri)  was  deposited 
by  each  party  to  abide  the  result  of  the  suit.  —  Etruscos  ;  see 
note,  §  26.  —  Janiculo  et  Alpibus  :  i.  e.  all  Italy  north  of  the 
Tiber.  —  splendido,  the  regular  complimentary  epithet  of  a  Roman 
eques.  —  Prilio  :  lago  di  Castiglione,  a  small  sheet  of  water  in 
Etruria.  —  luntribus  *=  lintribus.  —  niateriem,  timber;  casmenta, 
building- stone  ;  arma,  tools. 

19 80  §  75-  mortuum,  a  corpse. —  qua  invidia,  etc.,  by  the 
odium  of  which  (the  presence  of  the  dead  body)  a  flame  [of 
calumny]  would  be  kindled.  Odium  is  often  spoken  of  as  a  flame. 
—  fratrem  :  Ap.  Claudius  Pulcher,  an  elder  brother  of  Clodius, 
Cicero's  predecessor  in  the  province  of  Cilicia.  —  Appium  :  the 
oration  for  Sestius  shows  that  App.  Claudius  was  not  always  on 
the  best  terms  with  the  aristocracy  ;  in  fact,  the  Claudii  were  as  a 
family  characterized  by  original  and  radical  opinions  (see  Momm. 
Rom.  Forsch.  i.  p.  285). — dejecit,  ousted. — vestibulum,  court- 
yard, or  open  space  in  front  of  the  house.  —  sororis,  probably 
his  second  sister,  wife  of  Q.  Metellus  Celer,  who  lived  next  her 
brother  on  the  Palatine. 

§  76.  videbantur,  were  beginning  to  seem.  —  tolerabilia,  in- 
evitable, and  therefore  bearable.  —  quidem,  concessive.  —  nescio 
quo   modo,  somehow  or  other.  —  vero,  opposed  to   quidem.  — 


122  Notes.  [MlLO, 

potuissetis,  i.  e.  if  they  had  been  realized.  —  imperium  :  all  this 
mischief  had  been  perpetrated  in  virtue  of  holding  the  offices  of 
tribune  and  aedile.  What  would  he  do  if  he  got  the  imperium,  by 
holding  the  praetorship,  for  which  he  was  candidate  ?  —  tetrarchas, 
a  title  of  certain  petty  kings,  especially  in  Galatia  (see  §  72  >  origin- 
ally, but  not  always,  kings  of  a  fourth  part  of  a  country).  —  pos- 
sessions, i.  e.  by  his  judicial  authority  as  praetor.  —  tenentur, 
are  proved. 

§  tj.  per  me  unum  :  ut  is  displaced  by  the  emphasis  thrown 
upon  me.  —  aequitas,  equity^  i.  e.  the  administration  of  justice, 
disregarding  the  strict  letter  of  law.  This  was  within  the  province 
of  the  proetor  urbanus  (Maine,  "  Ancient  Law,"  p.  55).  —  esset, 
ironical. 

199.  nunc,  as  it  is.  —  multas,  setas,  both  emphatic  by  the 
inversion.  —  imperatorum  :  now  including  Caesar,  who  at  this  time 
seemed  to  have  completely  subdued  Gaul,  and  had  just  invaded 
Britain  and  Germany. 

§  78.  in  eis  singulis  [bonis],  in  the  case  of  each  one.  —  visuros 
fuisse,  for  vidissetds,  of  dir.  disc.  —  judiciis  :  Pompey,  in  this 
year  of  his  sole  consulship,  carried  several  laws  intended  to  secure 
the  better  administration  of  justice,  among  other  things  limiting 
the  time  allowed  to  the  lawyers'  arguments.  —  odio  inimicitiarum, 
the  bitterness  of  private  resentment.  —  libentius  quam  verius 
(§47,  7),  with  more  alacrity  than  truth.  —  et  enim  si,  etc.,  for 
even  if  it  (my  animosity)  had  good  reason  to  be  extreme. — 
aequaliter  versaretur  =  found  its  equal. 

§  79.  quin,  nay,  adds  strength  to  the  imperative.  "  Come  now, 
attend  while  I  present  the  case  in  this  light.1'  —  nempe  haec,  this, 
you  know.  —  sic  intuentur,  view  as  plainly.  —  cernimus,  dis- 
cern (distinguish  by  eyesight)  ;  videmus,  see  (the  general  word). 

—  rneae,  that  I  suggest.  —  imaginem,  etc.  =  quae  sit  condicio 
(apod,  of  si  possim). — ita  si,  on  co?idition  that.  —  quid  voltu,  why 
this  look  of  terror  ?  —  vivus,  if  alive.  —  quos  =  when  . . .  you. 

200.  vellet  instead  of  plup.  to  denote  continued  action :  u  had 
had  the  disposition."  —  si  putetis,  a  conceivable  supposition;  si 
posset,  contrary  to  fact. 

§  80.  cantus,  instrumental  music  ;  carmina.  songs  :  for  example, 
the  famous  one  on  Harmodius  and  Aristogeiton.  —  prope  ad  reli- 
gionem,  almost  to  the  sanctity. 

§  81.  si  non  negat,  a  general  protasis  to  the  whole  that  follows. 

—  dubitaret,  sc.  if  he  had  done  it.  —  nisi  vero,  ironical.  —  si 
velletis,  if  you  were  willing.  —  probaretur,  approve  itself.  — 
poterat,  §  66,  2,  c.  —  minus  grata,  not  so  agreeable.  —  propter 
quern,  through  whose  ?neans.  —  laetarentur,  subj.  as  belonging 
to  the  supposed  case. 


§76-86.]  Defence  of  Milo.  123 

201.    §  82.  ut  putaremus,  as  to  think. — paeniteat,  regret. 

§  83.  uteretur,  i.  e.  si  fecisset.  Notice  the  art  with  which  this 
(probably  the  true  state  of  the  case)  is  put  in  the  form  of  a  false 
supposition,  in  order  to  give  Milo  the  benefit  of  both  views  of  the 
case.  —  hujus  benefici.  for  this  favor.  —  fortuna,  destiny.  — 
vestra,  i.  e.  of  the  optimates.  —  deberi  putant,  claim  as  due.  — 
felicitas,  good  luck.  —  divinum  belongs  with  vim.  as  well  as  nu- 
men.  —  ille,  yonder.  —  maximum,  greater  than  all.  —  majorum, 
the  ancients,  who  were  regarded  as  being  nearer  the  gods,  their 
divine  origin,  and  so  better  acquainted  with  the  secrets  of  the 
universe.  —  sanctissime  coluerunt,  piously  practised. 

§  84.  imbecillitate,  frail  nature.  —  quod  vigeat,  etc.,  that 
has  life  and  sensation.  —  et  non  inest,  while  it  does  not  exist. 

—  heec  ipsa,  i.  e.  this  very  speech.  —  perniciem,  pest. 

$&®*&0  mentem  injecit  :  "  Whom  the  gods  wish  to  destroy 
they  first  make  mad,"  —  a  very  old  idea.  —  habiturus  esset,  was 
destined  io  have. 

§  85.  mediocri,  ordinary.  —  religiones,  sanctuaries.  —  com- 
mosse  se,  bestirred  themselves.  —  retinuisse,  reasserted.  —  Al- 
bani  :  Clodius's  Alban  villa  (see  §§  46,  51)  must  have  been  in  the 
territory  of  Alba  Longa,  the  ancient  capital  of  Latium,  whose  tem- 
ples were  spared  and  their  worship  adopted  by  Rome  (as  that  of 
the  Lanuvian  Juno  had  been,  see  note  §  27),  when  the  city  was 
destroyed  by  Rome.  From  what  follows  it  would,  appear  that 
some  of  these  sanctuaries  had  been  demolished  by  Clodius  in  his 
building  schemes  (see  §53).  —  tumuli,   mounds,   used  for  altars. 

—  viguerunt,  revived. — Latiaris  :  the  temple  of  Jupiter,  on  the 
Alban  Mount,  was  the  religious  centre  of  the  Latin  confederacy 
(which  in  this  was  like  the  Greek  Amphictyony).  It  was  a  change- 
able festival,  ferice  conceptivce,  celebrated  by  the  consul,  usually 
in  April  or  May.  —  lacus  :  there  are  several  little  lakes  about  the 
Alban  Mount,  chief  of  which  are  those  at  Alba  and  Aricia,  in 
the  craters  of  extinct  volcanoes.  —  nemora  :  nemus  (same  root  as 
vefitd)  is  originally  an  open  grove  where  cattle  can  graze  :  it  is 
applied,  as  well  as  lucus,  to  a  consecrated  grove.  Of  these  the 
most  famous  in  Italy  was  the  sanctuary  of  Diana  on  the  Lacus 
Nemorensis  (L.  Nemi)  near  Aricia. 

§  86.  nisi  forte,  compare  nisi  vero,  above.  —  Bonee  Deae,  an 
Italian  goddess  whose  very  name  is  a  mystery.  She  probably 
represented  the  fruitful  power  of  the  earth,  so  that  her  mysteries, 
celebrated  on  December  3  and  4  (see  note  §  13)  corresponded  to 
those  of  Demeter  {Mother  Earth)  at  Eleusis.  —  taeterrimam,  i.  e. 
the  death  of  a  highwayman.  —  nee  vero  non,  nor  can  it  be  but.  — 
imaginibus,  busts ;  cantu,  music  ;  ludis,  games;  exsequiis,  pro- 
cession j  funere,  burial  rites.  —  celebritate,  throng  (see  §  2$,  and 


124 


Notes.  [Milo, 


note,  R.  A.  §  13).  —  mortem  ejus  lacerari,  that  his  dead  body 
should  be  mangled. 

203o  §  87.  redemerat,  bought  off.  —  domum  . . .  incenderat : 
B.  c.  57.  The  other  outrages  here  enumerated  have  been  already 
described,  Sest.  §  32  (54).  —  capere,  contain.  —  incidebantur  : 
he  felt  so  sure  of  his  power,  that  he  was  having  the  laws  engraved 
even  before  their  passage.  —  nos  .  .  .  addicerent :  which  should 
bind  us  over  to  our  own  slaves  (i.  e.  freedmen).  The  suffrage  of  the 
freedmen  was  a  standing  subject  of  controversy  in  Roman  politics. 
They  voted  in  the  four  city  tribes  (see  note,  §  25),  but  many  efforts 
were  made  to  get  them  into  the  rustic  tribes  ;  and  Clodius  had 
promised,  as  praetor,  to  bring  forward  a  law  with  this  object.  — 
adamasset,  had  taken  a  fancy  to. 

§  88.  cogitationibus,  plans.  —  ilium  ipsum  :  i.  e.  Pompey, 
whose  return  to  Rome  was  just  before  the  Clodian  disturbances 
began.  —  hie,  at  this  point.  —  circumscripsisset,  kept  him  within 
the  legitimate  bounds  of  his  office  (as  praetor). — id,  i.  e.  circum- 
scribe. —  in  privato,  when  he  held  no  magistracy. 

§  89.  consularem,  of  a  consular  7tian  (i.  e.  Cicero).  —  possi- 
deret,  would  [now]  occupy ',  &c.  —  libertos  suos  :  if  he  freed  the 
slaves  of  others,  they  would  be  his  freedmen,  and  bound  to  him  as 
clients  (see  note,  R.  A.  §  12). 

204.  §  90.  templum,  etc.,  the  sanctuary  of  public  purity, 
grandeur,  wisdom,  and  counsel.  —  aram,  as  the  sacred  place 
where  treaties  were  made.  —  portum,  haven  of  refuge.  —  funes- 
tari,  defiled  by  the  presence  of  a  corpse. 

§  91.  ab  eo,  from  (i.  e.  against)  him.  —  potuisse,  for  potuit 
(of  dir.  disc),  7night  have  been.  —  excitate,  su?nmon.  —  falcibus, 
crowbars  to  tear  up  the  steps,  and  turn  the  building  into  a  fortress. 
— ad  Castoris,  see  note,  §  18.  —  disturbari,  broke  up. — M.  Ceelius, 
a  young  man  esteemed  by  Cicero  as  of  great  promise,  and  defended 
by  him  in  a  cause  of  some  scandal,  but  who  afterwards  turned  out 
to  be  a  wild  and  desperate  demagogue  (see  Brut.  §  273).  In  the 
year  b.  c.  44,  after  Caesar's  victory  at  Pharsalia,  both  Caelius  and 
Milo,  in  concert  with  each  other,  headed  revolts  against  Caesar, 
and  lost  their  lives  ignominiously  in  southern  Italy. —  By  silentio 
is  meant  that  the  contio  was  orderly  and  well  disposed  before  this 
attack  of  the  Clodians. 

20«>.  §  92.  haud  scio  an,  §  71,  1,  d.  —  ut  liceat  depends  on 
obsecrantis  (ace).  —  cupimus  :  in  gladiatorial  contests,  if  one  com- 
batant had  the  other  at  his  mercy,  he  waited  the  will  of  the  people, 
who  expressed  their  wish  to  have  his  life  spared  by  turning  down 
their  thumbs.  If  most  thumbs  were  turned  up,  he  was  put  to 
death.  —  emagitant,  clamor  for. 

§  93.  exanimant,  &c,  these  words  dishearten  and  depress  me. 


§86-98.]  Defence  of  Milo.  125 

—  audio,  hear  of  j  intersum,  bear  witness  to.  —  propter  me, 
through  my  means. — bene  moratam  (§44,  1,  c),  of  good  man- 
ners and  morals. 

§  94.  mini  (§  51,  4,  b)  :•  for  this  passage,  see   Quint.  VI.  i.  27. 

—  tribunus,  Sest.  §  43.  —  dedissern.  had  devoted.  — acceperam, 
had  found.  —  putarem,  should  I  have  thought  (§  57,  6) . 

206.  §  95-  <luo  videtis,  s-c.  eum  esse.  —  civibus,  §  51,  7.^ 
plebem :  this  word,  in  the  later  republic,  had  lost  its  meaning  of  a 
class  contrasted  with  the  hereditary  aristocracy  of  the  patricians, 
and  was  applied  to  the  lower  classes  in  general.  —  tribus  patri- 
moniis :  Milo  was  by  birth  a  member  of  the  Papian  gens,  but 
was  adopted  (see  note,  Sest.  §  1)  by  his  maternal  grandfather,  C. 
Annius.  This  accounts  for  two  patrimonies  ;  the  third,  Asconius 
thinks,  was  probably  his  mother's.  The  orator  here  makes  a  civic 
virtue  out  of  Milo's  lavish  bribery. — conciliarit,  has  won.  —  ab- 
laturum,  will  bear  away,  i.  e.  the  memory  of  them. 

§  96.  vocem  praeconis,  etc. :  i.  e.  the  election  was  practically 
decided,  when  the  comitia  were  broken  up  by  a  mob.  The  election 
could  not  therefore  be  formally  and  legally  complete,  and  no  an- 
nouncement could  be  made  by  the  herald.  —  desiderarit,  cared 
for.  —  facinoris  suspitionem,  etc. :  the  suspicion  of  a  great  crime, 
not  the  indictment  for  this  act.  That  is,  as  the  last  chapters 
have  shown,  it  was,  in  Cicero's  view,  not  Clodius's  death,  but  sus- 
picion of  designs  against  Pompey  and  the  state,  that  decided  the 
case  against  Milo. — recte  facta,  §  72,  2,  a  (examples). 

§  97.  si  . .  .  ratio,  if  regard  is  to  be  had.  (The  proper  apo- 
dosis,  we  should  say,  &c,  is  supplanted  by  the  thing  that  would 
be  said  ;  and  by  this  protasis  and  apodosis  the  tense  of  the  rest 
of  the  paragraph  is  changed.) 

SOT.  §  98.  Etruriae  festos  :  holidays  appointed  by  the  people 
of  Etruria,  the  neighbors  whom  Clodius  had  cheated  and  robbed, 
at  the  good  news  of  his  death.  —  et  actos  et  institutos,  in  app. 
with  festos  :  the  celebrations  that  have  already  taken  place,  and 
the  anniversaries  that  have  been  established.  —  centesima  et 
altera,  i.  e.  just  one  hundred  days. 

The  length  of  interval  was  caused  by  the  insertion  this  year  of  an  intercalary  month 
between  February  and  March.  This  was  in  theory  done  every  other  year,  but  was 
practically  left  to  the  caprice  of  the  fiontifices,  from  which  it  resulted  that  the  calendar 
had  fallen  into  extreme  confusion.  The  calendar  year  was  67  days  behind  the  true  time ; 
and  the  discrepancy  remained  until  the  reform  by  Julius  Cassar,  b.  c.  45.  The  Roman 
year  at  this  time  consisted  of  only  355  days,  and  the  interval  was  alternately  of  20  and  22 
days  (see  §  84,  2).  These  were  inserted,  not  at  the  end  of  February,  but  alternately  after 
the  24th  and  23d  of  the  month,  so  that  the  intercalary  month  {Mercedonius)  always  con- 
tained 27  days  (Momm.  Rom.  Chr.  p.  21).  According  to  Asconius.  the  trial  was  April  8 
(vi.  Id.),  and  the  murder  was  Jan.  18  (xiii.  Kal.  Feb.),  although  both  these  dates  were 
disputed.  Counting  for  January  11  days,  the  Mensis  Intercalaris  2j,  March  31,  and 
Anril  8  days,  we  have  23  days  left  for  February,  which  would  indicate  the  shorter  inter- 
calation, of  22  days.  * 


126  Notes.  [Milo, 

qua  .  .  .  ea,  wherever  .  .  .  there   (abl.  of  way  by  which) .  —  non 
laboro,  /  have  no  concern.  —  versatur,  abides. 

§  99.  his,  sc.  judicibus.  —  quo  .  .  .  eo,  §  54,  6,  e,  r.  —  quae 
oblivio  =  forgetfulness  of  which  (as  regularly  with  adj.  pronouns, 
cf.  ea  gratia). 

§  100.  pietatis,  gratitude.  —  inimicitias,  etc.  "  Such,"  says 
Asconius,  "  were  the  constancy  and  good  faith  of  Cicero,  that 
neither  the  popular  enmity,  nor  the  suspicions  of  Pompey,  nor  the 
fear  of  coming  danger  if  he  should  be  put  on  trial  before  the 
people,  nor  the  arms  openly  taken  up  against  Milo,  could  deter 
him  from  his  defence  ;  when  he  might  have  shunned  all  danger 
and  popular  wrath,  and  even  won  back  the  good  will  of  Pompey, 
by  relaxing  a  little  the  zeal  of  his  advocacy." 
20 8.  §101.  qua?  excipiat,  §  65,  2,  /. 

§  102.  mene  non  potuisse,  sc.  respondebo.  —  gentibus  :  a 
line  must  have  dropped  out,  part  of  which  belongs  with  gentibus. 
Before  non,  the  word  must  be  quibus. 

§  103.  concepi,  incurred.  —  ille  indicia,  i.  e.  Catiline's  con- 
spiracy. —  fuerit,  §  70,  4,  b.  —  possum,  virtually  future,  and  so 
used  as  apod,  to  a  future  protasis. 

200.  dictator  :  in  times  of  great  public  emergency,  the  Sen- 
ate could  call  upon  the  consuls  to  create  a  Dictator,  who  should 
possess  the  undivided  power  of  the  old  kings,  but  only  for  the 
period  of  six  months.  The  laws  of  appeal,  and  other  safeguards 
of  individual  liberty,  had  at  first  no  force  against  this  magistrate. 
In  later  times  dictators  were  no  longer  appointed,  but  the  consuls 
were  invested  with  dictatorial  power  by  the  formula,  ne  videant, 
etc.  (Cat.  I.  §  2).  Sulla,  and  afterwards  Caesar,  revived  this  magis- 
tracy in  their  own  persons  for  life  {perpetuo). 

The  Magister  Equitum,  appointed  by  the  Dictator,  stood  next 
in  command  to  him. 

§  104.  in  Italia  :  since  the  Social  War,  the  towns  of  Italy,  hav- 
ing received  Roman  citizenship,  had  lost  the  jus  exsilii  (see  note, 
Arch.  §  5). 

§  105.  lacrimis  defendi :  this  was  a  peculiarly  Roman  custom. 
Many  a  desperate  case  was  gained  in  the  Roman  courts  by  putting 
on  mourning,  and  bringing  out  the  wife  and  children  of  the  ac- 
cused, in  deep  mourning  and  bathed  in  tears. 


Not  long  after  this  trial,  which  ended  in  Milo's  conviction,  he 
was  further  tried  in  his  absence  for  bribery  {ambitus)  and  illegal 
combinations  (de  sodaticiis),  and  on  a  second  charge  of  assault 
(de  vi)}  and  was  condemned  on  each  count.  Cicero  sent  him  a 
copy  of  his  labored  defence,  and  received  a  reply  dryly  thanking 
him  for  his  effort,  but  expressing  satisfaction  that  the  speech  was 


§  J-3]  Oration  for  Marcellus.  127 

not  delivered  ;  "  for  then,"  said  he,  "  I  should  not  now  be  eating 
the  excellent  mullets  of  Marseilles." 

In  the  civil  war,  Milo  perished  in  South  Italy,  while  leading  the 
remnant  of  his  troop  of  gladiators  in  resistance  to  Caesar,  —  "  hit 
with  a  stone  from  the  wall  "  in  an  assault  on  the  town  of  Cosa, 
in  Lucania  (see  Caesar,  B.  C.  iii.  22). 


Oration  for  Marcellus. 
Argument, 

Chap.  i.  Caesar's  clemency  in  victory  is  glorious  for  himself  and  honorable  for 
Marcellus. — 2.  Warlike  glories  depend  on  many  outward  circumstances:  this  glory  is 
wholly  his  own.  —  3.  Conquest  is  a  natural  and  frequent  thing :  self-conquest  is  a  divine 
attribute.  Other  praises  are  drowned  by  the  noise  of  war :  this  wins  love  and  gratitude.  — 
4.  This  glory  none  can  claim  to  share.  Victory  itself  is  conquered  when  its  rights  are 
renounced.  —  s,  6,  This  is  an  earnest  of  Caesar's  patriotism.  Cicero  had  feared  the 
victory  of  his  own  side:  Caesar's  spirit  was  the  nobler. —7.  There  is  nothing  to  fear 
from  the  pardoned:  the  State  itself  hangs  upon  Caesar's  life. —8.  The  wounds  of  civil 
wars  are  to  be  healed :  he  must  live  to  restore  the  republic.  —9-  This  glory  still  remains : 
unless  the  State  is  restored,  his  other  glories  will  have  no  abiding-place.  —  10.  All  accept 
the  results,  and  wish  his  safety.  — 11.  Cicero  is  the  mouthpiece  of  all  in  rendering 
thanks. 

PAGE 

210.  diuturni  silenti  :  it  was  now  more  than  six  years  since 
the  defence  of  Milo,  which  was  followed  almost  immediately  by 
Cicero's  absence  as  proconsul  in  Cilicia,  whence  he  returned  only 
on  the  eve  of  the  Pharsalian  campaign.  —  eram  usus,  had  kept 
(plup.,  as  preceding  attulit).  —  timore  (abl.  of  cause),  fear  of 
consequences  ;  verecundia,  modesty,  distrust  of  himself  under  the 
circumstances. — vellem :  not  subj.  of  indir.  question,  but  conj. 
modesties  (§  60,  2,  b),  thrown  into  past  time  by  conn,  of  tenses  ; 
initium,  looks  forward  to  a  change  of  plan :  hence  the  subj.,  meaning 
what  I  may  wish  in  the  future  (compare  §  59,4,/").  —  tantam 
mansuetudinem,  etc.,  no  doubt  these  words  express  the  genuine 
and  grateful  surprise  felt  at  Caesar's  clemency,  so  contrasted  with 
the  temper  and  purpose  of  his  opponents.  —  rerum  omnium,  in 
every  respect. 

211.  §  2.  quasi  signum  sustulisti,  you  have  raised,  as  it 
were,  a  signal. 

§  3.  in  multis,  in  me  ipso,  in  the  case  of.  —  paulo  ante,  just 
now.  —  commemoratis,  see  introd.  —  suspitionibus  :  Caesar  is 
said  to  have  suspected  Marcellus  of  some  designs  of  assassi- 
nation. 


128  Notes.  [Marc. 

§  5.  usurpare,  dwell  on. 

313.  §  6.  Fortuna,  see  Man.  Law,  §  47, 

§  7.  centurio,  the  infantry  officer  (see  note,  Manil.  §  37). — 
prsefectus,  the  commander  of  the  auxiliary  cavalry.  So  Conors 
and  turma  correspond  to  each  other,  as  the  infantry  and  cavalry 
divisions. 

At  the  present  period  the  regular  cavalry  of  the  legion  was  quite  insignificant,  and  the 
horse  of  the  Roman  army  consisted  chiefly  of  auxiliaries,  —  Gauls,  Spaniards,  Thracians, 
&c. ;  these  were  organized  in  alee  of  300  or  400  men  each,  which  were  subdivided  into 
turmce  of  30.  For  this  reason  we  find  here  the  Roman  infantry  officer  combined  with 
the  auxiliary  cavalry  officer,  —  corresponding  to  the  real  composition  of  the  army. 

§  8.  immanitate  barbaras,  barbarous  and  fierce  :  his  conquests 
had  first  subdued  the  Gauls,  Germans,  and  Britons. — locis  in- 
finitas.  Caesar  moved  from  Gaul  B.  c.  49  into  Italy,  and  the  same 
year  to  Spain.  In  48  he  crossed  over  to  Greece,  and  thence  to 
Egypt.  In  47  he  carried  on  war  in  Asia  Minor,  and  in  46  gained 
the  crowning  victory  of  Thapsus  in  Africa. 

21«$.  §  9-  tubarum,  of  clarions :  the  tuba  was  a  long  straight 
horn,  used  in  infantry  ;  the  lituus  a  curved  one,  used  in  cavalry. 

§  10.  hujus  curiae.  The  old  Curia  Hostilia,  upon  the  north 
side  of  the  Comitium,  was  destroyed  by  fire  in  the  riots  after  the 
death  of  Clodius,  b.  C.  52  (see  Mil.  §  33)  ;  but  was  rebuilt  by 
Faustus  Sulla,  son  of  the  dictator.  —  C.  Marcelli:  cousin  of  Mar- 
cus (cos.  B.C.  50).  —  obfudit,  rushed  upon. 

§  11.  tropaeis  et  monumentis :  the  tropcea  were  memorials  of 
victory,  consisting  of  armor  of  the  conquered,  arranged  in  human 
form,  and  either  erected  by  itself,  or  attached  to  some  monument  — 
as  a  column  or  arch.  Of  monuments,  Caesar  did  not  live  to  carry 
out  his  plans  fully ;  he  built,  however,  a  new  enclosure  for  assem- 
blies, the  Sozpta  Julia,  and  laid  out  a  new  forum  for  courts  of  jus- 
tice, the  Forum  Julium^  north  of  the  old  Forum. 

&14L*  §  I2»  florescet,  §  49,  i,  b. —  operibus,  dat.  (§  51,  2,  e). 

—  victores  :  i.e.  Cinna,  Marius,  and  Sulla. — vereor  ut,  etc. 
(§  70,  3>  f)i  I  fear  that  this  which  I  say  cannot  be  understood 
in  the  hearing  quite  as  (perinde  atque)  /  feel  it  in  the  thinking. 

—  occidissemus,  might  [by  right  of  war]  have  fallen. 

§  1 3.  quam  late  pateat,  how  far  it  reaches.  —  ilia,  i.  e.  Pom- 
pey's.  —  tenemur,  are  convicted.  —  reddidit,  restored,  by  confi- 
dence that  no  vengeance  would  follow.  —  hostis,  ace.  plur. 

§  14.  flagitantium  :  before  the  outbreak  of  the  civil  war,  Caesar 
sent  C.  Curio  (son  of  C.  Curio,  Verr.  I.  §  18)  to  Rome  with  offers 
of  compromise,  which  were  spurned  by  the  Senate.  —  hominem, 
the  man  (Pompey)  :  emphatic,  not  his  measures.  —  consilio, 
reasons.  —  grati  animi  (see  Sest.  §  ^3)  '•  at  the  time  of  Cicero's 
recall,  Pompey  interested  himself  to  go  in  person  to  several  of  the 
Italian  towns  to  encourage  the  general  feeling  in  his  favor ;  and 


§  3~25-]  Oration  for  Marcellus,  129 

so  atoned  in  part  for  the  tardiness  of  his  support,  and  his  earlier 
hesitating,  cold,  and  ungracious  course. 

2f£».  §  15-  integra  re,  before  peace  was  broken.  —  cuin  cap- 
itis mei  periculo,  with  danger  of  ?ny  life.  It  is  said  that  after 
Pompey's  defeat,  the  command  was  urged  upon  Cicero  by  Cato ; 
and  on  his  refusal  to  conduct  the  war,  young  Pompey  would  have 
stabbed  him  unless  Cato  had  interfered.  —  existimator  rerum, 
judge  of  things.  —  statim  censuerit :  Cicero  was  welcomed  and 
kindly  treated  by  Caesar  on  his  return  to  Italy,  B.  c.  47.  The  war 
was  not  finished  till  the  next  year,  hence  incertus  exitus,  etc. — 
victor,  when  victorious  (opposed  to  incertus,  etc.). 

§  16.  certorum  hominum  :  such  senatorial  leaders  as  Metellus, 
Scipio,  and  Dolabella.  Cicero  says,  in  a  letter  to  M.  Marius 
(Fam.  vii.  3),  "  Excepting  the  chief  and  a  few  besides,  the  others 
—  the  leaders  I  mean  —  were  so  grasping  in  the  campaign  and  so 
cruel  in  their  talk,  that  I  shuddered  at  the  [thought  of]  victory. 
There  was  nothing  good  except  the  cause."  And  to  Atticus  (ix.  7), 
"  It  is  their  plan  to  stifle  (suffocare)  the  city  and  Italy  by  famine, 
then  ravage  the  fields,  set  fire,  and  not  spare  the  money  of  the 
rich."  Pompey,  he  says,  would  often  say,  Sulla  potuit :  ego  non 
potero?  (ib.  ix.  10).  —  inter  se,  with  each  other. 

§  18.  otiosis,  the  neutral.  —  ubi  fuisset,  which  might  have  been 
a  mere  accident.  — aliquando,  at  last.  —  contulisse  ad,  laid  upon. 

216.  §  l9-  <lU£e>  things  which  (the  Stoic  doctrine).  —  com- 
modata,  loaned. 

§  20.  prsesertim  belongs  with  lapsis.  —  opinione,  notion. — 
si  . . .  timuerunt,  subj.  of  est  (§  70,  5,  R.).  —  senserunt,  found 
by  experience. 

§  21.  querellam,  etc.,  that  the  partisans  of  Pompey  wished  to 
kill  him.  —  de  tuis,  i.  e.  his  immediate  companions  ;  qui  una, 
those  on  the  same  side.  —  qui  fuerunt,  sc.  inimici. 

§  22.  sane,  by  all  means. 

217.  ignarus,  inexperienced j  rudis,  raw ;  nihil  cogitans,  in- 
considerate. —  equidem,  for  my  part.  —  dumtaxat,  merely  (even 
these). 

§  23.  consensio,  conspiracy. — constituenda  judicia,  etc.:  the 
short  period  of  Caesar's  dictatorship  was  distinguished  by  a  number 
of  salutary  enactments,  which  were  almost  equivalent  to  a  complete 
revision  of  the  constitution.  —  propaganda  suboles  :  the  waste  of 
population  by  incessant  wars  had  already  begun  to  alarm  the  best 
minds  of  Rome.  It  was,  in  fact,  the  chief  direct  cause  of  the  ruin 
of  the  Empire.  —  diffluxerunt,  have  run  wild  (like  vines). 

§  24.  sananda,  to  be  healed  (the  result)  ;  mederi,  to  remedy 
(the  treatment). 

§  25.  doctorum,  philosophers. 

9 


130  Notes.  [LlGAR. 

SI 8.  cunctam,  entire.  —  perfectione,  completion. 

§  26.  immo,  corrects  the  general  expression  parum  magna.  — 
futurus  fuit,  was  to  be. 

§27.  hie  actus,  as  in  a  play.  —  tu  perfruare,  enjoy  it  yourself. 
—  angustiis,  narrow  bounds. 

§  28.  inservias  (ut  omitted,  §  70,  3,  f  r.).  —  quae  quidem, 
i.  e.  seternitas.  —  certe,  doubtless. 

219.  §  28.  munera,  gifts  to  the  people,  as  monuments  and 
spectacles. 

§  29.  sedem,  abiding-place ;  domicilium,  home.  —  requirent, 
will  miss. — illud,  the  war;  hoc,  the  public  safety. — servi  eis 
judicibus,  pay  regard  to  those  judges. 

§  30.  non  pertinebit,  will  have  no  concern  for. 

§  31.  perfuncta  est,  has  got  through  with.  —  arma,  etc.,  arms 
have  been  laid  down  by  some,  and  wrested  from  others. 

§  32.  sanitatis,  ordinary  intelligence.  —  oppositus,  interposition. 

220.  §  33-  unde,  with  which  (in  Latin  the  beginning  is  re- 
garded as  the  source  from  which).  —  agimus,  express  ;  habemus, 
feel.  —  cum  id  prsestiterim,  while  I  have  fulfilled  it.  —  me 
conservato,  having  been  preserved.  —  quod  . . .  non  arbitrabar, 
which  I  thought  no  longer  possible. 


Oration  for  Ligarius. 
Argument. 

Chap.  i.  The  charge  and  the  circumstances  — 2.  No  crime,  or  sign  of  ill-will  to 
Caesar.  —  3.  Cicero  himself  was  more  culpable,  yet  is  pardoned.  —  4.  So  Tubero,  who  is 
indebted  to  Caesar  for  his  life,  yet  seeks  that  of  Ligarius.  —  5.  The  clemency  of  Caesar  a 
the  refuge  of  all :  he  stays  the  violence  of  his  partisans.  —  6.  The  political  difference  was 
not  crime,  but  error :  so  regarded  by  Caesar  himself.  —  7.  Circumstances  of  the  command 
in  Africa:  Ligarius  was  not  responsible. — 8,  9.  If  Tubero  had  been  admitted,  he  would 
have  acted  against  Caesar:  when  refused,  he  went  to  Pompey.  — 10.  11.  Cicero  does  not 
defend  the  cause,  but  pleads  for  mercy :  Gaesar  regards  the  case  itself,  not  the  man  who 
pleads  it  His  friends  desire  mercy  for  Ligarius.  —  12.  Final  appeal :  the  divine  quality 
of  mercy. 

PAGE 

221.  propinquus,  kinsman.  It  is  not  known  what  was  the 
relationship  of  Tubero  to  Cicero.  He  was  a  member  of  the 
^Elian  gens,  —  a  family  distinguished  for  its  legal  attainments  ;  and 
Tubero  himself  ranks  high  among  the  Roman  jurists.  The  prose- 
cutor, Q.  Tubero,  was  son  of  L.  Tubero,  whom  Ligarius  had  pre- 
vented from  landing  in  Africa  ;  a  chief  grievance  was  that  the 
younger  Tubero  was  at  the  time  sick  on  board. 


§i-4-]  Oration  for  Ligarius.  131 

The  Roman  state  was  developed  out  of  the  patriarchal  state  of  society,  of  which  it 
retained  many  characteristic  institutions,  such  as  the  patria  potestas,  the  enormous 
power,  even  of  life  and  death,  possessed  by  the  head  of  a  family  {paterfamilias)  over 
those  under  his  legal  control,  —  that  is,  all  sons  and  descendants  in  the  male  line,  and  all 
unmarried  daughters.  Daughters,  upon  their  marriage,  passed  from  the  manus  of  the 
father  to  that  of  the  husband. 

The  gens  was  an  enlarged  family,  which  had  outgrown  the  centralized  power  of  a 
paterfamilias,  and  the  feeling  of  near  relationship,  but  which  still  held  in  theory  to  the 
belief  in  a  common  descent,  and  which  maintained  a  gentile  organization,  possessed  certain 
property  in  common,  and  kept  up  the  observance  of  certain  sacra.  The  chief  object  of 
adoption  (note,  Sest.  §  i)  was  the  maintenance  of  these  sacra.  If  a  person  died  intes- 
tate without  heirs,  his  property  went  to  his  gens-  The  fundamental  importance  of  the  gens 
in  the  Roman  patriarchal  institutions  appears  in  the  fact  that  the  gentile  name,  always 
ending  in  ius  (except  in  a  few  Etruscan  names  in  na,  as  Perpenna)  was  the  nomen  proper, 
while  the  family  name  was  only  cognomen  Some  persons*  as  C  Marius,  had  no  family 
name ;  but  most  gentes  fell  into  a  number  of  families,  and  sometimes  even  these  families 
were  divided  into  branches,  with  distinctive  names.  Thus  the  Cornelian  gens  contained 
the  families  of  Scipio,  Sulla,  Cinna,  Lentulus,  Dolabella,  &c ;  while  a  branch  of  the 
Scipios  retained  for  many  generations  the  agnomen  Nasica.  Strictly  speaking,  there  were 
no  fully  organized  gentes  except  those  of  the  patricians,  as  the  Comelii,  Julii,  Fabii, 
Claudii;  but  the  plebeian  nobility  (see  note,  Verr.  I.  §  15)  developed  gentes  of  its  own, 
which  were  quite  analogous  to  those  of  the  patricians.  Such  were  the  Caecilii,  Sempronii, 
Licinii,  Livii. 

Pansa  (C.  Vibius  ;  cos.  B.  c.  43  ;  see  Phil.  XIV.)  :  at  this  time  a 
leading  supporter  of  Caesar.  This  introduction  is  in  a  high  degree 
ironical.  —  quo  me  vertam,  which  way  to  turn.  Later  in  the 
language  the  word  is  used  in  a  reflexive  sense,  as  with  us.  — 
necessarius :  Cicero's  necessitudo  to  Pansa  appears  to  have  con- 
sisted in  their  working  together  in  behalf  of  Ligarius. — ut  .  .  . 
esset  (obj.  of  fecerit),  that  it  is  no  longer  a  new  case. 

3352.  §  2-  Considius  :  C.  Considius  Longus,  propraetor  of 
Africa,  B.C.  50,  the  year  before  the  civil  war.  —  sociis,  see  note, 
Verr.  I.  §  13.  —  satis  facere,  etc. :  the  governor  of  a  province,  on 
leaving  his  province  before  the  expiration  of  his  term,  could  ap- 
point any  officer  he  chose  to  govern  pro  prcstore  in  his  place : 
such  a  lieutenant  exercised  the  imperiu?n  of  his  superior.  It  was 
usual,  although  not  required,  in  this  case,  to  appoint  the  highest 
subordinate  officer,  the  quaestor ;  hence  this  apologetic  expression 
of  the  orator  (see  Momm.  Rom.  St.  i.  p.  178). 

§  3.  cupiditate  inconsiderata,  headlong  partisanship.  —  salu- 
tis  and  studii  limit  ducem  ;  the  provincials,  at  first  by  a  sort  of 
necessity  for  their  own  security,  then  with  a  growing  zeal  espousing 
Pompey's  cause,  craved  a  military  leader.  —  cum  =  at  which  time 
(§  62,  2,  £2).  —  praetor  =  propraetor.  —  obtinuerat :  had  held,  in 
some  former  year.  Of  course,  therefore,  he  had  no  legitimate 
authority  in  Africa  at  the  present  time,  for  the  imperium  must  be 
conferred  by  a  special  and  very  definite  act :  hence  the  expression 
si  illud,  etc. 

§  4.  qui  cuperet,  being  one  who  wished.  —  in  provincia  paca- 
tissima  :    Africa  was  one   of  the  earliest  and    most  thoroughly 


132  Notes.  [Ligar. 

conquered  of  the  provinces :  as  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  in  the 
division  of  the  empire  by  Augustus,  when  he  took  into  his  own 
hands  the  administration  of  all  provinces  which  required  a  military 
force,  Africa  was  left,  with  Asia,  Achaia,  Hither  Spain,  Narbonnese 
Gaul,  &c,  under  the  authority  of  the  Senate.  —  pacem  esse,  subj. 
of  expediret.  —  profectio,  his  going  there. 

$£2t&0  §  5«  criminosum,  liable  to  accusation.  —  Uticse,  a 
Phoenician  city  in  Africa,  older  then  Carthage,  under  whose  su- 
premacy it  was  always  restive.  For  this  reason  it  helped  Rome 
against  Carthage,  and  was  rewarded  with  the  gift  of  territory. 
After  Africa  was  made  a  Roman  province,  Utica  was  its  capital. 

§  6.  occurrat,  indir.  question  depending  on  reformidat :  a  con- 
struction very  common  in  the  comic  poets  (§  67,  2,  r.). 

§  7.  imperator.  After  the  news  of  Pompey's  death  (b.  c.  48), 
Caesar  was  made  dictator  rei  publicce  constiluenda?,  at  the  same 
time  receiving  certain  other  special  grants  of  power,  and  retaining 
the  imperiu?n,  which  he  had  now  held  uninterruptedly  for  twelve 
years.  Hence  the  exaggerated  expression  imperator  unus ;  for 
in  the  original  sense  of  this  title  (see  note,  Verr.  V.  1),  it  could  be 
borne  by  as  many  officers  as  was  necessary.  It  was  not  until  the 
spring  of  b.  c.  45,  some  months  after  the  delivery  of  this  oration, 
that  Imperator  became  the  title  of  a  new  magistrate,  in  whom  the 
imperium  was  vested  for  his  life,  and  to  be  transmitted  to  his  de- 
scendants. This  was  the  commencement  of  the  Empire.  From 
this  time  the  old  use  of  this  title  was  rare.  —  alteram,  second.  — 
fascis  laureatos  :  the  fasces  were  wreathed  with  laurel  when  the 
commander,  after  victory,  was  greeted  as  imperator.  Cicero  aspired 
to  the  honor  of  a  triumph  for  successes  over  some  mountain  rob- 
bers.—  reddere,  restore.  (This  infin.  represents  a  #onative  present, 
having  a  future  force  :  hence  dedisset  for  fut.  perf.) 

3S54L.  §  8.  ut,  how.  —  cognationem,  kitiship  by  blood.  Prob- 
ably this  is  used  rhetorically  for  adfinitatem,  connection  by  mar- 
riage. 

§  9.  fuissse,  subj.  of  esse.  —  nempe,  etc.,  why  !  one  who,  &c. 
—  in  acie  Pharsalica  :  the  decisive  victory  of  Caesar  over  Pompey, 
at  Pharsalus,  in  Thessaly,  was  fought  Aug.  9,  B.  c.  48.  —  petebat, 
aim  at.  —  qui  sensus,  i.e.  on  which  side?  —  optabas,  pray  for 
(stronger  than  cupiebas). 

§  10.  equidem,  to  be  sure.  — ut  tu  vis,  as  you  will  have  it. 

§  n.  dicam  =  dictura*  sum.  —  levium,  unsteady.  —  imma- 
nium,  ferocious. 

$&$£•§•  §  12.  eum  dictatorem  :  i.  e.  Sulla.  The  dictator,  as  pos- 
sessor of  the  full  royal  imperium,  had  judicial  powers,  although 
their  exercise,  at  this  period,  had  fallen  into  disuse.  —  aliquot 
annis  post,  some  years  later.     Sulla  had  provided  by  law  for  the 


§  4-i8.]  Oration  for  Ligarins,  133 

impunity  of  those  who  executed  his  proscriptions  ;  but  Caesar,  as 
judex  qucestionis  de  sicariis,  b.  C.  64,  took  pains  to  secure  the 
trial  and  conviction  of  more  than  one  of  these  wretches.  —  studia 
virtutis,  the  devotion  to  virtue,  &c,  of  your  race  and  family. 

§  13.  non  videamini  esse,  are  not,  as  it  seems, 

§  14.  domi,  in  private.  —  tollere,  take  away. 

§  15.  per  te  :  i.  e.  as  contrasted  with  the  bloodthirstiness  of. 
some  of  his  followers. 

220.   essent  :  following  nisi,  etc.  (notice  conn,  of  tenses). 

§  16.  alicujus,  for  any  one.  — tunc,-*/*  that  case  (§  60,  1,  a). 
—  extorquebit,  wrest  from  you. 

§  17.  de  nullo  alio,  etc.:  i.  e.  why  he  selected  Ligarius  out 
of  all  Pompey's  followers  ;  how  one  who  had  committed  precisely 
the  same  fault  could  have  the  audacity  to  bring  the  charge  —  or 
was  it  perhaps  that  he  had  some  new  crime  to  accuse  him  of  ? 
(adferret  is  subj.  as  being  a  question  ;  the  others  are  facts).— 
ilia  causa,  Pompey's.  —  qui  durius,  who  speak  more  harshly. 

227.  §  18.  mortuus,  "  in  his  grave."  —  contumeliam  :  Caesar's 
proconsular  command  in  Gaul  ended  March  1,  B.  c.  49.  It  was 
usual  in  such  cases  to  continue  in  command  until  the  next  first 
of  January,  on  the  principle  that  every  tenure  of  office  continued 
until  a  successor  was  appointed  ;  and,  in  consequence  of  a  law 
of  Sulla,  the  consuls  and  praetors  went  to  the  government  of 
provinces  immediately  on  the  expiration  of  their  term  of  office  in 
the  city.  A  new  law  of  Pompey's,  however,  had  provided  that 
five  years  should  intervene  between  the  magistracy  and  the  gov- 
ernorship, so  that  it  would  be  easy  to  appoint  a  successor  to  Caesar 
at  the  legal  expiration  of  his  office.  Further,  Caesar  had  been 
exempted  by  law  from  the  necessity  of  presenting  himself  in  per- 
son as  a  candidate  for  the  consulship  of  B.  c.  48.  His  plan  was  to 
be  elected  in  his  absence,  to  retain  his  proconsulship  until  the  day 
when  he  should  assume  the  consulship  again,  and  thus  to  have  no 
gap  between  the  two  offices.  If  there  were  a  gap  of  a  single  day, 
his  enemies  were  on  the  watch  to  prosecute  him,  for  various  acts 
which  were  at  any  rate  irregular.  Their  policy  was  to  abrogate 
his  command,  if  possible,  and  at  any  rate  to  repeal  the  law  which 
allowed  him  to  be  a  candidate  while  absent.  The  year  50  b.  c. 
was  consumed  in  fruitless  negotiations  and  attempts  at  compro- 
mise ;  when  Pompey  and  the  Senate  at  last  cut  off  further  de- 
bate, refused  all  concessions  to  Caes*ar,  and  declared  war.  It 
was  this  treatment  which  Cicero  describes  as  contumelia.  —  pa- 
cem  esse  cupiebas  :  it  seems  certain  that  Caesar  had,  in  his 
desire  for  peace,  carried  his  offers  of  compromise  as  far  as  was 
possible.  —  ut  tibi  conveniret,  that  you  should  come  to  an  un- 
derstanding (in  appos.  with  id). 


134  Notes.  [Ligar. 

§  19.  esses,  i.  e.  in  that  case.  —  secessionem  :  Pompey  and 
most  of  the  Senate  retired  at  Caesar's  approach,  and  escaped  to 
Greece.  —  utrisque  cupientibus,  where  both  wished.  —  eorum 
qui  sequebantur  :  almost  the  entire  body  of  nobles  followed 
Pompey.  —  cognita  . . .  tua,  now  that  your  clemency  is  known. 

§  20.  poteramusne,  sc.  non  venire.  — atque  is  almost  =  atqui. 

§  21.  Tuberonis  sors :  i.e.  in  assigning  the  provinces. 

238.  excusare,  to  make  excuse. —  contubernales,  in  Cicero's 
brief  campaign  in  the  Social  War.  —  quidam,  some  friend  :  it  is 
uncertain  who. 

§  22.  occupatam,  i.  e.  by  Attius  Varus.  —  voluisse,  voluisse, 
maluisse,  all  have  the  clause  Africam  .  .  .  obtinere  depending 
on  them,  but  it  is  expressed  only  with  the  second.  —  natam  ad 
bellum  :  a  map  of  the  Mediterranean  will  show  the  formidable 
position  of  the  province  of  Africa  as  against  Italy. —  aliquem, 
some  one  else. 

§  23.  tradituri  fuistis,  were  you  going  to  surrender  ?  (half- 
way between  the  original  meaning  and  that  which  it  afterwards  had, 
of  the  apod,  contrary  to  fact.  The  student  should  bear  in  mind 
these  transitions  in  meaning,  as  language  is  constantly  changing, 
and  can  never  be  strictly  reduced  to  rules  :  traditurum  fuisse 
(below)  is  the  regular  construction  of  indir.  disc.  ;  while  the  above 
forms  in  direct  disc,  were  only  used  as  strict  apodosis  later.)  — 
cujus  interfuit,  whose  interest  it  was. 

§  24.  veniebatis,  conative  imperf.  —  maxime  infestam  :  King 
Juba  of  Numidia  was  a  zealous  adherent  of  Pompey,  and  Africa 
was  the  seat  of  the  last  struggle  of  the  Senate  against  Caesar.  — 
huic  victoriee,  Caesar's.  —  aliena  voluntas,  estranged  feeling. — 
conventus :  an  association  of  the  Roman  citizens  of  a  province, 
possessing  certain  corporate  powers. 

SSO.  §  25«  nempe,  naturally  enough.  —  in  societatem,  to 
take  a  share  in.  —  venissetis,  you  should  have  come  (not  apod, 
but  hortatory).  —  venistis  (emphatic),  you  did  come.  —  per  me, 
for  all  me.  — ■  qui  privarerit,  in  that  he  deprived  you  (§  65,  2,  e). 

§  26.  quamvis  probarem,  however  much  I  approved.  (The 
tense  is  attracted  by  the  following  apod,  contrary  to  fact.)  — 
partibus,  party.  —  ad  eos  ipsos,  constr.  (by  synesis)  with  partibus. 

§  27.  nequaquam  fuerunt  :  Varus  was  of  an  insignificant 
family,  while  the  Tuberos  were  members  of  the  nobility.  —  justo, 
regular,  duly  conferred.  —  ad  Caesarem,  sc.  venit.  —  causam,  side. 
230o  §  28.  ejus,  Pompey.  —  cum  videres,  second  person  of 
indef.  subj.  in  a  general  condition  (§  59,  5,  a).  —  esset,  subj.  of 
charact.  (§  65,  2  ;  but  for  that  it  would  be  indie.  §  59,  3,  d). 

§  29.  in  ilia  causa,  in  upholding  the  side  of  Pompey.  —  ad 
unam  summam,  to  one  main  point. 


§  I9~36-]  Oration  for  Ligarips.  135 

§  30.  tecum,  in  company  with  you.  Caesar  was  hardly  less 
distinguished  as  an  orator  than  as  a  general  and  statesman. — 
equidem  emphasizes  multas.  —  in  foro  :  the  Forum  was  the 
seat  of  the  administration  of  justice.  —  honorum:  i.  e.  the  canvass- 
ing for  office  made  it  necessary  for  him  to  appear  as  patronus.  — 
posthac,  sc.  fecerit.  —  ne  haec  quidem,  i.  e.  the  following.  —  vale- 
rent,  might  prevail  (if  I  used  them).  —  oppressus,  forced  into. 

—  in  eo  ipso,  i.  e.  in  use.  —  temere,  thoughtlessly. 

231.  ignoscatur,  impersonal.  — idem  .  . .  qui,  just  as. 
§31.  mini,  etc.,  i.  e.  not  only  have  I  been  preserved,  but,  &c. — 

est  posita,  depends.  —  studiis,  zealous  efforts.  —  causas,  the  cases. 
— voltus :  the  tears  and  lamentations  by  which  it  was  customary 
to  seek  acquittal.  —  quam  tuus  necessarius,  how  closely  con- 
nected to  you.  —  quam  illius,  opposed  to  tuus.  —  fruuntur,  con- 
cedas  :  the  indie,  refers  to  individual  cases ;  the  subj.  character- 
izes.—  justissimum,  very  natural. 

§  32.  tu :  only  expressed  to  go  with  the  concessive  quidem.  — 
Sabinos  :  Ligarius  was  of  Sabine  origin,  and  many  of  his  Sabine 
friends  were  here  present.  —  florem,  etc. :  the  Sabine  territory 
among  the  mountains  was  still  the  home  of  a  hardy  and  virtuous 
population.  —  nosti  :  during  the  civil  war,  Caesar  had  found  shelter 
from  Sulla  among  these  kindly  mountaineers.  —  squalorem,  see 
note,  Sest.  §  IX. 

§  33.  quodvis,  any  whatever  (emphatic).  —  vox,  the  expres- 
sion which  follows.  —  nos,  i.  e.  the  party  of  Pompey.  —  nisi  qui, 
except  those  who. 

232.  tecum  fuerunt,  on  your  side,  i.  e.  as  holding  aloof  from 
the  other  side.  As  neutrals,  they  were  threatened  by  the  Pom- 
peians.  —  non  nulli,  some  of  us.  —  tuis  suos,  to  your  friends 
their  friends. 

§  34.  fuerit  futurus,  see  note,  §  23.  —  conspirantem,  harmo- 
nious (breathing  together)  ;  conflatam,  identical  (fused  together). 

—  ut  .  .  .  sequerentur,  subst.  clause  (§  70,  4,  b).  —  tempestate, 
by  stress  of  weather.  —  tamen,  notwithstanding. 

§  35.  ierit,  etc.  (concessive  subj.),  suppose  he  did  go.  —  hi  . . . 
tui  (emphatic)  =  these  beseech  you,  and  they  are  your  friends. 

—  equidem  sets  off  the  implied  subj.  ego  against  tu,  below.  — 
cum  interessem,  having  been  concerned  in.  —  quaestor  urbanus, 
city  treasurer  (see  note,Verr.  I.  §  11),  in  which  capacity  he  appears 
to  have  done  a  service  to  Caesar,  who  was  then  in  Gaul. 

§  36.  nihil  egit  aliud,  had  no  other  object.  —  tot  talibus,  many 
and  excellent  as  they  are.  —  dederis,  §  58,  7.  —  condonaveris  : 
condonare  is  to  grant  something  for  the  sake  of  some  one  else. 
— haec,  the  present  condition  of  things.  —  officio,  brotherly  kind- 


136  Notes.  [Phil.  XIV. 

23«$o  §  37'  de  homine  nobilissimo,  i.e.  Marcellus.  —  in 
curia  before'  the  Senate  (see  Introd.  to  Or.  for  Marcellus).  —  foro  : 
Ligarius  had  been  accused  ;  hence  the  form  of  trial  in  the  Forum. 
—  populare,  popular,  but  in  a  strictly  political  sense  —  nulla, 
etc.,  not  one  of  your  many  virtues  is  ?nore,  &c,  than  7ne7'cy. 

§  38.  ut  possis  :  a  subst.  clause  of  result  (§  70,  4,  a),  because 
an  effect  is  implied  in  habet.  —  postulet,  §  60,  2,  a. 


The  Last  Philippic. 
Argu?nent. 

Chap,  i,  2.  Rejoicing  is  premature,  while  Brutus  is  not  safe ;  his  rescue  has  been 
the  object  from  the  beginning.  —  3-5.  Antony  and  his  troops  should  be  held  as  public 
enemies  :  their  cruelties  at  Parma,  &c. :  the  city  itself  has  been  allotted  among  them. 
Cicero  would  extend  the  time  of  rejoicing,  and  salute  the  commanders  as  imperatores, 
to  which  their  deeds  entitle  them.  —  6,  7.  Absurd  charge  against  Cicero,  of  aiming  at 
power.     The  career  of  honors  is  open,  and  the  people  rate  men  according  to  their  deserts. 

—  8.  His  former  counsel,  that  Antony  be  declared  a  public  enemy.  This  is  implied  in 
the  proposed  su.pplica.tio. — 9,  10.  Exploits  and  eulogy  of  Pansa  and  Hirtius.  —  11,  12.  A 
supplicatio  recommended  of  fifty  days  for  the  three  commanders.  Eulogy  of  the  soldiers, 
the  living  and  the  dead.  Let  a  monument  be  erected  to  the  dead,  especially  of  the  legion 
of  Mars.  —  13.  Let  us  console  their  relatives,  and  pay  the  promised  reward  to  the  families 
of  the  dead,  as  well  as  to  the  survivors.  —  14.  Resolution  of  thanks  and  honor. 

PAGE 

5237.  §  !•  ex  litteris,  the  army-bulletins.  —  si  . . .  cognovis- 

sem  (see  note,  R.  A.  §  i)  :  the  construction  of  this  involved  sen- 
tence is,  If  I  knew  that  Brutus  was  already  gone  from  Mutina 
{which  we  all  greatly  wish,  and  think  to  be  effected  by  the  victory 
already  gained),  as  I  do  ktiow,  from  the  documents  just  read, 
that  the  army  of  our  worst  enemy  is  cut  to  pieces  and  put  to 
flight,  I  would  vote  without  hesitation,  &c.  D.  Brutus,  one  of 
Caesar's  murderers,  had  been  assigned  by  him  to  the  government 
of  Cisalpine  Gaul,  and  took  possession  of  the  province  after 
Caesar's  death.  In  the  summer,  Antony  procured  the  passage  of 
a  law  transferring  this  province  to  himself.  Brutus,  supported  by 
the  Senate,  refused  to  give  it  up,  and  upon  this  issue  hostilities 
broke  out.  Brutus  was  at  this  time  besieged  in  Mutina  (Modena), 
and  the  consuls,  Hirtius  and  Pansa,  had  moved  to  raise  the  siege. 

—  ad  saga,  etc.,  as  we  should  say  figuratively  "  to  arms,"  the 
sagum  being  the  type  of  anxiety  and  alarm,  as  the  toga  was  of 
security  and  peace. 

As  the  toga  was  the  garb  of  peace,  so  the  sagum  was  that  of  war.  It  was  a  simple 
woollen  cloak,  fastened  over  one  shoulder  with  a  clasp  or  buckle,  fibula,  while  the  toga 


§  i-6]  The  Last  Philifpic.  137 

had  no  fastening,  but  was  wound  in  elaborate  folds  about  the  body.  The  sagum  was 
worn  in  the  army,  and  also  in  the  city  when,  as  now,  there  was  civil  war,  or  war  near 
home.  Ire  ad  saga  was  a  mark  of  a  state  of  war  ;  redire  ad  vestitutn  would  come  with 
peace. 

ea  res  :  the  raising  of  the  s'iege. 

§  2.  sententia,  proposition.  —  in  hodiernum  diem:  i.  e.  for  the 
day's  rejoicings.  —  id  agamus  ut,  let  us  do  so  with  the  intention 
to  retain  it.  —  turpe  est :  it  were  a  mockery  to  show  rejoicing  and 
triumph,  when  the  gods  had  as  yet  granted  only  half  their  prayers. 

.§  3.  redierimus,  sc.  ad  vestitum.  —  ne  .  .  .  prodatur :  i.  e.  by 
changing  the  dress  for  the  one  day,  it  will  appear  that  it  was  not 
on  account  of  Brutus  that  the  change  was  made :  for  he  was  not 
yet  safe.  —  tollito  banc,  set  aside  this  motive  (a  kind  of  protasis, 
§  60,  1,  b). —  pravse,  perverse.  —  conservate,  &c,  maintain  your 
dignity  (by  sustaining  Brutus). 

§  4.  legati  :  this  was  in  January.  At  the  head  of  the  embassy 
was  the  distinguished  jurist,  Ser.  Sulpicius  Galba,  who  died  on 
the  journey.  The  Ninth  Philippic  was  spoken  in  commemoration 
of  him.  —  denuntiaret,  order  (with  threats) .  —  hosti,  Antony. 

£38.  Hirtius,  the  consul  (see  Introd.).  —  imbecillitatem, 
infirm  condition.  Cicero  had  said  of  him  before,  "  How  feeble 
and  worn  he  was  !  But  the  infirmity  of  his  body  did  not  check 
the  vigor  of  his  soul."  —  per  se,  through  his  own  exertions  (§  54, 
4,  b). —  liberasset  :  Octavianus  had  taken  an  active  part  in  the 
autumn  in  thwarting  Antony's  plans.  —  dolorem  aliquem  domes- 
ticum,  soi?ie  private  griefs  for  the  death  of  his  adoptive  father. 
Cicero  would  imply  that  he  was  too  true  a  patriot  to  feel  a  real 
affection  for  the  dictator. 

§  5.  quid  . . .  egit,  what  object  had  Pansa  f  He  had  set  out 
for  Mutina  some  weeks  after  his  colleague.  —  faciendis,  procuring. 
—  necessitati  victus,  implying  that  the  war  brought  distress  in 
the  provision-market.  —  quod,  i.  e.  the  liberation  of  Brutus  from 
siege.  —  inibi  esse,  on  the  very  point  of  being  achieve'd.  —  et 
connects  rei  and  evento. — praeripuisse,  seized  prematurely,  if 
the  news  proved  true  ;  contempsisse,  scorned,  if  it  proved  false. 

§  6.  significatio  vestra,  the  indication  you  have  given.  —  pro- 
praetore  :  i.  e.  Caesar  Octavianus,  upon  whom  the  Senate  had 
specially  conferred  this  rank  early  in  January.  He  was  left  in  sole 
command  after  the  deaths  of  Hirtius  and  Pansa.  —  si . . .  ante,  as 
soon  as. —  pertineant,  §  66,  1,  b.  —  imbuti,  stained;  madefacti, 
bathed.  —  exercituumque  :  this  term  is  added,  because  the  legions 
contained  only  Romans,  while  the  consular  armies  had  also  aux- 
iliaries.—  duobus  . . .  prcelio  :  the  battle  was  begun  by  Pansa,  who 
was  routed  and  mortally  wounded  —  although  the  fatal  character 
of  his  wound  was  not  yet  known  at  Rome  ;  then  the  fortune  of  the 
day  was  retrieved  by  reinforcements  led  by  Hirtius.     Octavianus 


138  Notes.  [Phil.  XIV. 

took  no  part  in  this  engagement,  but  repulsed  an  attack  upon  the 
camp. — hostium,  civium  :  Cicero's  great  point  in  the  Philippics 
is  to  make  out  that  Antony  —  like  Catiline  —  is  no  citizen,  but  a 
public  enemy.  In  the  argument  that  follows,  he  shows  that  the 
proposition  of  a  supplicatio  (see  note,  Cat.  III.  15),  which  had  never 
been  decreed  except  for  a  victory  over  foreign  enemies,  indorses 
this  view  by  treating  'Antony  as  an  enemy.  —  nefarium  scelus  : 
observe  the  chiasmos.  —  nisi  mucrones,  etc.,  unless  you  wish 
their  very  sword-blades  to  waver  in  doubt. 

§  7.  hostem  :  the  proposition  seems  to  have  studiously  omitted 
calling  Antony's  troops  enemies  :  this  Cicero  objects  to.  —  vero, 
forsooth,  marks  the  irony.  —  improbis,  criminal,  sc.  civibus.  — 
clarissimus  vir :  P.  Servilius  Vatia,  the  proposer  of  the  suppli- 
catio, Caesar's  colleague  in  his  second  consulship,  b.  c.  48.  — 
urbanarum,  civil.  —  internecivi,  to  the  death.  —  circumscribunt, 
swindle. 

239.  §  8.  infert,  of  offensive  war.  —  quattuor  consulibus  : 
i.  e.  besides  the  two  consuls,  the  two  consuls  elect,  Plancus  and 
D.  Brutus.  —  gerit,  is  actually  carrying  on.  —  suis  cladibus,  the 
evils  he  threatens.  —  Dolabellae  facinus  :  Dolabella,  Antony's 
colleague  in  the  consulship  (b.  c.  44),  when  on  his  way  to  the 
province  of  Syria,  in  February  43,  assaulted  Smyrna  by  treachery, 
captured  the  propraetor  of  Asia,  C.  Trebonius  (one  of  the  conspir- 
ators against  Caesar),  and  put  him  to  death  with  indignities  and 
torture.  —  hoc  templo  :  i.e.  that  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus,  where  the 
Senate  was  now  met.  —  Parmensium  :  Parma  had  been  captured 
by  Antony,  and  treated  in  the  manner  here  described.  —  propu- 
dium  et  portentum,  prodigy  of  wickedness.  —  L.  Antonius,  the 
youngest  brother  of  Mark  Antony  (cos.  B.  c.  41). 

§  9.  oblita,  besmeared.  —  crudelitatem  :  the  cruelty  of  the 
Carthaginians  was  proverbial  —  at  least  among  their  enemies  the 
Romans.  —  capta,  taken  by  assault :  surrepta,  surprised. 

§  10.  hujus  urbis  :  sc.  eum  esse  :  urbis  limits  quid  in  the 
same  sense  as  coloniarum  limits  hostis.  —  explendas,  replenish- 
ing. —  latrocini,  gang  of  robbers.  —  peritus  metator  et  callidus, 
that  tried  and  shrewd  surveyor.  —  Saxa,  L.  Decidius  ;  a  Celti- 
berian  by  birth,  originally  a  land-surveyor,  a  creature  of  Caesar's 
and  now  of  Antony's.  The  reference  here  is  to  a  law  of  Antonius, 
passed  in  the  June  preceding,  for  the  establishment  of  colonies 
of  veterans.  —  domesticis,  within  the  walls. 

24:0.  dissipatis,  spread  abroad.  —  domum,  home  (actual 
abode)  ;  tecta,  buildings  (in  general)  ;  larem,  domestic  hearth. 

The  Lares,  or  deified  ancestors,  are  hardly  to  be  distinguished,  as  an  object  of  wor- 
ship, from  the  Penates,  or  household  gods  (see  note,  Cat.  IV.  §  17).  Each  compihtm,  or 
cross-road,  had  its  lares,  who  were  the  object  of  the  sacra  of  the  collegia  compitalicia 
(see  note,  Sest.  §  13).    The  lar  familiaris  was  that  of  the  family. 


§  6-I4-]  The  Last  Philippe.  139 

si  quis  attulerit  . . .  assentiar,  if  any  would  propose,  I  would 
accept. 

§  11.  decreverit,  has  moved.  —  omnino  numerum,  the  number 
in  all.  —  cui,  interrogative.  —  ut  non,  etc.,  without  his  being 
called,  &c,  even  though,  &c.  —  decernenda  non  fuit,  ought  not 
to  have  been  voted. 

§  12.  an  .  .  .  adimemus,  shall  we  then  deprive  ?  —  appellaret, 
would  have  styled  (imperf.  because  of  repeated  action).  —  quae 
increbuit :  in  the  later  days  of  the  republic,  the  title  of  imperator 
and  the  honor  of  triumph  were  granted  upon  much  less  cause  than 
in  earlier  times.  —  ovantem  :  the  ovatio  was  an  inferior  triumph, 
sometimes  granted  by  the  Senate,  in  cases  when  the  proportions 
or  circumstances  of  the  victory,  or  the  rank  of  the  commander,  did 
not  warrant  the  supreme  honor  of  a  triumph  (see  note,  Man.  §  8). 
The  general  did  not  wear  the  purple  embroidered  robe,  or  the  laurel 
crown,  but  the  ordinary  toga  pr&texta,  and  a  wreath  of  myrtle. 

§  1 3.  is  demum,  that  only.  —  sive,  if  either. 

^4:1.  gratias  agebant,  gave  a  vote  of  thanks.  —  tu  igitur,  sc. 
gloriaris.  —  dixerit,  hortat.  subj.  (§57,  3).  —  equidem,  concessive. 

—  gratiam  non  referri,  that  a  favor,  should  not  be  returned. 

§  14.  Parilibus  :  the  Parilia  or  Palilia  (April  21)  was  one  of 
the  most  ancient  Roman  festivals,  in  honor  of  Pales,  a  goddess 
of  flocks.  This  day  was  regarded  as  the  anniversary  of  the  found- 
ing of  the  city.  —  qui  dies,  etc.,  which  occur  this  very  day.  — 
cum  fascibus  descensurum,  was  coming  down  with  the  insignia 
of  usurped  power.  —  hoc  esse  conlatum,  this  [intention]  was 
attributed.  — ne  quid,  §  65,  1,  r.  —  [ut]  :  if  this  word  is  retained, 
the  expression  is  subj.  of  exclam.  (§  70,  4,  b)  ;  if  omitted,  a  rhe- 
torical question  (§  57,  6).  —  exsisterem,  etc.,  should  turn  out  of 
a  sudden  another  Catiline.  (Imperf.  as  referring  back  to  the  time 
when  his  enemies  said  "descended") — quibus  auspiciis,  i.e.  by 
what  formal  authority.  —  augur,  /  an  augur  (emphatic)  :  i.  e.  an 
augur  would  know  his  science  too  well  for  such  an  attempt.  This 
was  the  latest  of  Cicero's  official  honors,  received  ten  years  before ; 
and  he  fully  appreciates  the  dignity  of  the  priestly  craft. 

While  an  augur  had  the  power  of  interpreting  the  auspices,  only  magistrates  had  the 
power  of  taking  them  (see  note,  Cat.  IV.  2);  and  augurs  were  not  in  any  sense  magis- 
trates. Further,  any  assumption  of  power  would  be  invalid  unless  confirmed  by  auspices. 
Cicero,  though  an  augur,  was  unable  to  take  the  first  preliminary  step  to  any  usurpation 
of  power.  A  technical  obstacle  like  this  would  not  stand  long  in  the  way  of  a  modern 
usurper ;  but  the  stress  here  laid  upon  it  illustrates  the  degree  in  which  the  peculiar  for- 
malism of  the  Roman  religion  had  become  worked  into  the  Roman  mind ;  and  further, 
the  power  exercised  by  this  adherence  to  form  in  protecting  the  institutions  of  the  State. 

traderem  :    the   i7nperitim,   as  well   as   the   auspicia,   descended 
by  regular  succession,  like  ecclesiastical  functions  in  the  church. 

—  quemquamne  fuisse,  §  57,  8,  g.  —  sermo,  mere  talk,  not  even 
honest  suspicion. 


140  Notes.  [Phil.  XIV. 

§  15.  illam  curiam,  i.  e.  the  Pompeian :  this  was  to  the  north  of 
the  Capitoline,  and  was  the  scene  of  Caesar's  death  :  hence  the 
term  infelicem.  —  furiis  suis,  their  own  madmen.  (The  mss.  have 
viribus  or  juris  :  Klotz's  conjecture  partibus  is  adopted  by  Halm.) 
—  ad  me  :  as  being  now  the  leading  man  in  the  State.  —  quae  is 
obj.  and  res  subj.  of  patefecit. 

§  16.  jam  inde,  ever  since. 

34:^.  optatissimi  nuntii,  etc. :  i.  e.  of  the  victory  at  Mutina. 
liberarit,  perf.  as  of  an  effect  still  continuing  (§  58,  5,  b). 

§  17.  male  mecum  ageretur,  /  should  be  ill  dealt  with.  —  pur- 
gatus,  cleared.  —  jejuno,  mean  ("  meagre  ").  —  magnus  . . .  cam- 
pus, a  broad  field  is  open  in  public  life.  —  Crassus  :  the  great 
orator,  who  died  B.C.  .91.  —  apertus,  unobstructed.  —  quidem,  / 
am  sure.  —  principes  :  such  men  as  Catulus,  Lucullus,  Hortensius, 
Servilius  (Isauricus),  and  Metellus  Celer.  —  cum  .  .  .  cederem, 
when  I  myself  was  ready  to  yield  to  the7n.  —  quo  dolore,  in- 
terrogative.—  sententiam  moderari,  govern  their  views. 

§  18.  principatus  (obj.  gen.),  supremacy.  —  cursus,  speed. — 
optime  sentiam,  have  the  noblest  views. 

SJ4L3.  et  libenter,  and  should  be  glad  to  be. 

§  19.  haec  . . .  ferunt,  these  things,  as  some  maliciously  say,  the 
Roman  people  see,  &c.  —  poteratne  fieri,  was  it  possible  t  —  uni- 
verso,  as  a  whole.  —  xiii.  Kal.  Jan.  (Dec.  20),  the  day  when  the 
third  and  fourth  Philippics  were  spoken,  —  one  in  the  Senate  and 
one  in  the  Forum,  —  declaring  Antony  a  public  enemy  ;  Kal.  Jan., 
when,  in  the  fifth  Philippic,  he  urged  that  no  negotiations  should 
be  had  with  him.  The  campaign  against  Antony  may  be  said  to 
have  begun  with  the  former;  but  no  active  measures  could  be 
taken  until  the  new  consuls  entered  upon  office  on  the  first  of 
January. 

§  20.  legatos  :  it  was  on  the  question  of  sending  this  embassy 
(see  note,  §  4)  that  Cicero  delivered  the  fifth  Philippic.  —  ilium 
hostem,  sc.  appellari.  (Observe  the  condensed  emphasis,  caused 
by  omission  of  the  verbs.) 

§  21.  P.  Ventidium  :  an  officer  of  Antony's  army.  He  after- 
wards gained  some  important  successes  over  the  Parthians,  B.  c. 
38.  —  f  volusenum  :  the  mss.  here  are  hopelessly  corrupt.  —  dis- 
cessionem  :  a  vote  by  going  to  one  part  of  the  house  (pedibus 
ire  in  sententiam  :  see  Introd.  note,  Cat.  IV.). 

§  22.  semel  et  saepius,  once  and  again.  —  sustulerunt,  i.  e. 
refused  to  put  the  question.  The  presiding  officer  had  the  right 
to  decide  what  questions  should  be  put. 

QW%  imprudens,  unawares. 

§  23.  bellum  Octavianum  :  the  reaction,  b.  c.  87,  by  which 
Sulla's    partisan,  the   consul   Octavius,  was  expelled   by  his  col- 


§  14-32  ]  The  Last  Philip  fie.  141 

league  Cinna.  —  Servili,  P.  Servilius  Vatia,  colleague  of  Caesar, 
B.  c.  48.  —  de  Alexandria  :  for  a  victory  over  the  Egyptians  ;  de 
Fharnace,  son  of  Mithridates,   King  of   Pontus   (both  victories, 

B.C.  47). 

§  24.  Gabinium  (see  Or.  for  Sestius)  :  he  had  claimed  a  sup- 
filicatio,  which  the  Senate  steadily  refused,  for  some  successes 
against  Arab  marauders  in  Syria.  —  re,  in  effect;  verbo,  in  so 
many  words. 

§  25.  habet,  has  already.  —  honoris  amplissimi :  i.  e.  the  con- 
sulship.—  alterum,  i.e.  consul;  alteram,  imperator. —  jugulis, 
i.  e.  lives  simply. 

245.  a  membris,  etc.  :  Antony  would  not  only  cut  their 
throats,  but  treat  their  bodies  with  indignity,  —  as  was,  in  fact,  after- 
wards done  in  the  case  of  Cicero  ;  perhaps  even  torture  them,  like 
Dolabella. 

§  26.  princeps,  leader  in.  —  legione  Martia  :  this  was  one  of 
the  two  legions  (the  other  was  the  Quarto)  that  had  gone  over 
from  Antony  to  the  Senate  the  November  previous. 

§  27.  beneficia  :  i.  e.  grants  of  money  and  assignments  of  land 
to  Caesar's  veterans,  as  well  as  new  enactments  making  military 
service  less  onerous.  —  viginti  cohortibus,  i.  e.  two  legions  (see 
note,  Manil.  §  yj). —  qua  .  .  .  accepimus,  than  which  we  have 
heard  of  no  nobler  exa7nple  of  a  commander.  —  tribus,  in  point 
of  fact,  Antony  had  only  two  legions  engaged  :  but  full  particulars 
had  not  yet  reached  Rome,  and  Cicero  appears  to  have  thought 
that  a  third  legion,  the  Alauda,  which  he  had  with  him,  was  en- 
gaged in  the  fight. 

246.  §  28-  postulanda,  to  be  expected.  —  dabamus,  conative 
imperf.  —  ejus  nominis,  that  title  :  imperator  being  connected 
with  imperium.  —  castra,  the  camp  of  Hirtius. 

§  29.  decerno  :  note  that  this  word  does  not  mean  decree,  but, 
of  a  single  senator,  simply  vote.  —  quinquaginta,  an  unprece- 
dented number.  Ten  days'  supplicatio  had  been  decreed  for 
Pompey's  victories  in  Africa,  and  fifteen  for  Caesar's  defeat  of  the 
Belgians.  —  conjungi,  joined  with  that  of  the  commanders. 

§  30.  cumulata,  redoubled.  —  praestabitur,  will  be  redeemed 
("  fulfilled  ").  —  secuti  sunt  =  relied  on.  —  quibus,  i.  e.  the  living, 
whose  silent  presence  is  a  reminder. 

§  31.  occurrunt,  suggest  themselves. 

247.  Albam,  sc.  Fucensem,  a  town  among  the  mountains, 
in  the  territory  of  the  Marsi,  which  the  Martian  legion  took  and 
held  after  revolting  from  Antony.  —  desiderat,  has  lost. 

§  33.  idem  deus  :  Mars  was  the  special  patron  god  of  Rome, 
—  a  relation  not  inconsistent  with  the  recognition  of  Jupiter  as  the 
supreme  god  of  all.    The  establishment  of  the  worship  of  Jupiter 


142  Notes.  [Phil.  XIV. 

Capitolinus,  as  the  central  point  of  Roman  religion,  belongs  to 
that  stage  in  the  history  of  Rome  —  the  period  of  the  Tarquinian 
dynasty  —  when,  from  being  a  single  Latin  city,  she  became  the 
head  of  the  Latin  name.  —  pignerari,  claim  as  his  own. 

248.  §  34-  bustis,  burial-mounds.  The  bustum  was  properly 
the  heap  of  ashes  left  after  the  body  had  been  consumed  with  the 
rogus.  The  term  was  also  applied  to  the  mound  erected  on  the 
spot  where  the  body  was  burned. 

24:9.  §  37-  alter  ambove  :  the  imperium  of  the  two  consuls 
was  absolutely  equal,  and  the  power  of  neither  was  impaired  by 
any  field  of  action  specially  assigned,  or  any  duty  specially  im- 
posed upon  the  other.  Such  special  assignment  of  functions  was 
only  conditional  upon  mutual  consent,  and  either  had  a  legal  right 
to  interfere  in  the  other's  province.  Of  course,  however,  any  such 
interference  was  regarded  as  unwarranted,  and,  in  practice,  the  two 
colleagues  either  took  turns  in  the  administration,  or  agreed  upon 
a  division  of  functions  between  them. 


INDEX. 


Add/cere,  98. 
Adrogation  92. 
Advocati,  3,  43. 
sEdilis,  30. 
Adoption,  92. 
Ager  Publicus,  24. 
Agnatus,  92. 
Allies,  87. 
Antithesis,  4,  43. 
Aratores,  24. 
Aristocracy,  19. 
Asia,  22. 
Assemblies,  25. 
Auctoritas,  61. 
Augur ia>  44. 
Augur,  139. 
Auspicia,  80,  97,  139. 

2?0#«    Ztea,    104,   109, 

123. 
Bustum,  142. 
Cafite  Censi,  26. 
Capitolium,  84. 
Career,  71. 
Cavalry,  128. 
Censor,  89. 
Challenge,  21. 
Citizenship,  24. 
Client,  5,  85. 
Cohors,  35. 

Collegium,  88,  96,  1 1 7, 
Colonia,  63,  72,  86. 
Comitia,  25,  92,  96. 
Cotnitium,  41,  93,  103. 
Comj>erendinare,  29. 


Concilium,  96. 
Consilium,  17,  28. 
Consultum,  23,  81. 
Contio,  32,  96. 
Curia,  128. 

Decumat,  47. 
Detestatio  Sacrorum, 

92. 
Dictator,  126,  132. 
Diem  Dicere,  115. 
Discessio,  79. 
Z?/«5  Fidius,  94. 
Duumviri,  88. 

Elections,  63. 
Equites,  19. 
Evocare,  36. 
Evocatio  deorum,  36. 
Exsilium,  86,  88. 

Familia,  13,  48. 
Fasces,  52. 
Eiscus,  27. 
Forum,  42,  66. 
Freedmen,  8,  83  ;  suf- 
frage of,  124. 

Games,  28. 
(re»5,  131. 

Gracchus,  61,  83,  120. 
Gymnasia,  36. 

Haruspices,  74* 
Hospitium,  5,  85. 


Imagines,  25. 
Imperator,  35, 132, 139. 
Imperium,  50,  57,  60, 

122,  131,  142. 
Innocentia,  29. 
Intercalation,  125. 
Inter  rex,  no,  112. 

Judex  £>ua>stionis,  2. 
Judices,  2,  19,  33. 
Judicium,  20,  33. 
y«5  Gentium,  16,  23. 
y«5  Exsilii,  86. 

Lares,  138. 
Laws  (title),  13. 
Legatus,  22,  28,  47. 
Legion,  28,  53. 
Libertus,  8,  83. 
£«**>-,  33,  52. 
ZrfVtt  jEstimatio,  31. 

Manumission,  118. 
Mars,  141. 

Municipium,  5,  66,  72. 
Munus,  30. 

Nobility,  19.  25. 

Obnunliare,  ofl. 
Oppidum,  12. 
CW0,  18. 
Ovation,  139. 

Palatium,  60. 
Parricide,  10. 


i44 


Index, 


Patria  Potestas,  131. 
Patricians,  77. 
Patronus,  5,  44,  73. 
Penates,  84. 
Piratical  State,  51. 
Plebiscitum,  26,  55. 
Pontifex,  61. 
Prcefectura,  73. 
Prcerogativa,  27. 
Prcelexta,  69,  87,  94. 
Praetor,    23,   44,   56, 

58,   73,  88. 
Proconsul,  50,  67. 
Propraetor,  88. 
Princess  Senatus,  75, 

79- 
Prorogare,  57. 
Proscription,  6,  132. 
Provincia,  22. 
Prytaneum,  36. 
Publtcam,  24,  45,  48. 
Puteal,  93. 

Qucestio  (torture),  13. 
Qucestiones  Perpetua, 

2. 
Quaastor,  22. 
Quirites,  43. 


Referre,   32^56,   79, 

119. 
<£*£&,  115. 
Reicere,  21. 
Relatives,  2. 
Repetundce,  19. 
Rogatio,  67,  95. 
Rogus,  142. 

Sacramentum,  121. 
Sagum,  136. 
Scribcz,  79,  83. 
Scriptura,  48. 
Sect  ores,  13. 
5W/tf  Curulis,  80. 
Senaculum,  72. 
Senate,  19,  23,  79. 
Senatus  Consultum,  2] 

23,  61. 
Sententia,  20,  79* 
Sertorius,  46. 
Servare  de  ccelo,  97. 
Sibylline  Books,  74. 
Slaves,  48,  83,  118. 
Socii,  24. 
Stator,  63. 
Stipendium,  47. 
Sulla,  4,  15. 


Supplicatio,     76,    78, 
138. 


Tabella,  75. 
Tabula?  Novaz,  71. 
Tabular/urn,  88. 
Templutn,  59. 
Tempora,  44. 
Toga,  87,  136. 
Torture,  13,  118. 
Transitio    ad  plebem, 

92. 
Transvectio   Equitum, 

5*. 

Tribes,  83. 

Tribunus  s&rarius,  33, 
,         83. 

„         Militaris,  28. 

„         Plebis,  31. 
Triumph,    46,    57,    85, 

139- 
Twelve  Tables,  108. 

Vectigalia,  45,  48. 

Vesta,  84. 

Vestal  Virgins,  75. 

Vestts  mutatio,  96,  137. 


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the  Notes  being  wholly  rewritten,  enlarged,  and  adapted  to  Allen  &  Green- 
ough's  Grammar ;  accompanied  by  Six  Orations  of  Cicero,  —  the  Manilian,  the 
four  Catilines,  and  Archias.  With  Vocabulary.  12m o.  Half  morocco.  543 
pages 1.75 

ALLEN'S  LATIN  PRIMER.    A  First  Book  of  Latin  for 

Boys  and  Girls.    (By  J.  H.  Allen.)    12mo.    Cloth.    182  pages  ...        .90 

This  is  designed  for  the  use  of  scholars  of  a  younger  class,  and  consists  of  thirty 
Lessons  arranged  so  as  to  give  a  full  outline  of  the  grammar,  with  brief  Rules  of  Syn- 
tax, Tables  of  Inflection,  and  interlined  exercises  for  practice  in  reading,  compiled 
from  Historic?,  Sacra.  The  reading  selections  which  follow  include  Dialogues  from 
Corderius  and  Erasmus  (with  translation),  narratives,  nursery  songs,  mediaeval 
hymns,  etc.,  being  made  up  in  great  part  troni  modern  Latin  writers. 

ALLEN'S   LATIN   LEXICON  :    a  General  Vocabulary  of 
Latin,  with  Supplementary  Tables  of  Dates,  Antiquities,  etc.    By  J.  II.  Allen. 

12mo.     Cloth.    214  pages 90 

This  little  dictionary  contains  "  about  15,000  words  of  common  use,  besides  more 
than  1,300  proper  names  or  adjectives,  and  about  200  dates  (exclusive  of  the  Tables), 
covering  the  more  important  points  of  classical  history  and  mythology."  It  is  be- 
lieved to  be  complete  for  the  entire  introductory  course  of  Latin  authors,  including 
Ovid  and  Virgil. 

LEIGHTON'S  LATIN  LESSONS.    Prepared  to  accompany 

Allen  &  Greenough's  Latin  Grammar.  By  R.  F.Leiguton,  former  Master  of 
Melrose  High  School.  Revised  Edition.  12mo.  Half  morocco.  352  pages  .  1.1? 
This  work  presents  a  progressive  series  of  exercises  (both  Latin  and  English)  in 
about  eighty  Lessons,  illustrating  the  grammatical  forms  and  the  simpler  principles 
of  syntax.  Synonymes  and  Rules  of  Quantity  are  introduced  from  the  first.  The 
amount  of  illustrative  matter  in  exercises  for  reading  and  writing  or  oral  practice 
is  very  large,  including  portions  of  Vmi  RomjE,  and  Woodford's  Epitome  of  the  First 
Book  of  Caesar.  Full  Vocabularies  (prepared  by  R.  F.  Pennell)  accompany  the 
book,  with  questions  for  examination  aud  review  of  the  grammar. 

The  Lessons  have  been  entirely  rewritten,  considerably  simplified,  and  more  care- 
fully graded.  AVith  each  lesson,  definite  directions  have  been  given  in  regard  to  the 
amount  of  the  grammar  to  be  learned.  By  decreasing  the  exercises  to  be  translated 
into  English,  space  has  been  given  to  increase  correspondingly  the  amount  to  be  put 
into  Latin.  Some  instruction  on  the  formation  of  words  has  been  given,  and  the 
references  to  the  grammar  on  that  subject  largely  increased.  The  vocabularies 
have  also  been  carefully  revised. 

MADVIG'S  LATIN  GRAMMAR.     Carefully  revised  by 

Thomas  A.  Thacheb,  Yale  College.    12mo.     Half  morocco.    517  pages      .        .      2.25 
A  book  »f  the  very  highest  authority  in  Latin  Syntax,  and  admirably  adapted  to 
the  wants  of  Teachers  and  College  Classes. 

NEW  LATIN   METHOD:   a  Manual  of  Instruction  in  Latin 
on  the  Basis  of  a  Latin  Method  prepared  by  J.  H.  Allen  and  J.  B.  Greenough. 

12mo.    Cloth.    244  pages 94 

The  "New  Method"  contains:  1.  About  thirty  Elementary  Lessons  on  the 
forms  of  the  language,  and  the  constructions  suggested  by  the  definitions  of  eases, 
moods,  etc.,  accompanied  by  full  Paradigms,  and  Exercises  in  Latin  and  English, 
with  partial  vocabularies.  N.  B.  This  portion  of  the  book  can  be  used  independently 
of  the  Grammar,  and  is  sufficient  for  a  course  of  about  a  year's  study  —  2.  Con- 
structions op  Syntax  symmetrically  grouped,  with  full  references  to  the  Grammar, 


each  topic  being  illustrated  by  numerous  examples,  with  exercises  to  be  rendered 
into  Latin,  so  as  to  make  a  full  elementary  manual  of  Latin  Composition.  —  3.  On 
Reading  Latin  :  brief  sections  on  the  Latin  Sentence,  with  examples  of  analysis  and 
translation;  the  Derivation  of  Words;  and  Reading  at  Sight. — 4.  Reading  Les- 
sons, with  Vocabularies,  and  Tabular  List  of  Synonymes. 

PARALLEL  RULES  OF  GREEK  and  LATIN  SYN- 
TAX FOR  USE  IN  SCHOOLS.     Prepared   by  Instructors    in   the   Classical 
Department  of  Williston  Seminary,  at  Easthampton,  Mass.     Cloth.    33  pages     .  $  0.76 
The  object  of  this  little  pamphlet,  prepared  by  two  instructors  in  Williston  Sem- 
inary, is  to  put  clearly  before  their  pupils  the  correspondences  and  the  differences  in 
Greek  and  Latin  Syntax. 

THE  LATIN  VERB.     Illustrated  by  the  Sanskrit.    By  C.  H. 

Pakkhcest.    12mo.    Cloth.    55  pages 85 

WHITE'S  JUNIOR  STUDENT'S  LATIN-ENGLISH 

LEXICON.     Square  12mo.    662  pages.     Morocco  back 2.00 

Sheep  ....  255 

WHITE'S  JUNIOR  STUDENT'S  LATIN-ENGLISH 

AND  ENGLISH-LATIN  LEXICON.     By  the  Rev.  J.  T.  White,  D  D.,  of 
C.  C.  C.  Oxford,  Rector  of  St.  Martin,  Ludgate,    London.      Revised  Edition. 

Square  12mo.    1058  pages.    Sheep 3.00 

"The  present  work  aims  at  furnishing  in  both  its  parts  a  sufficiently  extensive 
vocabulary  for  all  practical  purposes.  The  Latin  words  and  phrases  are  in  all  cases 
followed  by  the  name  of  some  standard  Latin  writer,  as  a  guaranty  of  their  author- 
ity ;  and  as  the  work  is  of  a  strictly  elementary  character,  the  conjugation  of  the 
verbs  and  the  genders  and  genitive  cases  of  the  substantives  are  uniformly  added. 
In  the  preparation  of  this  portion  of  the  book,  Dr.  White  has  had  the  assistance  of 
some  of  the  best  scholars  both  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge."  —  Guardian. 

WHITE'S  JUNIOR  STUDENT'S  ENGLISH-LATIN 

LEXICON.    Square  12mo.    Sheep.    392  pages 1.75 

We  have  contracted  with  Messrs.  Longmans,  Green,  &  Co.,  of  London,  for  the 
sole  agency  in  this  country  for  the  above  Latin  Lexicons,  and  shall  endeavor  to  meet 
the  demands  of  the  trade. 

WHITON'S    SIX   WEEKS'    PREPARATION    FOR 

READING  C.3ESAR.     With  References  to  Allen  &  Greenough's,  Gildersleeve's, 

and  Harkness's  Grammars.    18mo.    Paper  cover 25 

WHITON'S  AUXILIA  VERGILIANA;  or,  First  Steps 

in  Latin  Prosody.    12 mo.     Paper  cover .20 

Intended  to  facilitate  the  mastery  of  metre  and  rhythm  at  the  very  outset  of  the 
study  of  Latin  poetry. 


GREEK. 

GOODWIN'S    GKEEK  GRAMMAR.    By  William  W. 

Goodwin,  Ph.  D.,  Eliot  Professor  of  Greek  Literature  in  Harvard  University. 

12mo.    Halt  morocco.     262  pages $  1.18 

The  object  of  this  Grammar  is  to  state  general  principles  clearly  and  distinctly, 
•with  special  regard  to  those  who  are  preparing  for  college.     In  the  sections  on  the 
Moods  are  stated,  for  the  first  time  in  an  elementary  form,  the  principles  which  are  - 
elaborated  in  detail  in  the  author's  "  Syntax  of  the  Greek  Moods  and  Tenses." 

GBEEK    MOODS    AND    TENSES.     The  Sixth  Edition. 

By  William  W.  Goodwin,  Eliot  Professor  of  Greek  Literature  in  Harvard  Uni- 
versity.    1  vol.    12mo.     Cloth.    264  pages 1  31 

This  work  was  first  published  in  1860,  and  it  appeared  in  a  new  form  —  much  en- 
larged and  in  great  part  rewritten  —  in  1865.  In  the  present  edition  the  whole  has 
bee°n  again  revised  ;  some  sections  and  notes  have  been  rewritten,  and  a  few  notes 
have  been  added.  The  object  of  the  work  is  to  give  a  plain  statement  of  the  princi- 
ples which  govern  the  construction  of  the  Greek  Moods  and  Tenses,  —  the  most  im- 
portant and  the  most  diflicult  part  of  Greek  Syntax. 

GOODWIN'S   GREEK   READER.     Consisting  of  Extracts 

from  Xenophon,  Plato,  Herodotus,  and  Thuc^dides  ;  being  the  full  amount  of 
Greek  Prose  required  for  admission  at  Harvard.     With  Maps,  Notes,  Inferences 
to  GOOmVliN'S  GREEK  GRAMMAR,  and  parallel  References  to  CROSBY'S  and 
IIADLEY'S  GRAMMARS.     Second  edition,  edited  by  Professor  W.  W.  Good- 
win, of  Harvard  College.     12mo.     Half  morocco.     384  pages       ....     1.50 
The  revised  edition  contains  the  first  and  second  books  of  the  Anabasis  (in  place 
of  the  third  and  fourth  books  of  the  former  editions)  with  copious  notes,  the  greater 
part  of  the  second  book  and  an  extract  from  the  seventh  of  the  Helleuica,  with  the 
first  chapter  of  the  Memorabilia,  of  Xenophon  ;  the  last  part  of  the  Apology,  and  the 
beginning  and  end  of  the  Phaedo,  of  Plato  ;  selections  from  the  sixth,  seventh,  and 
eighth  books  of  Herodotus,  and  from  the  fourth  book  of  Thucydides. 


GOODWIN'S    SELECTIONS    FROM    XENOPHON 

AND  HERODOTUS.  With  Notes  adapted  to  Goodwin's  Greek  Grammar, 
Parallel  References  to  Crosby's  and  Hadley's  Grammars,  and  copper-plate 
Maps.    Edited  by  Professor  \V.  \V.  Goodwin  and  John  Williams  White,  of 

Harvard  College.     12mo.     Half  morocco     408  pages 1.50 

This  book  contains  the  first  four  books  of  the  Anabasis,  and  the  greater  part  of 
the  second  book  of  the  Hellenica,  of  Xenophon  ;  and  extracts  from  the  sixth,  seventh, 
and  eighth  books  of  Herodotus.  It  has  been  prepared  for  the  use  of  those  who  from 
want  of  time  or  for  other  reasons  are  unable  to  read  the  greater  variety  of  selections 
in  Greek  Prose  which  are  contained  in  Goodwin's  Greek  Reader. 


THE  FIRST  FOUR  BOOKS  OF  THE  ANABASIS 

OF  XENOPHON.  Edited,  with  copious  Notes  and  References  to  Goodwin's 
Greek  Grammar,  Parallel  References  to  Crosby's  and  Hadley's  Grammars,  and 
a  copper-plate  Map,  by  Professor  W.  W.  Goodwin  and  John  Williams  White, 
of  Harvard  College.    12mo.     Half  morocco.     240  pages 91 

LEIGHTON'S  GREEK  LESSONS.  Prepared  to  accompany 
Goodwin's  Greek  Grammar.     By  R.  F.  Leighton,  Master  of  Melrose  High  School. 

12mb.     Half  morocco.     264  pages 1.18 

This  work  contains  about  one  hundred  lessons,  with  a  progressive  series  of  exer- 
cises (both  Greek  and  English),  mainly  selected  from  the  first  book  of  Xenophon 's 
Anabasis.  The  exercises  on  the  Moods  are  sufficient,  it  is  believed,  to  develop  the 
general  principles  as  stated  in  the  Grammar.  The  text  of  four  chapters  of  the 
Anabasis  is  given  entire,  with  notes  and  references.  Full  vocabularies  accompany 
the  book. 


J 


LIDDELL   &   SCOTT'S   GREEK-ENGLISH   LEXI- 

CON.  Abridged  from  the  new  Oxford  Edition.  New  Edition.  With  Appendix 
of  Proper  and  Geographical  Names,  by  J.  M.  Whiton.   Square  12m o.   835  pages. 

Morocco  back $2.00 

Sheep  binding 2.25 

LIDDELL    &    SCOTT'S    GREEK-ENGLISH   LEXI- 
CON.    The  sixth  Oxford  Edition  unabridged.    4to.     Sheep.  1,881  pages.        .    10.00 

The  English  editions  of  Liddell  &  Scott  are  not  stereotyped ;  but  each  has  been 
thoroughly  revised,  enlarged,  and  printed  anew.  The  sixth  edition,  published  in  1869, 
is  larger  by  one  eighth  than  the  fifth,  and  contains  1,865  pages.  It  is  an  entirely  dif- 
ferent work  from  the  first  edition,  the  whole  department  of  etymology  having  been 
rewritten  in  the  light  of  modern  investigations,  and  the  forms  of  the  irregular  verbs 
being  given  in  greater  detail  by  the  aid  of  Veitch's  Catalogue.  No  student  of  Greek 
can  afford  to  dispense  with  this  invaluable  Lexicon,  the  price  of  which  is  now  for  the 
first  time  brought  within  the  means  of  the  great  body  of  American  scholars. 

PLATO'S  APOLOGY  OP  SOCRATES  AND  CRITO. 

Edited  by  John  Williams  White,  Ph.  D.,  Assistant  Professor  of  Greek  in 

Harvard  University. 
The  basis  of  this  work  will  be  the  German  edition  of  Dr  Christian  Cron.  (Platons 
Vertheidigungsrede  des  Sokrates  und  Kriton.  Sechste  Auflage.  Leipzig,  Teubner, 
1875.)  To  the  matter  contained  in  Dr.  Cron's  edition  there  will  be  added  notes  by 
the  Editor  and  from  other  sources,  analyses,  and  extended  references  to  Goodwin 
and  Hadley.  The  book  will  be  for  the  class-room,  and  all  matter  not  of  direct  value 
to  the  student  will  be  rigidly  excluded. 

THE  CEDIPUS  TYRANNUS  OP  SOPHOCLES.    Ed- 

ited,  with  an  Introduction,  Notes,  and  full  explanation  of  the  metres,  by  John 
Williams  White,  Ph.  D.,  Assistant  Professor  of  Greek  in  Harvard  University. 
12mo.    Cloth.    219  pages 1.12 

THE    MEDEA  OP  EURIPIDES.    Edited,  with  Notes  and 

an  Introduction,  by  Frederic  D.  Allen,  Ph.  D.,  Professor  in  the  University  of 
Cincinnati.     12mo.     Cloth.    141  pages 94 

SIDGWICK'S       INTRODUCTION      TO      GREEK 

PROSE  COMPOSITION.    12mo.    Cloth.    280  pages 1.50 

WHITE'S    FIRST   LESSONS    IN    GREEK.    Prepared 

to  accompany  Goodwin's  Greek  Grammar,  and  designed  as  an  Introduction  to 
his  Greek  Reader.     By  John   Williams  White,  Ph  D.,  Assistant  Professor  of 
Greek  in  Harvard  University.     12mo.     Half  morocco.    305  pages       .        .        .1.18 
A  series  of  seventy-five  lessons  with  progressive  Greek-English  and  English-Greek 

exercises.     Followed  by  a  series  of  additional  exercises  on  Forms,  and  complete 

vocabularies. 

WHITON'S  SELECT  ORATIONS  OP  LYSIAS.    Com- 

prising  the  Defence  of  Mantithens,  the  Oration  against  Eratosthenes,  the 
Reply  to  "  The  Overthrow  of  the  Democracy,"  and  the  Areopagitic  Oration 
concerning  the  Sacred  Olive-Trunk.    Edited  by  James  Morris  Whiton,  Ph.  D. 

12mo.    151  pages 94 

The  grammatical  notes  deal  almost  wholly  with  the  syntax,  —  as  befits  a  work  of 
this  grade,  —  and  have  been  prepared  with  a  special  aim  to  elucidate  the  usage  of 
the  verb.  References  are  made,  for  the  most  part,  to  Goodwin's  Greek  Moods  and 
Tenses,  and  Goodwin's  and  Hadley 's  Grammars. 

YONGE'S     ENGLISH-GREEK     LEXICON.      Square 

12mo.    Cloth.    488  pages 2.00 


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